Migration Dynamics in Africa: Expectations and Lived Experiences of Immigrants in South Africa

Abstract

International migration has continued to increase over the years. As people relocate to seek opportunities, their hopes and aspirations for a better life become a driving force. The extent to which their expectations are achieved is not documented in South Africa. This paper examines the expectations versus experiences of international immigrants in South Africa using Cameroonian and Democratic Republic of Congo immigrants residing in Cape Town. A qualitative approach with snowball sampling selected key informants from Cameroonian and Congolese nationalities in Cape Town. Results suggest that most immigrants did not meet their expectations for migrating, due to migration policy limitations of the host country exempting them from opportunities. The results align with both the Capability Approach theory and Lee’s model of migration. Most of the immigrants showed despondency but do not prefer the option of returning to their home country. This is because they have not attained their goals for migration. The paper recommends that policy discussion between the South African government and stakeholders has become imperative to obtain an informed perspective on the dynamics of migration.

Keywords

Cape Town expectations experiences immigrants international migration migration policy

Introduction

The phenomenon of migration is no stranger to Africans, because for so many years millions of Africans have migrated to Europe (Lucas, 2013). According to Black et al. (2006), the number of people migrating from Africa to Europe and North America increased between the period 1995–2001, with an average of 110,000 people leaving Africa every year for Europe or North America, the total increasing from 93,000 in 1995 to almost 140,000 in 2001. This statistic indicates that migration in the African context has grown and will continue to grow given the continent’s socio-economic and political dynamics.

However, Shimeles (2010) posits that the history of migration in the African continent is well known, with about 140 million people of African origin moving out of the continent. This occurs mostly in developing countries, with an estimate of 300,000 African professionals who live and work outside the African continent. According to Lucas (2013), in 2011 alone, the number of Africans born in and living in a country outside their place of origin in the year 2000 was about 20 million and over half of the African immigrants live in another African country. Based on the 2010 World Bank matrix data estimates, out of the 215 million people living outside their countries of origin, 31 million were from Africa (Shimeles, 2010) and the numbers continue to rise.

Dingle and Drake (2007) postulate that the increasing rate of poverty, inadequate healthcare, lack of sufficient education opportunities, unemployment, corruption, political unrest, drought, and bad governance, to name but a few, have forced many people to migrate in search of better opportunities. The previously mentioned narrative constitutes what we refer to as expectations. Bisrat (2014) postulates that after the 1994 democratic dispensation, South Africa experienced a significant shift in its society and many black people were able to freely migrate within different parts of the country in search of quality life. However, migratory patterns were not only limited to South Africans but foreign nationals as well. Migration increased in South Africa when the country was at the height of economic growth, where South Africa’s indigenous labour was not sufficient to meet the growing demand for cheap labour, resulting in the recruitment of labour from neighbouring countries. Currently, South Africa has an entry of both international and cross-border immigrants who migrated to the country for better employment opportunities and education, and in some cases to offer cheap labour (Bisrat, 2014).

It should be noted that people migrate to other countries with the expectation of better living condition, access to employment and economic opportunities. Moreover, some others, after migrating, realize that they had overestimated their destination country, not taking into consideration negative elements that they could encounter (Lee, 1966). Nonetheless, Shea (2009) explains that South Africa’s economic stability and proximity to other African countries makes it an attractive atmosphere for most students, professionals and business people. Most of these immigrants have come with high expectations to take advantage of the opportunities they aspire to and those presented to them by the host country. Actualizing their dreams and goals is something worth investigating. This raises a pertinent question: what are the experiences and expectations of immigrants in South Africa? The objective of the paper is to examine the living experiences of international immigrants in South Africa, encompassing refugees, asylum seekers, professionals, students and entrepreneurs from the Democratic Republic of Congo and Cameroon.

Theoretical framework

Two theories – namely, the Capability Approach (CA) mostly associated with Amartya Sen, an Indian economist and philosopher, and Lee’s model of migration – were used as the theoretical basis for this paper. Both Lee’s model of migration and the CA focus on human mobility and comprise key elements that are linked to this study. The Capability Approach is a broad normative framework for evaluating individual well-being, social change and arrangements in society (Robeyns, 2005). Besides, this framework gives several reasons why an individual could be hindered from attaining desired goals and aspirations. One of the fundamentatal principles of the CA is that people can either achieve freedoms or fail to achieve them because of social, economic and political constraints or opportunities (Sen,1999). For instance, people can be deprived of physical (material) goods, which lowers their standard of living. Sen theorized development as the process of expanding the fundamental freedoms that people enjoy. In his operationalization of this through the concept of human capability, he states that it is the ability for human beings to live life the way they value and to improve the choices they have. Sen argues that in assessing development, it is very important for people to have a good life based on their freedom to live life the way they want to live and not necessarily the wealth of a country or its income growth. Stating that a country might be wealthy but people are not free to live the way they choose to, prevents them from reaching the state of complete happiness (Sen, 1999).

Aspirations, one of the components of the Capability Approach, is defined as people’s deepest hopes and dreams (Hart, 2016). People migrate to other places to make their hopes and dreams become a reality. In line with this study, aspirations are linked to an individual’s choice to migrate and pursue dreams in another country. Conradie and Robeyns, in their contribution to the CA, stated that aspirations drive people to move and when the necessary opportunities are not available for them to explore their goals and ambitions, they feel inferior and unsatisfied (Conradie and Robeyns, 2013). Consequently, they develop new aspirations to align with their circumstances, hence acquiring capabilities. Contextualizing it to this study, which explores migrants’ expectation before migrating and the different mechanisms applied from their unique experiences in the host country, these authors further explain that new aspirations are strongly connected to or influenced by family, surroundings and social value system, cultural and spiritual background. They state that people in advantageous positions have several options that can be explored to gather experiences that will help them realize their aspirations, while those who lack structural opportunities, for instance policies, job opportunities and social services, would never accomplish their aspirations (Conradie and Robeyns, 2013). Hence capability can be related to the removal of obstacles in people’s lives so that they have more freedom to live the kind of life they choose (Benería, 2007). Therefore, immigrants are expected to enjoy the benefits and services in the countries they migrate to and not be restricted by either laws or policies that isolate them from the rest of the population. According to Hogwood and Gunn (1984), the government acting as the agency to effect change plays a vital role in creating an enabling environment. Although many people migrate to a particular country because of the benefits that they predict to achieve, their expectations are hindered by restrictive immigration policies, which are problematic because they discourage the development of human capabilities and limit human freedom (Risse, 2009). The Capability Approach as a theoretical foundation is suitable for this study because it provides a well-formulated basis for human mobility and can also be used to evaluate a wide variety of aspects of people’s well-being (Gasper and Truong, 2010). Most recently, the model has been used in the area of migration because of its diversity and its interest in migrants’ well-being. Thus, we are using this model because it evaluates a wide variety of people’s well-being.

Lee’s theory of migration also provides a foundation suitable for the study because of its core assumption that people’s perceptions are the primary drivers of migration and not so much the actual factors at the origin and destination countries. Before people migrate, they assess the advantages and disadvantages of a given area considering their level of education, personal feelings and accuracy of information about their potential destination (Lee, 1966). Moreover, the theory also claims that some people only realize after migrating that they had overevaluated their destination country by not taking into consideration the negative elements that they could encounter (Lee, 1966). However, this assumption will be suitable to examine the extent to which immigrants rated or overevaluated their expectations in Cape Town. Lee’s (1966) model further states that potential immigrants might move for a certain set of reasons having different expectations and then later digress to something else because of the conditions in the new environment; this differs from person to person depending on the circumstances or the life cycle of immigrants.

Methodology

The qualitative design was the most appropriate for this analysis. This method is suitable for understanding people’s behaviours and perceptions (Hammarberg et al., 2016). It allows the researcher to obtain detailed information on the experiences of immigrants and also presents an opportunity for immigrants to give in-depth information on their expectations and experiences. We used the non-probability sampling to choose the study population and selection was based on availability and the researchers’ judgement. Using a snowball, we were able to identify other participants from respondents who had been previously contacted for the survey through their social networks. Twenty-two (22) participants were chosen from the two countries (11 Cameroonians and 11 Congolese), two (2) from the same fields for both countries and the same goes for the different spheres – for example, two Cameroonian students and two Congolese students, two Cameroonian entrepreneurs and two Congolese entrepreneurs etc., participated in the individual interviews, in total 11 men and 11 women. Twelve (12) other participants, six (6) from each country, participated in the focus group discussion separately organized for Congolese and Cameroonian immigrants. A total of 4 men and 2 women participated in the Cameroonian focus group, while the Congolese focus group comprised 3 men and 3 women. Primary data was collected through face-to-face interviews using semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. Through the semi-structured interviews, the opportunity to have a deeper understanding of the respondents’ experiences, probe and ask follow-up questions was explored. This technique allowed us to gather new and missing variables. Focus group discussions were also used to complement the semi-structured interviews to boost and improve the reliability of the study as it fortifies the accuracy of the themes and concepts that pertain to this study. Focus group discussions with the two groups of six immigrants per group were organized. Leaders of two immigrant organizations were contacted, who then contacted immigrants who were willing to participate in the focus group discussions. Observations were also critical in this study, as this helped us to see the people’s reaction and their different expressions. Respondents were asked questions about their expectations before coming to South Africa as well as their experiences. This was to discover the extent to which their expectations had been met. Through the semi-structured interviews, the researchers were able to gain a deeper understanding of the respondents’ experiences and how they have been affected by the migration policy. The interviews and focus group discussions were between 45–60 minutes long. Specific areas of focus were Bellville, Belhar, Parow, Maitland and Goodwood where immigrants could be easily located. Respondents ranged between 20–60 years. Data analysis was carried out by identifying themes and patterns in data drawn from the study conclusions. Using this technique, we transcribed information collected and classified the data collected into different themes, thus reducing the size of the data into a manageable proportion so that anyone can easily understand the results. Thematic analysis was used to analyse data.

Some ethical issues were taken into consideration in the course of the study. Privacy was respected as respondents’ identities were not disclosed. Information acquired did not take cognizance of the participant’s name or personal identity. Moreover, the researchers did not force people to take part in the study, thus participation was voluntary. Participants were told about the use of a recorder which could only be used after their consent. They were also entitled to leave at any time if they felt uncomfortable. The study was only carried out after the Senate of the University of the Western Cape and the Institute for Social Development gave clearance for the research.

Review of literature: (Immigrants’ expectations versus experiences)

Several authors including Tati (2010) and Van Tonder and Soontiens (2013) argue that most young people travel out of their home countries expecting to pursue studies and find better employment opportunities. Although their actual experiences are different from what they expected, most of them meet their expectations, but this process is where the challenge lies. For instance, students have to undertake some form of work-related research, tutor, work as student assistants, or take on casual jobs, fully aware of the insecurities that come with such jobs, just to support their cost of living while studying, since foreigners are not eligible for formal channels of financial support (Tati, 2010). According to Van Tonder and Soontiens (2013), most students ignore their present work conditions, rather setting their sights on the degree to which they aspire.

Literature from previous studies shows that most students expect to get employment after graduation that increases the possibility of improving their life strategies (Hugo, 2002; Gribble and Blackmore, 2012 cited in Makakala, 2015). Findings from a study on Tanzanian immigrants in the UK indicates that after immigrants finished studying, they remained as skilled migrants and obtained employment after completing their studies. Hawthorne (2008) and cited in Makakala (2015) concludes that because international students have developed acceptable skills, they become portent resources to be used by employers in the host country.

Others come with high qualifications from home expecting decent jobs upon arrival, as with the case of Iranian immigrants in Australia who sought employment but did not meet their expectations of high employment opportunities, especially those who had higher qualifications before migrating. Their unmet expectation led to further uncertainty and stress, which further exposed them to risk of psychological problems and low levels of well-being (Hosseini, 2015). Van Tonder and Soontiens (2013) cite the case of South African immigrants in Australia leaving well-paid jobs back home trusting to get better jobs, but finding the only available jobs were waitresses, streets vendors etc., which was far from their expectations. Besides, some others who expected better salaries due to promises made to them by some employers needed their support for growth and also to access the public security scheme upon arrival, but later realized that the laws protecting foreign labour were unfavorable, thus exposing them to abuse, exploitation and violence. This has led to a large number of immigrants living illegally in their host countries, which not only affects the immigrants themselves but the society as a whole (Alonso, 2011).

Inadequate information from previous immigrants or agents about employment opportunities and options of legal residence in the intended or desired countries resulted in some people ending up in countries other than their initially intended destinations. Hence, they become victims of their circumstances, as the smugglers or traffickers who assisted them with illegal travel arrangements or employment worsen the situation as they look for ways to get rid of them or use them to pay off their trafficking debts by asking these illegal immigrants to work under unbearable conditions in sweatshops, farms and mines or force them into prostitution. Promises of better opportunities and a high level of remittances guaranteed by previous immigrants to new immigrants are not always the case when people migrate to other countries (Stark and Bloom, 1985).

Regardless of the challenges most immigrants face, only a few cases have attracted media attention, such as Kurdish immigrants who travelled to Italy using dangerous boats, Afghani refugees who were found stranded on the coast of Australia, and Chinese immigrants who were smuggled in trucks to the UK. These are only some few cases that have been documented (Boswell and Crisp, 2004). More recently, Syrians travelling in their hundreds using irregular routes to Europe as a way of escaping the political instability in their country are at risk of physical danger, exploitation, abuse, human trafficking, sexual violence, theft and extortion from opportunists (Metcalfe-Hough, 2015).

Conradie and Robeyns (2013) assert that contrary circumstances can cause people to adapt their aspirations as well as develop new ones to align with their circumstances, thereby acquiring capabilities. Nevertheless, to a certain extent migration makes significant contributions to social change and cultural interaction in the countries concerned, leading to different kinds of development both in the home and receiving countries. It specifically presents immigrants with important opportunities to make progress in recognizing their identity in the diaspora and a mechanism to empower them in the host country (Abella, 2013; Alonso, 2011; Gsir, 2014). Through these experiences, immigrants’ have developed coping strategies to become resilient in their host communities. Similarly, Iranian immigrants in Australia from their experiences understood the Australian society and adopted coping strategies to help them easily adapt and integrate into the society (Hosseini, 2015).

The exposure that immigrants receive in host countries and transfer to countries of origin, particularly knowledge transfer in terms of skills and social capital, have moulded them to become important political players in their home countries as they are now involved in political projects contributing to the development of their home countries through monetary and other forms of contributions. Moreover, Gsir (2014), Cervan-Gil (2016) and Alonso (2011) argue that immigrants are carriers of new values, customs, attitudes and social relations which they transfer not only to their host countries but also their home countries through ongoing communication, frequent visits and possible return.

Results and discussion

This section presents results on the experiences/expectations of immigrants in Cape Town and are categorized under the themes: education, employment after graduation, unemployment, xenophobia and discrimination, security and protection.

Education

According to the results, more than half of the sample population wanted to pursue education upon arrival. Findings from this study show that more Cameroonians than Congolese came to South Africa for further studies. Fortunately, most of those who came to pursue studies actually met their expectations. This finding is similar to Tati’s (2010) study of francophone students in South Africa, with most students fulfilling their expectations of attaining education as desired. With this, one can conclude that South Africa’s educational sector has helped in fulfilling the dreams of young people. This aligns with the Capability Approach where the South African government, which is the agency, provides an opportunity for young people to meet their capabilities by helping them develop their human resource, which is an effective tool for development. Therefore, South Africa’s education system creates a favourable environment that attracts foreigners into the country.

Although most of them succeeded to go to school, their actual experiences coping as students were beyond their expectations. This is because of their perception of school life in South Africa. They thought that things would be much easier for them – for instance, getting a job and being able to study and work at the same time. Some who managed to combine work and studies complained of low earnings that were insufficient to fully support them through school, hence making life even more challenging. Consequently, this led to some dropping out of school and others spending longer time studying.

Some respondents complained that since they are not exposed to funding opportunities, they spend more time studying than planned because they have to work to earn money to pay for their tuition. Hence, some have to drop out of school to work and support themselves. This experience is supported by previous research by Tati (2010) and Van Tonder and Soontiens (2013), who attest that students have to do some form of work-related research just to make some money that will support their cost of living while studying, since foreigners are not eligible for formal channels of financial support. According to one respondent:

I really desire to go to school but I am limited I cannot support myself. There is this perception I have that in this country they don’t want foreigners because they are too clever so they do all they can to place a limit on them. If foreigners are given opportunities they will be able to get to the top which is what I think they want to avoid by instituting laws that are unfavourable to them or that will place a limit on them. They do not want us to go forward. (Congolese, Focus Group Discussion, April 2017)

Immigrant students work under such conditions because channels are not open to them to receive bursaries, despite some of them having the necessary qualifications, as well as good results. Lack of financial support constrains some students to find different ways of sponsoring themselves, either through exploitative work conditions or self-employment (Tati, 2010). These results are in conformity with Lee’s model of migration, which states that some people migrate because of over-rating the the positive outcomes and not taking into consideration the negative elements that they could encounter.

Some other participants, particularly from Congo, who came expecting to enrol for a particular discipline were not given the opportunity because only a small percentage of foreigners are allowed to enrol into such courses, so they ended up studying a different subject; nevertheless, they were contented with what they were studying. This finding confirms Tati’s study, which found that some francophone students could not continue with what they wanted to study because some academic institutions in South Africa offer few spaces for foreign students. This confirms with the Capability Approach proposition, which states that policies prevent a person to be free to do or achieve their desired values and goals, as witnessed in this study, where places on medicine and other related courses are limited to foreigners, preventing them from becoming integral agents of change and meeting their capabilities (Sen, 1985).

Digressing to a different subject and spending longer time studying because of financial or other constraints aligns with Lee’s assumption that some people who move to a new destination create an overevaluation of the positive elements of their new destination without taking into consideration negative situations that could arise (Lee, 1966). For instance, foreign nationals did not foresee the challenge of not having sufficient funding opportunities, which has led to some of them dropping out of school and spending more time working, not having enough time to study, coupled with the challenge of documentation. Despite their experiences, a few of them have received bursaries that have helped them to accomplish and even surpass their expectations. One respondent remarked:

I met my expectations and even went beyond. Now I have gained so much exposure. Being a holder of a PhD which I didn’t plan to undergo, though I came to do a particular course that will equip me to go back home and get a better job, I was privileged to get a bursary. This has motivated me now as I’m doing something more than I expected that has given me a lot of opportunities. (Congolese, Interview, March 2017)

Employment after graduation

Educated students are known to be prospective skilled human capital, especially after graduation. Results from this study show that all students or former students expected to get employment after graduation either in their home countries or in South Africa, but most of them wanted employment in South Africa. Some wanted to study for two to three years and pick up a job with the qualifications obtained. This result aligns with Lee’s (1966) model of migration, which states that people’s perceptions are the primary drivers for migration. Immigrants left their home countries with the intention of getting better jobs. However, this expectation for most was not met, because of the challenge of getting employment in the country. Consequently, most of them have to continue studying even though it was not in their plans. According to one migrant:

The immigration conditions continue to change which has slowed things for me. They keep changing the condition for work and resident permits and this makes people become academic refugees because of the state’s requirement for them to have certain conditions to be able to get into the system. Though in the long run, it is to the advantage of foreigners it is challenging because I have other responsibilities, time is passing and one is ageing. (Cameroonian, Interview, March 2017)

This result contradicts findings from a study on Tanzanian immigrants in the UK who, after completing their studies, remained as skilled immigrants and obtained employment. Hawthorne (2008 cited in Makakala, 2015) states that international students have developed into a prioritized potential human capital resource, one that is suitable to most host country employers because they are young, they possess advanced host country language with professional training and other credentials that are highly acceptable.

A majority of respondents attributed their lack of employment to the recent changes in the migration policy which has made things more complicated for them. It is now difficult for them to get into the job market because of the long procedures that come with applying for a work permit and many other related issues. Although the majority of Cameroonian and Congolese respondents came to acquire education, they actually got educated but could not meet their expectations of getting a decent job after having some level of intended qualification:

I then enrolled in UCT in 2010 where I obtained my certificate. I had to go for training but the lecturers will only come and call citizens for training in companies and they will tell us if we like we go back to our countries so it was very difficult to get a job or get training because of the disadvantage of being a foreigner. (Congolese, Focus Group Discussion, April 2017)

Literature from previous studies shows that most students expect to get employment after graduation, which increases their possibility of getting employment (Hugo, 2002; Gribble and Blackmore, 2012 cited in Makakala, 2015). In Cape Town, students’ strong desire to be employed after graduation still does not increase the possibility of getting a decent job, which is different from the case with previous studies. Although most of them did not get employment after graduation as expected, a few met their expectations and found work, which according to them made it easy for them to attain other objectives.

One Congolese respondent had completed studies and after searching for a job on several occasions decided to return to his country, but found out that those who are educated are considered a threat to the government. Therefore, for fear of his life, he decided not to leave South Africa. Despite the challenge of getting a decent job among foreigners after graduation, a few of both Congolese and Cameroonian respondents managed to meet this expectation after completing their studies. The most recent Green Paper on International Migration addresses this issue of unemployment by advising the South African government to look for ways in which it can benefit from foreign graduates’ manpower. The Green Paper proposes that the government should use visas and permits strategically in order to retain international students in South Africa, which is an important opportunity that many countries are exploiting (Green Paper, 2016). The researchers conclude that education is human capital and if well managed, will result in many positive gains not only on the part of immigrants but also the host country.

According to the Capability Approach, expanding human capabilities by creating job opportunities gives foreigners the freedom to realize their migration aspirations, which is central to development. There are two reasons why freedom is vital in development: first, because of the intrinsic importance of human freedoms that directly increases the value and quality of people’s lives, and second, the instrumental value of freedoms that contributes to human and economic progress (De Haas, 2014). In line with our research, the intrinsic freedom for graduates to easily have access to the job market will increase the value and quality of their lives as well as contribute not only to the economic growth of the country but also to their happiness, which is a fundamental tool for development.

De Haas (2014) depicts that according to Sen’s Capability Approach, migration should not only be theorized as an instrumental-functional means to an end to improve people’s ability to live the lives they have reason to value, but as a necessary protecting factor to enhance well-being, such as employment opportunities.

Unemployment

Aside from students seeking employment after graduation, another group of immigrants are those who came for greener pastures, aspiring to get decent jobs that will earn them lots of money. A number of them who had come with some qualifications hoping to get good jobs failed to do so because the reality of the society was different from what they expected. This is similar to the case of Iranian immigrants in Australia, who did not meet their expectations of high employment opportunities, especially those who had higher qualifications before migrating. This reality is in conformity with Lees’s theory on perception. Their unmet expectation led to uncertainty and stress, which further exposed them to risk of psychological problems and low levels of well-being (Hosseini, 2015). In order to deal with the reality of unemployment, most participants resorted to looking for other survival alternatives, for instance self-employment or picking up casual jobs such as cleaning, working in restaurants, security, working as domestic servants, or setting up businesses for themselves.

When I came I could not get a job so I had to cook and sell during winter, walking from place to place. I developed cold because I was waking up early every morning to cook and didn’t even have enough winter clothes to cover myself. I came here to make money so I had to do whatever I could to survive. (Cameroonian, Interview, March 2017).

The previous response aligns with Lee’s (1966) model for migration, which states that potential immigrants might move for a certain set of reasons having different expectations and then later digress to something else because of the conditions in the new environment; this differs from person to person depending on the circumstances or the life cycle of immigrants.

Moreover, a few of them have stayed for more than two years at home without having a job and when they manage to get one, it is not well-paid, so after paying their bills they are left with little or nothing. This was common among Congolese immigrants. Due to the increasing rate of unemployment, coupled with the change in society and the economy, those currently coming into the country are seriously affected, as their means of survival have become complicated. Respondents noted that they have to come up with their own ways of surviving because nobody wants to stay on the streets or turn to drugs, prostitution, etc.

… many people get into drugs and prostitution knowing that they are facing jail but what is it that will push someone to prefer jail – it must be something deep because they are so desperate from my personal experience, most of the young people you find doing prostitution or drugs is out of desperation because you find some of them who have tried to get a job and tried informal trading but it’s not working. So they decide to take a short cut. (Cameroonian, Interview, April 2017).

Similarly, Van Tonder and Soontiens (2013) cite the case of South African immigrants in Australia who had left well-paid jobs back home believing to get better jobs, faced difficulty getting decent jobs and those that were available were waitresses, street vendors etc., which was far from their expectations. In Germany, the case is different even though immigrants are initially less likely to participate in the job market and more likely to be unemployed, but as time progresses and they learn new skills, unemployment reduces (Beyer, 2016). This is not the case with immigrants in Cape Town. Even though most of them are equipped with the necessary skills and experiences, the rate of unemployment is still high. This is because most participants asserted that although they have lived in Cape Town for many years, there is still no hope for employment and they think that here it is ‘survival of the fittest’.

Providing opportunities for immigrants will ease their adjustments and help them meet their objectives as well as contribute to economic growth. Capabilities are the real freedoms that shape people’s destinies, so when capabilities are expanded the freedoms are positive and when people are open to opportunities it will help them have control over their own lives, hence expanding their human capabilities and increasing the quality of their lives (De Haas, 2014). Since most participants left their countries because of unfavourable conditions such as unemployment, coming to South Africa and still facing the challenge of unemployment makes them more vulnerable and exposes them to victimization, thereby affecting their well-being and quality of life.

Other similar studies confirm that unemployment, lack of employment opportunities and underemployment is not peculiar to immigrants in South Africa alone, as per our own findings, but in other parts of the world too. Apart from employment being a source of income, it is very important in the lives of immigrants because, in the long run, it will help them improve their well-being as well as become useful in society. Getting a job in Cape Town is far from what both Cameroonian and Congolese immigrants thought. From their perspective, life in Cape Town is survival of the fittest. Results show that only a few immigrants met their expectations of employment and most of them are not happy with their state of life against their expectations. Although things did not go as expected for most of them, they could still send remittances home to support their families. According to one respondent:

I am now able to support my family back home and I have managed to bring my sister here. Though it has not been easy South Africa is ok, if you are focused and pushfull you will be able to make it here. (Cameroonian, Interview, April 2017)

Xenophobia and discrimination

Although xenophobia is not a new phenomenon among foreigners in South Africa, most immigrants had no predictions about xenophobia before coming, but expected a society characterized by the solidarity lifestyle. This confirms Lee’s (1966) push and pull model of migration, which depicts that some people move to an area of destination, later understand that they may have had greater expectations, creating an excessive evaluation of the positive elements of their new destination and not thinking of the negative elements that they could encounter. Participants had an overevaluation of South Africa, like any other African country, characterized by the solidarity lifestyle, not taking into consideration the negative element of xenophobia.

Foreign nationals in Cape Town are exposed to different forms of xenophobic attacks and discrimination. Participants from both target groups stated that xenophobia is practised almost everywhere: on the train, in the workplace, in school or at residences. Many claimed that they knew nothing about xenophobia before migrating. One respondent cited a case of foreigners not allowed to stay in certain areas because of adverts saying no foreigners allowed. Another migrant noted that her rights were violated and was victimized not only by her landlord, who threw her belongings out, but also by the police, who told her that they cannot do anything to support her because she is a foreigner:

There was a scene when my landlord threw out my belongings on returning home. This is a house I had stayed for four years and paid my rents before the due time. The landlady had given me a short notice that I should move out. But before the due date which was not even the proper duration according to the law, this happened. Being helpless not knowing what to do and who to fight for me I realized I could go to the police whom I believed will make fair judgements. To my amazement, they told me that they can’t do anything to support me because I am a foreigner. That was really shocking to me. I then concluded that in SA as a foreigner you have to fight for yourself because nobody cares about you since they see foreigners as a threat. (Cameroonian, Interview, March 2017)

Others have had different experiences at work where slangs are thrown such as ‘you do not belong here’. (Cameroonian, Interview, March 2017)

This finding is supported by Adjai (2010), who explained that immigrants in South Africa have many negative experiences from police officers. Zvomuya (2013 cited in Schippers, 2015) mentioned that in 1998 four Mozambicans were attacked and killed by police dogs during their training exercise and this incident was recorded by four police officers. There is widespread xenophobia in South Africa as these attacks continue to erupt in townships and informal settlements (Adjai, 2010; Madue, 2015; Monkhe, 2015; Valji, 2003). Frustration among South Africans was highlighted in this study by a few participants as the cause of xenophobic attacks. According to literature, the reasons some South Africans give as the cause for xenophobic attacks is that foreigners are threats to their safety due to the high rates of crime among foreigners and the perception that they have come to steal their jobs and women (Adjai, 2010; Landau et al 2004; Shea, 2009). Adjai (2010) explains that, in reality, immigrants are not stealing jobs but making positive contributions to the economy of South Africa. According to Madue (2015), these attacks are frequent when citizens feel frustrated about the slow pace of service delivery and other related problems.

Xenophobia against foreigners is not only unique to South Africa but also present in other European countries. Strik (2015) notes that in Greece, immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees have faced serious xenophobic attacks including beating, stabbing, attacks on immigrants’ residences, churches, shops and community centres, which has led to increasing criminality and exploitation of this group. Some Cameroonian and Congolese respondents who were students cited instances of segregation and discrimination when scholarships are being advertised and written in bold ‘South Africans only’. They explained that this limits them despite the fact that some of them have the academic qualifications that are required. A few other students have had encounters with their lecturers which made them feel uncomfortable in class and resulted in them leaving certain institutions because they could not cope with the way they were treated. Also, one respondent complained that some foreign students have spent a long time studying because most companies do not offer them the opportunity to undertake internships, which is part of their programme. The respondent further blamed this on policies that restrain companies from recruiting foreign students:

Where I study we have to do two years’ theory and the one-year experimental training part. So when we sit in class these papers pass around and it is written boldly South Africans only. This has really affected us and we find it very challenging to have a place for our internship and with the changes in the migration laws it is said that the South African government is working hand in hand with the companies to recruit only South Africans and the companies don’t want to take chance and so they make sure they go for South Africans only. The law restricts them so you can have like ten companies only two are open for foreigners. I have been looking for a place to do my in-service training but I haven’t gotten a place, this has taken a long time now. (Cameroonian, Interview, March 2017).

Discrimination is faced not only by foreign students but also by other groups of immigrants – for instance, previous studies carried out among Iranian immigrants in Australia highlight that most immigrants have experienced high levels of discrimination mostly in the workplace and particularly in relation to their nationality and religion, exposing them to psychological problems such as trauma and depression (Hosseini, 2015). However, the author further posits that the consequences of this could be damaging to social and personal relationships and trust, as well as leading to social isolation because people live in fear.

Furthermore, xenophobia violates human rights and according to the UN Declaration of Human Rights, this is unacceptable. Ruhs (2010) states that human rights are very relevant to human development, therefore the rights of immigrants should not be infringed either through xenophobia attacks or any other form of violence and discrimination. De Haas (2014) operationalizes this through the concept of human capability and explains that human beings should live life the way they value and improve their choices, not being limited by any form of external factors. Conceptualizing this to this research, external factors here refer to xenophobic attacks, insecurity and discrimination perpetrated by some citizens of the host country, which should be prevented because of their negative impacts on immigrants’ personal development.

Security and protection

In terms of security and protection, most immigrants had a picture of a well-organized society where crime and violence will be insignificant, but their actual experience is the alarming rate of crime and insecurity that they live with. Participants did not take into consideration the negative element of crime and insecurity, which has resulted in many living in fear. This was one of the highlights during the study, as many respondents alleged that the high rate of robbery, killings and insecurity is the reason why most people live in fear. Most of them have been victims of robbery either in their shops, houses or even on the road during the day. In the Congolese focus group discussion, one respondent noted that people are killed indiscriminately, even if they are not at fault, and that robbery is rampant and security is not enough. Many of them attest that they now reside in fear:

Killing someone in South Africa is very common. I live in fear; the level of insecurity in SA has gripped me with so much fear. This is due to the so many stories of how people have been killed and attacked at gunpoint. (Congolese, Interview, April 2017)

Our research confirms previous findings that immigrants are exposed to crime and insecurity, as seen in the case of two Senegalese and one Mozambican who were attacked on a train in 1998, with several other cases of death crime having been reported (Zvomuya, 2013 cited in Schippers, 2015). In addition, Fabricius (2014 cited in Schippers, 2015) stated that over 900 immigrants have been killed because of their identity. Businesses and properties of immigrants were destroyed, instigating widespread violence (Crush, 2014).

Fear of crime and insecurity is a societal problem in South Africa, where even South African citizens themselves have been victims. Previous studies by Holtmann and Domingo-Swarts (2008) and Pretorius (2008) show that South Africa over the last decades has and is still experiencing aggravated crime rates, murder, kidnapping, interpersonal crimes such as rape and domestic violence, which has gripped the hearts of many with fear. According to these authors, South Africans are constantly exposed to crime and violence, either through victimization or extensive media reports. Immigrants’ experience of security and protection was not what they expected because of their perceptions about South Africa, imagining that since the country is an advanced society, security and protection would be more advanced than in their home countries. Many of them are exposed to attacks, some because of where their businesses are located and others because of where they reside. The fact that immigrants live in communities that are located in certain areas makes them more exposed to perpetrators of these acts, since they can be easily identified.

Exposure

All those who expected different forms of exposure in their new destination met their expectations and some few gained beyond their expectations. The first thing most participants acknowledged was that they were exposed to different dynamics of life. Their interactions and experiences with people of different cultures helped them to learn how to successfully live and cope with people and because of this, they attested that they can now live in any society and still cope. This experience is in conformity with the Capability Approach. Some noted that they have gained new skills and knowledge, created new networks, gained travelling and work experiences, as well as made educational advancement:

You are open to meet scholars from all over the world, you attend conferences and meet these marvellous people that you have only been reading about but now you have been given the opportunity to meet with them, discuss with them and equally exchange ideas, hence it demystifies education because I remember when I was still back home for somebody to go to school to become a doctor, it is a process that will take 15–20 years (forever), making education mystified. (Cameroonian, Interview, April 2017)

The previous outcome is similar to the previous study by Hosseini (2015) of Iranian immigrants in Australia, which reported that through the migrants’ experiences they understood the Australian society and adopted coping behaviours to help them easily adapt and integrate into the society. Apart from this, others gained new skills, knowledge and educational advancements, which is a unique resource for them (Hosseini, 2015). Literature supports that through immigrants’ experiences, they have learned new skills in the host countries that have transformed them into important political players and highly represented to take influential positions in both home and host countries (Rohrmoser and Wächter, 2008). Immigrants are now involved in political projects contributing to the development of their home countries through monetary and other forms of contributions (Alonso, 2011; Cervan-Gil, 2016; Gsir 2014; Rohrmoser and Wächter, 2008).

Many respondents stated that career-wise, they have been exposed to a new type of methodology that is unique and when they look at cases or papers written by their peers back home, the standard is low. Some students in the Cape Town study have had the opportunity to travel to different countries and create new networks, while a few workers and students have been exposed to different work dynamics in their jobs. This is similar to Zerman’s study, where international students were exposed to different societies through their direct engagements through work and travel programmes, which most students considered exceptional, perfect, and a great opening for them (Zerman, 2014). This is also consistent with studies of black American students who studied in South Africa. They were taught new ways to conduct research which made research comfortable for them beyond the mechanics of research. Besides, they were engaged in part-time internships and served as research assistants, facilitating learning to other students and giving them an opportunity to explore other things outside the US educational contexts (Tati, 2010). One participant stated:

I think I owe South Africa for receiving me and supporting me in such an amazing way. (Congolese, Interview, April 2017)

Resilience

However, the consequences of the different experiences of immigrants resulted in a positive impact for most of them. A majority of the respondents reported that their experiences made them independent, responsible, resilient, bold, strong and very courageous, patient in life, tolerant and filled with hope for the better. This is illustrated by the following extracts:

I have learned a lot from SA and I am now able to deal with the challenges of life. I can now face anything and get over it and I have learnt to be more patient because I used to be a very arrogant person but the situations of life have made me a calm person. After living in SA for more than 16 years, I have made remarkable progress. (Congolese, Interview, April 2017)

Being in Cameroon I thought I was responsible, here I have developed to take actions and be accountable for them and apply them. There is no mother or father to caution you. Coming here has made me improve my decision-making and made me more responsible. If I get back to Cameroon what I am going to achieve will be more than those who have stayed there and have never travelled because of the knowledge and exposure that I have had. I have learned how to create something from nothing. (Cameroonian, Focus Group Discussion, March 2017)

The challenges in migration can provide opportunities for growth and it is an important developmental process that helps to prevent depression (Hosseini, 2015). From the different experiences that immigrants have encountered, findings show that most of them were not satisfied with their state of life in South Africa. However, the majority of them said their challenging experiences have transformed into positive ones. For instance, through their experiences, they have learned to be independent, courageous, patient, tough and able to come up with diverse survival strategies. This outcome is similar to a previous study by Hosseini (2015) on Iranian immigrants in Australia, who maintained patience in the midst of trouble, developed self-coping strategies and the ability to interact with others positively through their social networking with family and friends that made them more resilient.

Similarly, internationally trained professional women from Iran, Israel and other countries studying in Canada, through their experiences witnessed a loss of their professional identity and social status, thus preventing them from fitting in with the new society. Conversely, this produced a positive effect on them, as they developed confidence in themselves and became independent because they were not exposed to external social networks, hence inspiring them to rely on themselves (Fusova, 2014). Apart from negative experiences translating to resilience among immigrants, a few respondents had some positive experiences and what they achieved was far beyond their expectations – for instance, some students received bursaries that encouraged them to study even further beyond their expectations. Similarly, Samuels (2015) posits that immigrant adults in Cayman Island affirmed that the performance of teachers, use of technology, strength of the currency, as well as the fact that some banks could issue credit cards to immigrant adult learners, permitted them to finance their studies. This has contributed enormously to meeting their objectives and exceeding their expectations.

Conclusion

This article looked at the expectations versus the experiences of immigrants in South Africa. Using a more holistic approach, we targeted different groups of immigrants, including refugees, asylum seekers, professionals, entrepreneurs, students and economic immigrants among the Congolese (Democratic Republic) and Cameroonians residing in Cape Town. The paper organized their expectations around the themes of education, employment after graduation, unemployment, xenophobia and discrimination, security and protection.

Findings show that immigrants had different expectations of residing in South Africa before immigrating and most of them did not meet their expectations relating to their actual experiences. The major finding of this research contradicts several other similar studies: in South Africa, immigrants struggle without meeting their expectations in most instances; in other countries, however, research shows that even though immigrants struggle in the initial stages, as time progresses, they are well integrated into their host societies. Despite the fact that the experience of most immigrants contradicts their expectations, a few of them succeeded. This means that despite the challenges in the host society, an immigrant can still survive, hence, all hope is not lost for future immigrants. Furthermore, immigrants’ experiences activated positive effects on them, as they became resilient, devising other coping strategies. Some were exposed to new adventures in their academic institution, workplace and society at large. It is therefore important for policy makers in South Africa to formulate strategies and mechanisms to support the integration of immigrants.

In summary, the host society should not be entirely blamed for some of the demise that happens to some immigrants. This is because most of them made a choice to migrate to South Africa; thus, fulfilling or not fulfilling their expectations is not the responsibility of someone else. The host society has its own citizens to cater for and provide services for; hence, it should not take full responsibility to make provisions for immigrants who took personal decisions to immigrate.

Footnotes

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Ogujiuba Kanayo

Author biographies

Ogujiuba Kanayo is a faculty member in the School of Development Studies, University of Mpumalanga, South Africa. His focus areas of research are in Macroeconomics, Development Policy and Entrepreneurship. Ogujiuba has published in many peer-reviewed Conference Proceedings and Journal articles in addition to Book chapters.

Patience Anjofui is a doctoral student at the Institute of Development Studies, University of the Western Cape, South Africa. Her focus areas of research are in Developmental Studies. She has published in peer-reviewed Journals.

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