Gender (In)Equality in Ghana: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Akan Proverbs on Masculinity

Introduction

Gender differences have been recognized in most cultures, but the challenge arises when such differences are misinterpreted as gender inequality, especially to the gross disadvantage of females. Gender differences are rooted in what Hussein (2005) refers to as gender ideology, which ‘is a systematic set of cultural beliefs through which a society constructs and wields its gender relations and practices’ (p. 59). Over time, these ideologies are shaped and transmitted through socio-cultural norms. Although social norms are generally unspoken, they offer some form of social standards for what constitutes an appropriate behaviour in interactions among people, thereby influencing domestic violence, gender discrimination and gender-related abuses (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2018).

In this regard, socio-cultural norms could serve as an important avenue for preventing gender inequality. Thus, norms are a double-edged sword that can create an environment that can either foster or mitigate gender inequality. The role of social and cultural norms in shaping gender representation is articulated by Thein (2015) that

. . . cultural norms and related social practices impact men and women throughout their lifespan, from the most deeply personal – the sense of self, body, confidence, love and marriage – to the practical organization and valuing of paid and unpaid work; education opportunities; health status and services; participation in community development and the affairs of the nation. (p. 1)

One dimension of culture where socio-cultural norms of a group of people are manifested is language, and one of the important characteristics of language in Africa is the use of proverbs. Within the context of gender inequality, proverbs are important because they are used to portray the expectations of society about the roles and responsibilities of males and females.

In African societies, proverbs are generally considered to be a genre of oral tradition that enjoys a special prestige of being the repository of people’s collective wisdom, philosophy of life, experiences, fears and aspirations (Orwenjo, 2009). Related to this, Finnegan (1970) argues that ‘in many African cultures, a feeling for language, for imagery, and for the expression of abstract ideas through compressed and allusive phraseology comes out particularly clearly in proverbs’ (p. 390). The African conception of proverbs is expressed in the following literal translation of an Igbo proverb (spoken in Nigeria): ‘proverbs are the palm oil with which words are eaten’. The Zulus of South Africa also have a proverb that translates as follows: ‘without them [proverbs], language would be but a skeleton without flesh, a body without a soul’. All these point to the fact that people use proverbs in Africa and other parts of the world to increase clarity and the semantic effect of the message they intend to convey. In addition, proverbs are used to express ideas that otherwise would have been difficult to say using ordinary language. As Ssetuba (2002) puts it, in Africa, ‘the proverb is regarded as a noble genre of African oral tradition that enjoys the prestige of a custodian of a people’s wisdom and philosophy of life’ (p. 1).

Scholars of African studies, particularly those who focus on the nature and scope of African proverbs, have identified some of the nuanced nature of proverbs in terms of how they re-inscribe social roles and for that matter, how society gets structured on various levels (Aku-Sika, 2016). Thus, proverbs have been used to reveal and maintain gendered representation of African people’s understanding of masculinity and femininity (Hussein, 2009; Kiyimba, 2010; Ogunwale, 1998). In this regard, there are mixed conclusions on the role of proverbs in creating and revealing gender superiority or inferiority within African societies. Some scholars are of the view that proverbs have been used to relegate women to a secondary position. For instance, in a study of proverbs in three African countries (Kenya, Sudan and Ethiopia), Hussein (2009) revealed how Africans have evidently put in place structures that subdue women by institutionalizing and internalizing the secondary position of females in such societies.

However, there are other scholars who believe that proverbs rather reveal how patriarchal societies put males at greater disadvantage compared to females. For example, Chinweizu (1990), in his work, The Anatomy of Female Power, illustrates how societal constructs that are erroneously thought to portray unfair representation of women in African societies, rather inadvertently make males more vulnerable. In addition, Ogunwale (1998) questioned the notion of sexism in African proverbs, by indicating that most Yoruba proverbs implicitly put males at a disadvantage. More specifically, Kiyimba (2010: 49) notes that

Although the notions of masculinity that emerge from folktales and proverbs promote male dominance, they also pose enormous challenges for the male members of society. (p. 49)

In Ghana, many scholars have investigated proverbs and the construction of gender identities in various ethnic groups such as Ewe (Agbemabiese, 2016 as cited by Aku-Sika, 2016; Asimeng-Boahene, 2013), Kasen (Yitah, 2006) and Akan (Asimeng-Boahene, 2009; Diabah and Amfo, 2015, 2018; Gyan et al., 2020). However, most of these studies focus generally on how women are represented in proverbs, touching loosely on how these proverbs related to gender inequality (see Asimeng-Boahene, 2009; Diabah, 2011; Diabah and Amfo, 2015; Gyan et al., 2020). For example, Asimeng-Boahene (2009) examined the representation of women in Akan proverbs from a sociological perspective, while Gyan et al. (2020) and Diabah and Amfo (2015) analysed women’s representation in Akan proverbs from the perspective of linguistic analysis. In addition, most studies on gender inequality (such as Diabah and Amfo, 2015; Gyan et al, 2020) overly focus on how proverbs reveal subjugation or denigration of females. To the best of our knowledge, ours is the second study exploring how Akan proverbs reveal societal expectations of males. The first was by Diabah and Amfo (2018) who explored a similar theme, but from broader perspectives on how men are represented in Akan proverbs, cutting across eight (8) subthemes while ours explores three (3) main themes on how such representation of males reflects gender inequality among the Akan.

What sets this paper out is its specific focus on how Akan’s representation of males through proverbs put males under undue societal pressure to live up to such expectations (Hussein, 2005), thereby risking their lives, especially when males already lack, or have inadequate social and cultural space to express their socio-culturally constructed ordeals. For example, men are expected to demonstrate courage and bravery (Fiaveh et al., 2015) even if they do not have the physical and psychological power to endure difficult challenges. In addition, men do not have the social space to complain when they suffer domestic violence from their spouses or other females, because they are expected to be the prey rather than the victim. Therefore, this study will improve our understanding of gendered discourse and highlight the interplay of language, ideology and social processes or structures among the Akan of Ghana.

Gender roles and the construction of femininity and masculinity

Gender is generally seen as the socially and culturally-constructed differences that exist between women and men or boys and girls within households, communities or societies. These differences are conceptualized by both women and men, and their interdependent relationships may change over time as reflected in the rights, responsibilities, access to resources, as well as opportunities and needs (Ridgeway and Correll, 2004). Therefore, gender is a concept which is socially defined and differs among countries and cultures. This means that gender is not fixed and can be changed over time (UBOS, 2013).

Gender has frequently been understood from a structural and/or institutional perspective (Martin, 2004; Ridgeway, 2011; Ridgeway and Correll, 2004), where it is generally conceptualized as a set of arrangements that generally favour men to the disadvantage of women (McCall, 2001). Nonetheless, in this study, gender is defined as a social construct that does not necessary favour males or females but how the roles are assigned to people based on their sexes (Ridgeway, 2011).

In relation to gender roles, several models have been developed by scholars to aid the construction of masculinity and femininity. These include the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI), Hoffman Gender Scale (HGS) and the Sex-Typed Model. However, this study draws on the Sex-Type Model because of its emphasis on how both males and females acquire their respective masculine or feminine identities in realizing their self-concepts (Hoffman, 2006; Hoffman et al., 2005; Marsh and Byrne, 1993). That is, according to the model, masculinity and femininity pertaining to the male and female genders are not constructed exclusive of each other but rather in relation to each other, making their relations a dualistic one (Hoffman, 2006; Hoffman et al., 2005). However, its dualistic nature tends to promote a hierarchy that brands one gender as being superior to the other (Paechter, 2006). This results in unequal gender relations which affects the conceptualization for both women and men. Thus, masculinity and femininity do not have the same value placed on them (Stet and Burke, 2000) and that most cultures place a higher value on one than the other. These values reinforce the level of pressure society places on men and women (Hoffman et al., 2005), thereby making the Sex-type model more relevant to our study.

Like gender, femininity and masculinity are socially and culturally constructed, hence there may be differences as to what is masculine in one culture compared with another culture (Kimmel, 2000a). This definition binds ‘femaleness’ as synonymous with femininity and ‘maleness’ to masculinity (Hoffman et al., 2005). In other words, masculinity and femininity are labels attached to one being a female or a male. These labels reinforce notions and expected behaviour from society. Thus, there are specific actions (doings/characteristics) that are labelled and socially recognized as ‘masculine’ and others as ‘feminine’. Kimmel (2000b) observes further that even qualities and emotions such as nurturing, ambitions, competence and tenderness are labelled by societies as masculine or feminine. Many researchers including Richardson et al. (1985), maintain that both masculine and feminine traits are measured by one’s ability to exhibit these specific characteristics. For instance, it is assumed that one is masculine by his assertiveness, dominance and instrumentality while the feminine should be of nurturance, empathy and interpersonal orientation.

The label of masculinity and femininity of a male or female has led to the stereotyping of specific genders. Gender stereotypes are beliefs and attitudes about masculinity and femininity. In theory, gender stereotype pushes for men to be masculine than women to be feminine (Kachel et al., 2016). While gender roles outline expected behaviours of both genders, gender stereotyping promotes conceptualization and misconceptions about being masculine or feminine. The result of these stereotypical notions has its own implications on gender. Therefore, the quest to ‘fit into’ what society expects from men and women determines, in the end, how masculine a male is or how feminine a female is. The traditional stereotypical definitions of what is feminine or masculine have both a connection with the male and female sex and how society expects them to behave or act and even do or avoid (Ellemers, 2018; Hoffman and Hurst, 1990). Regardless of these stereotypes, masculinity and femininity also define areas where both males and females have influence over the other in the quest to be feminine or masculine (Hoffman et al., 2000).

In the Ghanaian traditional set up, for instance, boys are socialized to recognize that being masculine is actually imbued with power that affords them control over anything feminine (Adomako Ampofo and Boateng, 2007; Anyan and Hjemdal, 2018). Certain rites performed in Ghana at specific age ranges indicate one’s arrival at being ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’. Masculinity and femininity are labels that one would have to learn at a certain age and through some initiation rites. To be successfully masculine, one would have to learn to speak in particular ways, occupy a certain station in society and avoid some specific topics in society (Ratele, 2008). Virtues such as bravery and courage are considered masculine while good housekeeping and good cooking are attributed to femininity in the Ghanaian traditional set up (Fiaveh et al., 2015). If one does not exhibit virtues expected of his or her gender, he or she is ridiculed or loses recognition in society (Adomako Ampofo and Boateng, 2011). In a survey conducted by Fiaveh et al. (2015) on the construction of masculinity and femininity and sexual risk negotiation practices, Ghanaian women labelled physical characteristics, reproductive abilities and the notion of responsibility as masculine. This, therefore, presents a good opportunity for a study like ours to explore how such construction of masculinity places males in a risky social situation.

Proverbs as communicative tool

Masculinity and femininity are communicated through several means. One such means of communication is through proverbs. Proverbs are sometimes used in daily discourse to affirm one’s masculinity or femininity (Adomako Ampofo and Boateng, 2011). In the analysis of proverbs and gender differences, it is necessary to carefully look at the dynamic relationship between men and women and address oral literature from a gendered social construction viewpoint (Nibafasha, 2014).

According to Bryant (1945: 3), the word ‘proverb’ comes from a Latin word, proverbium (pro = for and verbum = word), implying that the proverb is what is used instead of the plain word. The author further argues that from the time of Aristotle, proverbs have been depicted as remnant ‘wrecks and ruins of ancient philosophy by reason of their consciousness and cleverness’ (Bryant, 1945: 4). This assertion is corroborated by Quitting (1935), who describes proverbs as ‘a short saying of a philosophical nature, of great antiquity, the product of the masses rather than of the class, constantly applicable, and appealing because it bears a semblance of universal truth’ (p. 278). Yankah (1989) also argues that in several African societies, there is no one-to-one correlation between the Indigenous word and its English counterpart. For example, a word like εbε in Akan, which means proverb, does not refer to short, concise, oft-quoted expressions only; it may also refer to ‘illustrative anecdote, parables, or a series of utterances from which a moral lesson could be drawn’ (Yankah, 1989: 327).

To understand the meaning of a proverb, the addressee must pay attention to the context and circumstances of use, because, in isolation, proverbs do not have a single meaning (Orwenjo, 2009). According to Kemper (1980), there are two ways to understand the meaning of proverbs: (1) by inference from the literal meaning of the proverb or (2) with the aid of contextually-based expectations that make it unnecessary to establish their literal meaning. In sum, proverbs provide strategies for dealing with a variety of communicative situations (Obeng, 1994).

Akan as a people

Akan culture is the most dominant in the present-day Ghana, and a significant aspect of their socio-political system. It revolves around a well-regulated constitutional system of government of which representation of the people is the essence. The Akan have a high level of social and ethnic identity, which is portrayed in the way they speak fondly of their group with pride (Kissi, 2017).

Linguistically, the Akan are of the Kwa sub-group which forms part of the Niger-Congo language family in West Africa. Akan as a language is spoken mainly in the Middle and Southern part of Ghana and also in the Central and Eastern parts of Cote d’Ivoire (Wilks, 1982). Currently, Akan is spoken as a native language in 9 out of the 16 regions in Ghana, namely Ashanti, Eastern, Western, Western North, Central, Bono, Bono East, Ahafo and Oti regions. The Ghana Statistical Service (2013) asserts that 47.5% of the Ghanaian population is Akan while another 44% speak the Akan language as non-native speakers. In the view of Agyekum (2006), the Akan language is made up of many different dialects, which are mutually comprehensible, including Akuapem, Akwamu, Asante, Akyem, Fante, Kwahu, Bono, Agona, Assin, Denkyira, Twifo, Wassa and Buem.

We focused on the Akan society because it is arguably one of the most progressive in Ghana when it comes to the issue of female empowerment. Thus, among the Akan, the matrilineal system of inheritance presents women with strong social and political power in terms of access to land, property and kinship (Gray and Kevane, 1999). For example, in marriage, the woman has possession of children, requiring the woman to buy a sheep (known as Badu Dwan) to thank the man if she gives birth to the 10th child. While there are many explanations for women’s ‘ownership’ of the children among the Akan, most people speculate that this emerged out of mistrust for the woman; that she is the only one who knows the true father of her children. As a result, we see more children (male or female) having greater attachment and responsibility towards their mothers than their fathers. In addition, the queen mother (ohemaa) is the de jure king maker, and can remove him (the king) from power. That is, no chief can be installed without the expressed approval of the queen mother. Moreover, old women (rather than old men) are considered the custodians of wisdom, reflecting the popular Akan idiom of ‘going to consult the old woman’, whenever there is a critical or complex decision to be made. These characteristics of the Akan present an interesting context for examining gender (in)equality in Ghana.

Methodology

The study was purely qualitative in design, and adopted the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) in the analytical approach to the proverbs. Although the Akan comprise so many subgroups, for the purpose of this study, we focused on Asante Twi and Fante languages because they are the widely spoken Akan dialects in Ghana (Kissi, 2017). Principally, the proverbs for this study were collected from both published and unpublished sources. Appiah et al.’s (2007) extensive collection of 7015 Akan proverbs: Bu me bε: Proverbs of the Akans, was the main published material for this study while oral sources, through interactions with language experts and consultants, constituted the main unpublished materials. Conscious efforts were made to extract proverbs that explicitly mentioned ɔbarima/mmarima, which means male(s), as well as their English cognate forms father/fathers, gentleman/gentlemen, boy/boys. Although the study focused on proverbs that mentioned males, we also selected proverbs that were related to males, even if they explicitly mentioned females. That is, we also selected proverbs that did not mention males but rather contained societal expectations of males to provide for or protect females. However, we excluded proverbs which mentioned ɔbarima/mmarima and their English cognate forms which did not implicitly or explicitly contain societal expectations of males in relation to females. Our initial compilation gave 30 proverbs and 5 themes based on the various contexts within which the proverbs could be used. However, after subjecting the proverbs to further scrutiny, we arrived at 12 proverbs under 3 themes (namely, men as protectors, men as providers and men as resilient/brave/strong) to reflect the focus of the study. Six of the proverbs were selected from Appiah et al.’s (2007) book while the remaining six were gathered from oral sources.

In addition to the secondary data from the published works, one traditional leader who doubles as an academic, with a specialization in Ghanaian Language – specifically Fante – at the University of Cape Coast, and a renowned Akan Linguistic scholar in the University of Ghana were consulted to offer further contexts in connection with the extracted proverbs. In addition, three of the authors (one of them an Akan Linguistic scholar), who are native Akan and had lived with chiefs and other traditional rulers for well over 20 years, applied their cultural and native-speaker competence in interpreting the proverbs. After careful deliberations, in consultation with the two renowned language consultants, it became clear that the detailed interpretations needed for these proverbs had been obtained, and therefore, represented a theoretical saturation (Glaser and Strauss, 2009).

As Hussein (2005) has demonstrated, in order to reasonably interpret a proverb, one needs to take into account the historical and cultural contexts within which it is structured, because a single Akan proverb can have divergent meanings depending on the circumstance under which it is used. For example, a proverb which may generally be applied to represent inferiority of females, may also potentially lead males to pronounced risk (Hussein, 2005). Therefore, following the approach by Hussein (2005), the research team, with their knowledge of the contextual and socio-cultural understanding of each proverb thematized and interpreted the proverbs to reveal how the proverbs promote gender equality or inequality. The thematization of the proverbs was done according to their general propositional content, based on their most obvious superficial meanings, without necessarily fixing each proverb into a single meaning. This was done also because Wodak (2009: 20), working within a CDA framework, has stated that ‘all discourses are historical and can therefore be understood with reference to their context’. After the thematization, CDA was adopted to analyse the proverbs within their socio-cultural contexts, specifically the application of Fairclough’s (1989) discourse as social practice. CDA was selected as the analytical tool because Kazemian and Hashemi (2014) have indicated that CDA examines how dominance and social inequality are created, sustained and repeated in the discourse of written texts and spoken words. Therefore, employing the CDA to analyse the proverbs provided us with a broad view on the possible methodological approaches that are available to be used in the course of the study (Amoussou and Allagbe, 2018).

Results and discussion

The proverbs analysed in this paper reveal three main recurring themes that represent the Akan’s conceptualization of masculinity (who a man should be). While there are many themes and proverbs that could be used, we focused on only those that are considered more relevant to the discussion (themes and proverbs that generally put men under pronounced risks).

Men as protectors

Akan proverbs are installed with a definition of the role and place of both men and women in society. One of such roles assigned to men is protection. To assume this role gracefully, men are first convinced into seeing themselves as the most powerful in society, and as superior to women and for that matter, the need to protect their subordinates. To the Akan, men are assumed to be stronger, more intelligent and possess leadership traits and the competence to provide security, sustenance and livelihood for themselves and women (Gyan, 2018). Due to this assumption, the socialization of men is consciously structured to help them adopt all these qualities, even if their physical and emotional capabilities do not allow them. On the flip side, women are socialized to, among other roles, accept their male counterparts as wiser and possessing the natural capabilities to lead (Gyan et al., 2020). For this reason, boys grow up accruing more power than women.

In this regard, men’s socio-cultural role as protectors must be exhibited in all spheres of life, such as their family, marital home and the society at large. Right from childhood, men are socialized to protect their female and younger siblings. This implies fighting for their own rights and that of others (their female and younger siblings). In the event where someone attempts to bully the female or younger siblings of a boy, it is expected of the boy to fight for and prevent the bully from oppressing them. The male members of Akan homes are also assigned roles likened to that of a security personnel. It is, for example, an assigned chore for men and boys to ensure security in the home. This includes ensuring that all doors are properly locked before they retired to bed. Again, when thieves invade the home, men are the ones to face the challenge of warding them off. The proverb in (1) confirms that men are to offer protection and security to their female family members:

In the literal sense, this proverb portrays that, among the Akan, a woman who has no man behind her (be it a brother, father or husband, or even male friend) can easily be beaten, harassed or intimidated without retaliation. Even though this proverb literally seeks to identify women or females in general as weak, and therefore needing protection, it implicitly and tacitly expects men to protect women, even if they (men) do not have the physical, emotional and psychological ability to do so. Thus, though this proverb may generally be applied to represent inferiority of females, it may also potentially lead males to pronounced risk (Hussein, 2005; Kiyimba, 2010).

Related to proverb (1) are proverbs (2) and (3), which extend men’s responsibility of protection to the wife and her property. In marriages, men are supposed to take up the protector role, where they protect women from physical danger as well as the properties women accrue:

The protection men have to offer in marriages is represented in (2) through the metaphor of a fence. As the fence protects a garden from destruction, men are supposed to care for and protect their wives from danger. In (3), men are presented as the ones who take charge or control the possessions of women. By extension, this proverb implies that, first and foremost, it is weird for a woman to own a gun, and second, that women are incapable of operating and thus taking proper care of the gun. This interpretation is inferred from the Akan’s perception of the gun as a very powerful and thus a dangerous weapon. Thus, it will require men, who are considered to be bold to cork a gun which symbolizes their ability to face any dire situation. This is generally interpreted as a woman being subservient to man, no matter how much wealth or property she acquires, and that the possessions of a married woman should be taken care of and controlled by the man (Diabah & Amfo, 2018). However, the power to own property is different from the power to protect the property. This is because the same proverb can be interpreted to also mean that a woman can acquire property independent of a man, but it takes a man who has a room to accommodate the property of the woman. Moreover, in marriage, the Akan have it that the man is responsible for all the liabilities of the wife, and not her assets (property), as reflected in the proverb: sɛ Ɔbaa nya adeɛ a, Ɔde ko ne fie, na sɛ ƆbƆ ka a, nekunu na ɛtua; to wit, if a married woman acquires any asset or property, she takes it to her family but if she incurs any debt, it should be paid by the husband. By implication, men are therefore required to take responsibility (have room) for the actions and inactions of women, be they good or bad. This gives expression to the assertion of Asimeng-Boahene (2013) that women are ‘the mother[s] of life, and to kill the woman is to kill children’ (p. 129). Thus, the man is expected to protect the woman and her children even though the children customarily belong to the woman and her family.

In all, while the men as protector role projects men as superior to women, it may end up putting undue pressure on them (Adomako Ampofo and Boateng, 2007; Anyan and Hjemdal, 2018; Hussein, 2005; Kiyimba, 2010). In the first place, to be a protector does not equate to masculinity. There are men who, although have the physical masculine stature, may lack the psychological and emotional strength to protect others. However, because society has assigned them this role and refusing to assume this role will compromise their position as the most powerful in society, they unwillingly accept their ordeal. Eventually, some men may end up risking their life while executing this role.

Men as providers

Like the protector role, men are expected to assume the provider role in multiple contexts. Principal among the contexts where men are seen as providers is the extended family and in marriages. What men are to provide for women is also clearly defined in proverbs. In the first place, it is inappropriate in Akan communities for a man to be financially dependent on a woman; rather, a man must work hard and take care of the female members of the family. Women are, therefore, portrayed in proverbs as financial liabilities to men. Beyond the financial support, men must also offer women psychological support.

Some proverbs suggest that men are the rightful owners and controllers of resources. As Cummins (2019) notes, the most powerful individuals on the dominance hierarchy of society control the behaviour of subordinates in order to maintain priority of access to competitive resources (such as food); and this is not an alien practice among the Akan. As controllers of resources, it comes with a little surprise that men have to give a share of these resources to women and other perceived lower ranked members of society. The irony, however, is that not all men have the opportunity to control societal resources. Thus, not all men get access to resources lest to control them. This sense of authority and hence, controllers of resources is created in Akan proverbs such as in (4) and (5):

Women and men have roles to play to ensure the success of their marriages. Among other roles, husbands are in charge of providing for the family. The concept of the male breadwinner is a significant aspect of all Akan marriages (4). The responsibility of men to take care of the physical needs of women is highlighted in (5). If a married woman does not appear good in terms of her physique and dressing, it implies that her husband is not playing his ‘provider’ role properly. In some cases, the woman’s family and even members of the community can question the man for the wife’s bad looks. In order to provide for the family and the physical needs of their wives, some men may work more than their bodies can tolerate, which can pose risk to their health and wellbeing. The provider role may also put (financially unstable) men under undesirable social pressure. Although some scholars (e.g. Diabah and Amfo, 2015; Gyan et al., 2020) have interpreted proverbs (4) and (5) as representing females as inferior to males, the implicit twist to these proverbs is that they reveal society’s expectations of males in providing for females, even if they (males) do not have the physical and economic resources to do so.

Proverb (6) places the burden of decision-making on men as the head of the family. Women literally depend on men for anything needed in the house:

In Akan marital homes, men are the ones who take most important and difficult decisions for the family. These include deciding what food the family will take, planning for the life of their wives and children, among others. These are expectations that emerged out of the agrarian society where men were expected to leverage their physical strength to secure food and shelter for weaker ones (mostly women and children) in the households (Harari, 2014). Over time, men accessed and controlled the most productive resources within human societies (Harari, 2014), which were consolidated and transferred to generations through oral tools such as proverbs (see Diabah and Amfo, 2015). In effect, a man without these qualities is still expected to exhibit them, making it difficult for some men to cope (Ratele, 2008). This challenge of masculinity is aptly captured by Adomako Ampofo and Boateng (2011) who note that in such circumstance, ‘men feel compelled to “provide” for their families and experience their masculinity as threatened if they are unable to fulfil this role’ (p, 47). Men are also expected to take responsibility for the decision they make in the home and the communities in which they live.

Men as resilient/brave/strong

Cultural constructions of masculinity and femininity in contemporary Ghanaian culture, according to Adinkrah (2012: 475), involve a belief in fundamental biological differences between male and female human existence, as well as associated behavioural prescriptions. As a result, men are expected to be hardworking, while women are expected to be caring and nurturing. Moreover, it is frowned upon when a man displays female-like behavioural characteristics and vice versa. Ghanaian cultures often have several patriarchal characteristics. That is, men have a dominant social status in most social spheres, and women are required to accede to men (Adinkrah, 2012). In traditional Ghanaian societies, men are often seen as stronger, more intelligent and possessing leadership qualities as well as the ability to provide stability, sustenance and livelihood (Adinkrah, 2012; Diabah and Amfo, 2015, 2018; Gyan, 2018). As a result, several Akan proverbs depict men as courageous and capable of coping with tough circumstances, and are even expected to die in such stance in order to prove their masculinity (Adinkrah, 2012; Asimeng-Boahene, 2013; Diabah and Amfo, 2015, 2018). Below are some examples of such proverbs:

This proverb exemplifies courage as one of Akan’s key masculine values. That is, if a man takes a decision, he is supposed to stick to it and not easily change his mind. Similarly, a man is the head of the family; therefore, he makes the important and difficult decisions in the family and is not supposed to back down. This proverb can also be related to another Akan proverb, which says, ‘Ɔbarima ne deε woako akᴐ n’anim, εnyε deε a woako adwane’ to wit ‘A man is the one who fights till the end of the battle, not the one who flees’. This refers to a man’s ability to face what lies ahead, rather than running away from impending issues and challenges. In essence, this proverb can negatively affect men because they often may wish to reverse certain decisions or alter certain utterances, but because of such a tag of bravery, even if they decide to, they are obliged not to do so. For example, if there is a very difficult task to complete, a man will decide to do it and not complain because he has agreed to it; however, he may be struggling and may want to quit, but as a true man, he must complete the task regardless of how difficult it is for him:

Literally, proverb (8) suggests that whenever there is a war to be fought (or any difficult situation arises), a man should automatically take up the challenge, without being told to do so. Thus, in Akan society, a man is not told of his responsibility, instead, the society believes he already knows. By extension, a man should always be ready to take up a challenge as and when the need arises. This means that a man must know how, where and when to act decisively, in order to avoid embarrassment to himself and his family. This is also reflective in a similar proverb: ‘yεre ka(n) mmarima a, wose Aboagye hyε mpa ase’, to wit, ‘when men are being counted, the one who has gone into hiding should never be counted’.

As can be seen from proverbs (9) to (12), bravery as an attribute of a real man is expressed differently in several proverbs, reflecting the prominence of this attribute:

Literally, proverb (9) portrays a man as having the ability to persevere in a difficult circumstance, which is equated to taking a bitter medicine. Taking bitter medicine, in this case, means that no matter how unpleasant or painful a situation is, a man must persevere to demonstrate his masculinity. In the same way, if a challenging task is assigned, the man is expected to complete it because he is regarded as a strong individual capable of overcoming any challenge (Diabah and Amfo, 2018). This also means that if anything bothers him, he must stay quiet and absorb it rather than complaining about it. This proverb may hurt some men because it is not everything that a man can overcome or deal with, and he may need assistance sometimes, but because society expects him to be a man, the assumption is that no matter what, he should be in the position to face any challenges. For example, in marriage, when a man has been severely beaten or harmed by his wife, or even if his wife has abandoned him, and he wishes to do the same to her, he is stopped and told to restrain himself, even though it may be causing him much pain.

In proverb (10), a man is portrayed as someone who is courageous in the face of adversity, including death. Essentially, every person appears to be terrified of death, but given man’s perceived bravery, society believes he should not be. Here, any challenging job or unpleasant condition is expressed by death. In essence, a man is expected or ‘compelled’ to face any tough task without complaining, because if he does, he is considered a coward or weak. In reality, this proverb may affect men because the difficult task may hurt them, make them sick but society expects him to perform the task because of his perceived bravery.

Proverb (11) shows that men should be able to endure pain without displaying it for all to see. Women, particularly, in the Akan society, are the ones who weep to express their emotions. Men, however, are not expected to weep because weeping is considered as a mark of weakness. Meanwhile, research has shown that crying (or weeping) is expected to bring long-term health benefits (Vingerhoets and Bylsma, 2007), and if someone (mostly a woman) is in pain, she or he is encouraged to cry out to be relieved of the discomfort. Therefore, in this situation, if a man is prevented from crying out, he may be affected psychologically, which may lead to sickness and, in the worst-case scenario, death.

Proverb (12) means that a man is responsible for his action and inactions, so if he has a problem, he should not carry it home to his family or should he expect support from anyone; instead, he should be able to fight his own battles and deal with his problems, whether they come from his family or himself.

The foregoing findings reveal that men are expected to be protectors, providers, brave, resilient, less emotional and that any behaviour contrary to these is a sign of weakness. Perhaps, some of these proverbs and the subsequent societal expectations of males explain why, in most societies, the life expectancy is lower for men than women (Regan and Partridge, 2013).

Conclusion

The study has shown that gender stereotyping does not only benefit males and hurt females; it also benefits females and hurts males as well. Thus, while some proverbs are literally interpreted as representing males as superior, such proverbs reveal enormous societal expectations of men which may put them in dire and risky situations. These expectations have the potential of influencing and regulating men’s behaviour as they either conform to these expectations or face being treated as weak. This can be very challenging for males, particularly those who, by their physical and emotional make up, cannot live up to these expectations. Thus, such circumstances draw undue and unfair treatment to men who do not fit that stereotype.

The significance of this paper can be described at different levels. At the national, regional and district levels, our study is invaluable for policy makers and general stakeholders in language and culture, by providing them with a balanced analysis of how gender (in)equality is revealed within proverbs. Thus, it provides a new approach in addressing gender inequality as a canker in the Ghanaian society. At the individual level, this paper will help shape people’s understanding of different ways through which proverbs affect gender inequality and help change their attitudes through the types of proverbs they use in their daily use of language. The paper also holds great promise for research purposes by opening a new avenue for further research into how proverbs in other languages reveal gender (in)equality among other ethnic groups in Ghana.

However, like every scientific endeavour, this paper has some limitations. First, Akan is a broad linguistic group, with slight variations in the way some of these proverbs may be interpreted. Our study used only the Asanti Twi and Fante dialects as the basis for interpreting these proverbs. Therefore, future studies should include other subgroups of the Akan to evaluate if interpretations of these proverbs would differ. Second, it would have been more appropriate to interview some men to ascertain how these proverbs affect their lives in contemporary Akan society. Notwithstanding these limitations, the study has enhanced our understanding of gendered discourses around masculinity in a traditional Akan society of Ghana.