Gendered Taboos as an Impediment to African Women’s Leadership: A Decolonial View

Abstract

Human beings come from various backgrounds shaped by their norms, culture, belief systems, age, social orientation and their language. In addition to all these human beings, the common denominator is that they are different in terms of their parity and equality. This difference of human beings in the world has their own knowledge and cultural practices towards contribution of knowledge. Transformation of leadership which is imperative during the decolonialisation projects demands among other things more information about African traditional leadership. The realisation and existence of such leadership cannot be imagined without the indigenous knowledge which was and is still rich with ingredients of growing and leading African people to the right direction. Our South African context demands that women must also be uplifted to leadership roles in society and the workplace, but this usually collides with different African beliefs that still put women secondary to men, for instance, the issue of taboos which mainly promote the subjection of women. For the sake of this research, the focus is on those taboos which portray women as inferior to men in the society. Two cultures were selected for this purpose, Xitsonga and IsiZulu.

Keywords

African taboos human rights indigenous knowledge oppression inequality amaZulu Vatsonga

Introduction

The Ngugi wa Thiong’o (1986) seminal work, titled ‘Decolonizing the mind’, argues that it is time that African people’s knowledge systems should be brought into cultural domination which was taken away by western ways of knowledge in decolonising the African mind more than 400 years ago. For all those years, the African man was simply a follower of colonisers of white monopoly, which was dominated by colonisation while the native’s own ways of leadership were relegated to mere superstition. The authors of this article think that indigenous knowledge must uncompromisingly be allowed to play its part in regulating and directing African people’s lives from all angles without fear, favour or prejudice. The dearth of African leadership, which is often used as a mockery by western epistemologies, demands that as academics and writers, we begin to seek those oral traditions that were assisting our own leadership as we forge our ways of leading moving forward. African people always had their own ways of regulating life as well as ensuring that moral life is respected and dignified.

This introduces a decolonial view in the reader to one of the ways that regulated an African life, which are the definite taboos which will be a focus of this study. This is a follow-up to the previous work by Baloyi (2020) titled ‘The critical role of selected Swiyila (taboos) in rural democratic South Africa: a theological perspective’. The traditional leaders have taboos as one of their ways of leading African people into the right norms, values and ethical behaviour. It should be noted that African leadership is practised within the patriarchal framework, which would usually be viewed as gender biased and oppressive towards women. For this specific study, the taboos to be focused on are those that were technically used to subject or dominate women as an impediment to African women’s leadership activities. These taboos were used to ensure that children grow within the prohibitions of what the community regarded as sacred. It was by ignoring these taboos that some people were punished or even banished from the communities. Machaba (2011: 2) is of the view that culture and language among other things contributed to an element of oppression against Vatsonga and amaZulu.

Problem statement

Gender-based violence against women is the most pervasive yet least recognised human rights violation in the world. Yet gender taboos relating to health problem, undermining women’s dignity compromising their physical health and eroding their self-esteem nothing are reported about it as violation of women’s rights. In addition to this, violation of women’s rights causes emotional, psychological and physical injury, and violence, and increases women’s long-term risk of a number of other health problems, including chronic pain, physical disability, drug and alcohol abuse, and depression. Women with a history of physical or sexual abuse are also at increased risk for unintended pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and adverse pregnancy outcomes. Gender-based violence, women and girl children killings as well as other forms of harassment targeted at females are in escalation against the constitutionally enshrined rights of women in South Africa. The saddest thing is that these things are happening where the talk of Ubuntu as well as decolonising the African mind is the order of the day. Besides other leadership spaces occupied by females, our parliament is having female ministers while these misdeeds are happening often in the name of the culture while perpetrators are left free.

The aim of the study and its demarcation

There are many indigenous ethnic groups in South Africa, from which many taboos can be derived, but for the purpose of this study only Xitsonga and IsiZulu will be focused on. Without trying to use the two study cases to generalise for the whole country, the intention is to indicate that some among many South African ethnic groups do have some of the taboos that were and still are used to subject and dominate one gender by the other. It is this kind of normalisation of gender inequality which makes it difficult to deal with gender-related imbalances in line with our democratic constitution. It is thus the aim of this study to argue that women’s rights are human rights, without using taboos to undermine them. The argument is not to falsify the validity of all taboos, because there are some which were and are still helpful in shaping the lives of African people. The aim of the study is to evaluate and indicate how taboos were at times used to subject women to oppression and undermine them to become leaders in their communities.

An understanding of aims and focus of taboos in our context

Ntsan’wisi (1973) is of the opinion that taboos originated before the Bantu people started on their migration to various parts of Africa. The fact that the author, Ntsan’wisi, who was also the chief minister of the former Gazankulu homeland, acknowledged the value of taboos tells that leadership that needs to be contextual must not neglect women when dealing with leadership they need to be recognised as well. According to Gwinn and Mchenry (1993), taboos are the prohibition of women to partake in cultural activities, which becomes an inherent taboo. In the event, there is a breach or defiance of the taboo women will be in trouble and will be punished for the offence. For example, if a man went for hunting and was unsuccessful or there is sickness or the death of a relative or a family member, a woman will be the victim (Gwinn and Mchenry, 1993). For Malungana (1999), taboos represent the most basic elements or essence of a particular culture and they have many functions, including regulating and reflecting on the lives, thinking and daily activities. Junod (1927) who wrote much about the Tsonga culture understood Swiyila as unwritten oral law. The selected gendered taboos must be understood in the context which is explained by Moyo (2016) when saying:

Sexual intercourse is a sphere that is highly traditionalised with controls and taboos which are not open to critical analysis. Society sanctions and prescribes who is qualified to have sexual intercourse, with whom, when, how and the why of sexual intercourse. (p.254)

Some understand taboos as a ‘restraining order, a prohibition generally backed up by the threat of a supernatural punishment for any violation’ (Titiey, 1956).

In Africa, these taboos are related to traditions and are used to explain every phenomenon in day-to-day activities and define women’s way of life on how they should behave in the society. Taboo is defined as an element of all situations in which attitudes to values are expressed in terms of dangerous behaviour (Baloyi, 2020). A taboo has something to do with ‘sacredness’, something that may be ‘forbidden’, it may apply to a ‘person’ or to a ‘thing’ and may describe things that are ‘elements’ or ‘devoted’. Taboos are concerned with (1) all the social mechanisms of obedience which have ritual significance, and (2) with specific and restrictive behaviour in dangerous situations. One might say that taboos deal with the sociology of danger itself, for it is also concerned (3) with the protection of individuals who are in danger and (4) with the protection of the society from those endangered – and therefore, dangerous persons (Steiner, 1956). However, states that a taboo means ‘an akyiwade’ – that which is forbidden or prohibited. The large numbers of taboos are a unique feature in African Traditional Religion (ATR); however, over time this distinctive feature has lost its significance and has been watered down due modern science and technology and the influences of other religious beliefs. In addition, taboos classify that their role played in the governance system is analysed with the aim to raise awareness of the peculiar features of ATRs (Essel, 2018).

Brempong (2006) states that ‘the African has been robbed and deprived of his attitude and all that is most sacred to him, his laws, his religion, wisdom and institutions are destroyed’ the influence of taboos are still felt in a modern society. In traditional local governance under the leadership of chief (inkosi) and izinduna (traditional leaders), the taboos help them regulate life and property bond between the chief and community (Brempong, 2006). These leaders expect the people under their control also to respect these taboos in the same manner. One particular area where this is very much evident is among the Akan of Ghana, as taboos play a distinguished role in their governance. Taboos provide the basis for chiefs and other persons in charge of governance, to adhere to and they expect the people under their control to also respect these taboos in the same manner (Essel, 2018). Thus, taboos do not only constitute a part of African cultural heritage but also provide a good explanation for that heritage. It is an essential concept in African cultures and understanding it will enable one to better infer the psychological, religious and social behaviour. African indigenous knowledge systems (myths, idioms, riddles, music, superstitions, tales, art, dancing and poetry) relate to who we are as Africans within the context we grew up in and influenced by the events of our worldview (Mbiti, 1991). Relationships play a vital role in the African worldview. They act as safeguards for both the clan and society. As long as there is peace, there is prosperity. Mndende (2005) argues that, from conception to death, Africans are expected to have maintained these relationships. That will include participation in social gatherings and ritual performances. As a result, Africans perform different rituals at different occasions, for example, at the birth of a child, the giving of names, circumcision and other initiation ceremonies, marriage, funerals, harvest festivals, praying for rain and many others (Mbiti, 1991).

Some selected African-South African women-related taboos and their meanings

It should be remembered that for the sake of this article, only the Tsonga and Zulu cultures will receive attention.

Some insights from isiZulu culture

The Zulu are the descendants of Nguni-speaking people, known commonly as Zulu. There are certain taboos that were followed regarding birth, social life and food-related taboos. For instance, Ukuzalwa kwamawele (birth of twins) – The selection of the taboos that is going to be discussed below is guided by some of the social ills of our nation that indicate a moral decay in our society. It is possible that some taboos which are negative will be mentioned, but the main focus of this selection is to highlight some of the taboos which helped in the shaping of African people’s lives. As in many African countries and among some South Africans, for the Zulu people, the birth of twins was considered as unusual, unnatural and monstrous; the twins and mother would be viewed as guilty and could be put to death to clear the land (Schapera, 1927). The birth of twins was viewed as a form of contamination of the community; hence, the reference to the land in this context is in fact a reference to the community. Idang (2015) states that in Africa, ignorance, superstition and negative values made multiple births to be seen as a harbinger of evil. According to Masuku (2005), Mkabayi being one of twins within the Zulu nation, she was destined to be killed in infancy according to tradition. Ngobese (2003) asserts that twins are regarded as a bad omen which disorganises the smooth order of the family. In addition, twins are associated with a blessing for animals for more wealth and not associated with human beings as a blessing from the creator (Idang, 2015).

However, for Mkabayi and Mamma, their compassionate father, King Jama, could not bring himself to shame by killing his own offspring, so Mkabayi and her twin sister Mmama survived (Masuku, 2005). This is supported by Shamase (2017), a twin by conception and birth in 1750, who was destined to be obliterated from the face of the earth at infancy. Her compassionate father, inkosi (potentate) Jama, acted contra bonos mores (against the morals of Zulu society) when he refused to kill her. Thus, Mkabayi and her twin sister, Mmama, both survived displeasure and disapproval of the Zulu people (Stuart, 1914). Community feared the wrath of the ancestors should both the twins be allowed to live. This fear was viewed as a reality when the queen to King Jama died before bearing the dynasty an heir to the Zulu nation. The birth of twins was viewed as a bad omen and has potential that one parent can die if the twins are kept alive. This is a bad taboo, because the taking of human life contradicts with the appreciation for the value of life and particularly having as many children as one can in the African context (Gunner, 1991). Among other taboos is the prohibition of people from performing certain functions such as a menstruating wife should not cook for her husband; a woman who is still mourning the death of her husband should not move about after sunset (Masuku, 2009). People learn about some of these taboos as children from their parents and grandparents. The learning process takes place during communal ceremonies and initiation rites (Steiner, 1956).

Superstitious belief relating to food taboos and cultural practices as a guide to social behaviour

Meyer-Rochow (2009) is of the view that in traditional societies, dietary rules and regulations may govern particular phases of the human life cycle and may be associated with special events such as menstrual period, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, preparation for the hunt, battle, wedding and funeral. Food taboos seem to be a challenge as to what may be declared unfit by one group may be perfectly acceptable to another. There was a significant association between women who endorsed avoidance of certain food and living in rural areas, having lower education, being younger and having inadequate antenatal care. Honey, citrus and eggs were the most common avoided food items. The reasons for food prohibition included harming the foetus, miscarriage, preeclampsia and prolonged labour (Ramulondi et al., 2020). The most common foods avoided were certain fruits (mango, orange, naartjie, pawpaw, peach), butternut, eggs, sweets (sugar, juice, sweet food, honey), chilli, ice and alcohol. Food taboos have a big influence on pregnant women as they have been followed by many generations and they also form part of their culture (Langa, 2012). People practising these pregnancy-related taboos believe that breaking them may harm the unborn baby or threaten the health of the mother. Reasons for women to avoid certain foods include their fear of possible miscarriages and difficulties during delivery (Kapff, 1997). Manyike and Evans (1998) note that ‘within an African context, taboos play an important role between the interaction of living members’ (p.223). Some women observe these food taboos because of their own previous experience or that of other women. Amasi or Maas (sour milk) was the staple food of the Zulus. During menstruation (ukuthomba) and also after childbirth (ukubeletha/ukuzala), amasi and milk (Ubisi) were abstained from. In addition to childbirth, older women take great care in handling the umbilical cord of the child. Umdlezane (the new mother) and her child are secluded for a time, usually until the navel string (inkaba) of the child falls off. At this stage, the mother is believed to be polluted (unclean) and weak, and thus a possible source of evil influences. After a period of a month, a ritual ceremony (imbeleko) is performed, to ‘introduce’ the baby to its ancestors.

Groups taboos into cultic, moral, economic, political, scientific and environmental taboos. The restriction was associated with the belief that during these periods a woman was unclean and would adversely affect the cattle and prevent them from yielding milk (Cowley et al., 1968). Also, a woman was not supposed to go to the kraal because the cattle would lose their calves (zizophusa) or sometimes die. In addition, a woman who has given birth to a child is not allowed to go to the kitchen and cook, not to sleep in the same room or bed with his husband. These taboos have played a role in shaping the lifestyle of African people for generations while serving as ‘guidelines that direct conduct in particular situations’ (Haralambos–Holborn, 2000: 978). During pregnancy, certain food intake was prohibited, especially foods rich in protein (Canonici, 1988). The belief is that pregnancy will be terminated, or a child would be born prematurely (Cowley and Griesel, 1962). Women should not eat chicken meat lest they become dirty, as family fowls are forever stirring up dust in the yard. Pregnant women should not partake of a pig’s head lest the child resembles a pig (Kriel, 1984: 25). Holden (2000) disagrees with the view that taboos were features of a ‘primitive’ society and certain taboos may be prevalent within particular cultures. In support of, taboos may be prevalent in a certain culture and do not remain the same over the years as new taboos appear constantly, whereas old ones change in content or form what constitutes such taboos and the sanctions for breaking them may vary from one culture to the other. Taboos make a worldview that exists and functions in different ways based on the basic human nature as well as the social and ecological contexts in which cultures exist. Chemuru & Masaka’s (2010) understanding of taboos is about avoidance of rules that forbid members of the human community from performing certain actions, such as eating certain kinds of food, walking in or visiting certain sites that are regarded as sacred, being cruel to animals and using natural resources in an unsustainable manner. For instance, when a chicken is slaughtered, certain pieces were reserved for the head of the family such as the thigh, leg and wings. Other leftovers such as the head, chicken feet and intestines will be left for the wife and children; in addition, foods such as eggs and cheese milk are not supposed to be eaten by females. Omobula (2013) understands ‘taboo’ as a term for a set of cultic or religious prohibitions instituted by traditional religious authorities as instruments for moral motivation, guidance and objectivity to protect the sanctity of their shrines and well-being of worshipers in their respective communities. Baloyi (2020), on the contrary, sees ancestors a originators and custodians of taboos, while Fisher (1997: 108) understands a taboo as an offence against ancestors and the Supreme Being. Khosa (2009: 10) argues that any offence against or disobedience of these taboos invites iziqalekiso/imihlolo (curses) and even death. Langa (2012) states that in the Zulu culture, it is a norm to have a man as the head of the household and the wife as the ‘other’. It is in this context that a woman cannot go to certain designated areas of the homestead because she is not the head of the household but the ‘other’. Woman is regarded as not physiologically perfect because she menstruates. At worst, she should avoid contact with common men and even with boys who are herding cattle in the pastures because she is menstruating which is mysteriously understood to be having the potential of bringing misfortunes and bad luck. John (2006: 25) asserts, Women are keepers of the house and women who are not a ‘child of the umuzi’ and those who are menstruating are strictly forbidden entry into the isibaya (kraal), because they are deemed ‘unclean’. This can be viewed as oppression on the part of women (Pharr, 1988). According to Mudaly and Sookrajh (2008) in the past it was affirmed that the oppression of woman is socially engineered even where men prescribe the dress code for women. Zondi (2007) argues that the woman as umakoti (bride), was brought in a family ukwandisa umndeni (extended family) and bear children for the man and his clan. Pharr (1988) asserts that patriarchy is an enforced belief for male dominance, while comntrol is the ideology sexism becomes the system that holds it in place certain cultural rituals women cannot partake on them: ukushisa impeho emsamo (burn incense). This system of power will always promote subordinate relationship between women and men. Bleier (1984) is of the view that is as a result of historic system of male dominance; and reinforcement of male hegemony within Zulu culture. Hadebe (2010) views Zulu masculinity, faith and culture as a struggle to change these norms. This gives an impression that the African culture is gender biased. Msimang (2002) confirms the argument: In Zulu culture, it is only males who can conduct cultural rituals: indoda iyinhloko yekhaya (man is the head of the family). Cudd and Andreasen (2005) disgustingly assert that the female is a female by virtue of a certain lack of qualities. We should regard the female nature as afflicted with a natural defectiveness. This is endorsed by Mathonsi and Gumede (2006: 484) who maintain that culturally, a Zulu woman is not expected to directly and publicly voice her concerns and experiences, especially those that relate to the in-laws (inclusive of the extended clan).

For instance, it is believed that the breaking of a taboo will lead to drought (Forde, 1988). Among the Zulu nation, agriculture-related taboos and beliefs associated with the female fertility cycle (menstruation, pregnancy and lactation) receive the most attention. However, some African cultural observances are fading into obscurity, as many African people are becoming more westernised. In this regard, Dudula (2016) makes the following observation: ‘Parents used to tell old tales to their children. The stories contained messages that taught the kids how to respect the people and how to forge their paths in life’. Baloyi (2020) states that it is important to note that taboos rely on the concept of unquestioned punishments and rewards. People observed taboos without question, out of fear that something bad would happen to them and to the community that disobeyed them. There are parallels here with those theologians who exaggerate teachings about hell and other bad things to scare people into attending their churches. Some theologians use the punishment of sin to keep people in faith rather than inviting people to faith on the basis of the love and caring nature of God. Widowhood taboos, according to Njoku (2014), are taboos that have their roots in the efforts of early humans to explain nature and their own existence, to propitiate fate and invite fortune and to avoid evils, and they were introduced to regulate the moral order of society. It is a taboo that when a widow has lost a husband, she cannot dress in her old clothes and should give them away to other people; this raises the question as to when and how a taboo takes place in our society. While Maposa (2016: 8) explains taboo as a traditional sacrament which is performed in a socioreligious setting, it can also be said that ilishwa/umshophi is the system or art of setting things apart as forbidden because they are sacred, unclean or cursed either Ukuzila/Inzilo (the Zulu word meaning mourning) – Africans believe that death is not the end of human life (Mbiti, 1991: 128). Women in mourning for deceased husband.

A wife who did not observe the period of mourning shows disrespect for the family of her husband, and she will be made responsible for all misfortune in the homestead. The dead are believed to be able to communicate from the grave with the living in various ways, for example, through omens, sickness misfortunes and dreams. In isiZulu, umfazi kumele agqoke inzilo unyaka wonke uma Indoda yakhe ishonile (a woman must wear mourning clothes for a period of 1 year after the death of her husband). These clothes will only be taken out after a cleansing ceremony. Katz and Small (2001) argue that mourning is

synonymous with grief over the death of beloved ones and is also used to describe a cultural complex of behaviour in which the bereaved participate in or are expected to participate in mourning that includes social customs and mode of dress which is more emphasized to widows.

In Zulu society, women generally mourn the death of their husbands by wearing a mourning dress spanning for at least 1 year. This dress may be black, navy, blue, green or white, depending on the religious denomination with which the individuals concerned affiliate (Ndlovu, 2013). However, men do not wear anything when their wives pass on of as gender differentiation and is thus characteristically an oppressive cultural practice (Daber, 2003). Hlongwa (2009: 3) also points out that ‘mourning rituals among the Zulu people are patriarchal and have men’s interest at heart’. Langa (2012: 2) is of the view that ‘only those aspects of culture that uphold the subordination of women are considered as culture’ and that ‘culture and traditions are employed as excuses in explaining the gross violation of human rights that women suffer’.

Some insights from Xitsonga culture

There have been different traditional factors used to regulate African leadership so that they lead their people into the good morals. One of those factors is the fact that leaders were expected to at least know, understand and even to protect the taboos which are used to shape Black people’s lives. Although Vatsonga have countless number of taboos, for the sake of this article, only a few selected taboos which speak to the issue of women subordination or subjugation will receive the focus. According to Mahlangu (1980: 122), for the Vatsonga traditional women, it is a taboo to eat chicken, eggs and certain parts of domestic animals like liver. For them to keep their marriages, they often blindly kept these regulations. It must not be ignored that the prohibited foods are generally those foods which are so little that they cannot be used for the whole family at a time, while they are also very delicious, for instance, eggs. This is within the context of males’ superiority and traditional headship with unquestionable authority because of the patriarchal system. But this is a challenge, for instance, by western civilisation and education in which, for instance, one has to convince a female nurse who knows and give out the eggs for the preservation of the patient’s health under the instruction of the medical practitioner, not to eat the same food.

Mkhari (2014: 47) indicates that one of the taboos is ‘Swa yila ku va nhlomi yo hloma no tsutsumela emubedweni’. The literal translation of this is that it is a taboo for a newly married woman to run into bed with her husband. This of course refers to immediate sexual intercourse soon after marriage. Nhlomi, as Xitsonga puts it, is this woman who just got married and should still be showing a lot of respect to the elderly and not showing any interest in men. On the contrary, this kind of a taboo was to ensure that the family first gets convinced that she was not married while pregnant as that would have consequences as the child would not be rendered as a member of the family. Such delays would assist them to see that. In other words, the issue of a honeymoon which comes just after the wedding was not accommodated by this tradition. The other taboo for Tsonga-speaking people, which is also found in other African cultures, is a taboo that forbids menopausal women to continue in sexual engagement, even with her own husband. Although Kyomo and Selvan (2004: 34–36) indicated this in their Kenyan context, it is the same with Tsonga culture. According to them, this would give only two choices for a man whose wife just menopaused: either to have a concubine or marry a second wife (Kyomo and Selvan, 2004: 35). Xikuru-nyimba as it is called is when a woman’s stomach becomes big and bigger until she dies because of not adhering to this taboo. According to Baloyi (2013: 4), the seminal fluid accumulated in her stomach will flow out of her genital organ and it was believed that she will die and it was also feared that the living dead or ancestors will not accept her in the future world.

Unfortunately, since menopause happens only to women, it goes without saying that it is the women who will be excepted from sexual duties while the man is allowed to seek another woman for his sexual gratification. This is articulated by Odoyoye’s (1995; see also Nasimiyu-Wasike 1995:102) argument in another African context as she says:

The female is to be a ‘monotheist’ while the male acts as a ‘polytheist’, arrogating to him [sic] the freedom to worship the bodies of several women. In this way, it would be very easy for a husband to have freedom to marry a second wife because procreative power is very important for the family.

The imbalance here is that while the husband is allowed to marry again, the wife is bound to stay away from sexual matters but still remain in the marriage. Mills (2011: 10) summed this whole thing up by arguing that the implication is that the lives of postmenopausal women lost their purpose and they become invisible. Kofon (1992: 52) says,

When women grow older in the traditional Bafut society they often gradually lose appetite for conjugal acts. At times they lose it completely and would [sic] not allow their husbands to come near them.

Another taboo for women says, ‘Swayila ku wansati la nga masikwni a hlangana na wanuna’, meaning it is taboo for a menstruating woman to have sexual intercourse (Malungana, 1999: 34). This taboo received an echo from another Tsonga writer, Mathye (2003), who indicated that it would cause serious illness and a man may die. According to Chitlango and Balcomb (2004: 186), another result of disregarding the taboo was that a man who is involved would either develop a hernia or suffer impotency. For the same kind of taboo in the Nigerian context, it is believed that a man who had intercourse with such a woman will be swallowed by a mystical snake (Moloantoa, 1982: 1). In addition to that taboo, the other one says, ‘Swa yila ku va wansati loyi a ha ku velekaka a tshunela laha ku nga ni nuna wakwe’ (Mkhari, 2014: 40). This means the mother who is nursing an infant must avoid getting closer to her husband or any other man. It means that a woman who has just given birth to a child is not allowed to come closer to the husband. This is just an African way of putting it with respect, but the direct meaning intends to avoid sexual contact between the mother who has just given birth with her husband.

There are reasons which we shall get into later, but it is important to indicate that since pregnancy, down to the birth of a child, these prohibitions directly or indirectly put a man into a safe space to be allowed to have a second or even a third wife; hence, it became easy to promote polygamy which would have its own challenges. Maldonado-Torres (2007: 30) points that abstinence from sex during pregnancy is a traditional rule among the Asian and Latin American contexts. Schapera (1927: 4) would suggest that all these kinds of prohibitions were orchestrated by the belief that sexual activity was considered as causes of sexual impurity while anything that has to do with women’s bleeding was also regarded as such. That is why Schapera (1927: 4) went on to say: ‘Women past menopause, were also free of “hot blood” (except when newly widowed)’. In short, pregnancy, menstruating as well as menopause were treated as sources of impurity against most of the African activities. It was for that reason that female children were only pure as long as they were still below puberty stage, but after that many taboos and prohibitions got into their ways. There are a number of prohibitions attached to a pregnant or menstruating woman. According to Labeodan (2007: 46) in another African culture, most women confirmed that once they have ‘taken in’ or fall pregnant, they cease having sexual encounters with their husband until 3 years have passed by. Baloyi and Manala (2013: 1) articulated that these myths and taboos were thought to be helpful to safeguard marriage, but of course at the expense of the rights of a woman. According to Mkhari (2014: 49), ‘swa yila leswaku wansati loyi a nga sungula ku vona masiku a nghena etshangheni’. The simple translation is that it is a taboo for women who are menstruating to be entering cattle kraal. Another taboo close to it says: Swa yila ku va wansati a dya xithuvi’ (Mkhari, 2014: 42). Xithuvi is the soft milk when there is a new born calf, where shepherds cook that milk outside the homestead next to the kraal.

It is taboo for a widow (woman) not to have sexual cleansing – Baloyi’s article titled ‘Sex as cleansing ritual’ has a story of a Giyani woman who ran away and left her house because of being forced to have sexual cleansing with a younger brother of her late husband (Baloyi, 2016: 203). It was not allowed for a woman whose husband just died to be quick to get into the next marriage or next sexual encounter before the cleansing ceremony is performed. This is much in line with what Letsosa and Semenya (2011) articulated in their article titled ‘go tlosa setshila’ although their context is much wider including the whole family cleansing. The mourning period, which is decided by the family, normally takes at least a year and it is during that period that a widow is expected to behave according to this taboo.

‘Swa yila ku va wansati a veka rito loko ku tengiwa timhaka endyangwini’ (Mkhari, 2014: 54). The translation of this is that it is taboo for a woman to have a say when family matters/disputes are discussed. Malungana (1999: 3) supports that during a family dispute, it is taboo for a woman to speak before her husband allows her to do so. Generally, a woman in a family setting would always speak only after being permitted by her husband; hence, this taboo receives echo from different people. This kind of practice is even creeping into some working environment where for some traditional men, it is still an offence when women speak in meetings.

‘Swa yila ku tshama ehenhla ka xipombondwana’ (Mkhari, 2014: 44). Xipombondwana is a form of a traditional chair which is carved out of wood for the purpose of sitting on. It cannot be imagined what would happen if women would be barred from using chairs today particularly in places like offices and home. This taboo is closely related to the next one, which forbids a mother to have a say in deciding how much should be the lobola of her daughter. It says: ‘Swa yila ku va manana a boha ntsengo wo lovola n’wana wa yena’ (Mkhari, 2014: 53). This kind of thinking gave opportunities for the younger brothers of the husband in case he is dead, to take control over the lobola.

Since it is a taboo for a pregnant woman to enter the farm or plantation, the following was expected of her to do before she enters according to Mkhari (2014: 37): Ku lahela ka kona i ku va loko a nghena ensin’wini u fanele ku bakanya swiambalo ekhwirini ri sala erivaleni, ivi a nusa misava a chela mavele matlhelo hinkwawo. Loko ku ve u nghena ku karhi ku na mpfula u kulula mati lama khulukaka ekhwirini a haxa mavele. Leyi hi yona ndlela yo byela mavele leswaku ya nga chavi hikuva na wona ya ta va vatswedyana. Hi ndlela leyi u va a laherile, hi wona mpfumelelo wo nghena emasin’wini. This is a kind of ritual that she would perform to gain permission to enter the plantation, where she had to open up the cloth of her stomach and throw some soil into the plantation. It is a taboo for certain people to visit the sick person since that can worsen the sickness and cause deterioration, particularly the pregnant and/or menstruating woman (Ntsan’wisi, 1973: 17). For the sake of this article, the pregnant and menstruating women are intended in this quotation, which has to do with gender imbalances.

Since culture and tradition are dynamic and evolving through ages and being affected other factors by western civilisation, urbanisation and education, taboos can also not be maintained as they were in olden days. With the influence of the human rights and women rights enshrined into the democratic constitution as well as people moving to live in towns and suburbs, the influence of taboos is becoming very minimised and only perhaps very few people, especially in the deep rural areas can still wish to practice these, but in a very rare manner since a majority of urbanised people start knowing their human rights. No more elderly people in towns and cities too can monitor the observation of these taboos, while cattle and other animal farming is no longer a common way of living for people. Migrant working is isolating people to an extent that individualised kind of life is fast becoming communalism which kept people together in observance of all these.

Decolonial analysis of isiZulu and Xitsonga views

Chauke (2003: 120–140) and Masenya (2003: 116–124) are correct to indicate that culture and religious beliefs are still used among African people to promote gender and power relations. Let it also be understood that although Malungana (1999: 39) would argue that these feminine taboos were not meant for a husband to look down upon his wife or treat her badly, it can still be argued that silencing them from speaking in today’s democracy can be tantamount to abuse, particularly in the context of the human rights enshrined in the Constitution. The avoidance of competition between sexes, which Malungana (1999: 39) confirms is what is understood as another form of harassment. Ntsan’wisi (1973: 14), a former professor of Xitsonga at Turfloop, suggests the following reason for the establishment of taboos: ‘They are coined to express different phases of life’.

Immediate sexual intercourse after wedding is proposed and practised as honeymoon these days. This becomes a direct contradiction to what one of the taboos intends, for example, the taboo that forbids sexual intercourse immediately after wedding. This means that if the leadership we are having is guided among other things by these taboos, our leadership will remain gender biased. Since culture is dynamic, it is imperative that as custodians of our own cultures we play a meaningful role in ensuring that we keep updating ourselves about our dynamic cultures and decolonising our teaching regarding cultural taboos. Finally, as much as we accept that there are taboos which are still helpful in shaping the lives of Black people, we need to acknowledge that revisions must also be made to change some of the misleading and misguiding taboos in our lives.

Conclusion

As much as the traditional African taboos have been valued in moral education among the Black people of Africa, it is still a good recommendation by the authors of this article that they continue to be valued as such. Africans will always have incomplete knowledge systems without their taboos. On the contrary, this particular research managed to unveil the other side of the taboos, which is how they have been used to subject one gender below the other. With democratisation of women’s rights to be treated as human rights, any form of gender subordination remains a target of scrutiny and suggestion for revisions by bearers of tradition. The selected taboos discussed in this article prove that patriarchy, which has been a factor towards issues of gender inequality, played its role in influencing the oppression of women. The need for women’s leadership in a public sphere remains a difficult task if these kinds of taboos continue to be upheld without revision so that gender equality can be addressed even on that level. There is a serious need to revisit those taboos.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Magezi Elijah Baloyi

Author biographies

Magezi Elijah Baloyi is a full professor of practical theology in the Department of Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology within the College of Human Sciences in the University of South Africa, Pretoria.

Dlamini Phumzile is the Deputy Director in the Department of Leadership and Transformation in the University of South Africa, Pretoria.

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