The Making of New Dalit Middle Class: Struggle,Aspirations and Changing Lifestyle in Navi Mumbai,India

Introduction

The middle class is the most contentious subject in the sociological enquiry of India. This is perhaps because of the heterogeneity of Indian society. In his seminal work, Misra (1961) initiated debate on the middle class based on occupational engagement (pp. 12-13), but despite many decades of his significant work, we are yet to conclude about who are middle class in India? In the Indian context, the middle class is not only based on consumption patterns, cultural practices and economic status but also on caste (see Hatekar et al., 2009: 40). Education, family size, caste group and marital status are other significant variables to define the middle class in the Indian context. However, broadly middle class in the Indian context is a social and consumer group with middle status in income distribution.

The new middle class have many intersections like class, caste and gender. Caste is one of the significant aspects of Indian social structure, and it played a crucial role in forming the new middle class. Fernandes and Heller (2006) illustrate the importance of caste in shaping the new middle class by highlighting caste inequality in society (p. 516). Mosse (2018) found caste as a means of ‘embracement’ and ‘controversial’ in the Indian middle class (p. 423); however, the affirmative policy of the Indian state based on caste has formed a middle class from lower caste called Dalit middle class (Srinivas, 2016: 52). Making a similar point, the other way around, Pathania and Tierney (2018) have pointed out that ‘the policy of reservation has created a “class” within castes’ (p. 7). Ram (1988), in his seminal work, discussed that the beneficiary of reservation from scheduled castes acquired better status and formed a new identity – a new middle class, which is different from the middle class in general. Jodhka and Sirari (2012) identified them as the ‘new urban elite’ or a ‘middle class’ from the Dalit community (p. 2). Many Indian scholarships on the Dalit middle class have studied it as political mobilisation and an advanced upwards to higher government job (see Chowdhry, 2009: 453; Jaffrelot and van der Veer, 2008: 8). However, within the Dalit middle class, a new group of the middle class is shaping. The new Dalit middle class is much concerned about their identity, which is assertive in identity politics. Therefore, this article tries to understand the socio-economic, education and consumeristic implication in the life of the new Dalit middle class. The article offers an epistemic view of intertwining caste and class in the city, and provides an illustration of how city provide liberal space for Dalits to some extent. This article also engages with the contribution of consumerism and lifestyle in shaping the new Dalit middle-class identity.

The making of New Dalit middle class: struggle and aspiration

I met Yashwant, a PhD Scholar at Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) almost a year ago. He was living with his wife in Navi Mumbai. His native place is Nanded, and in 2007 he migrated to Mumbai for higher education. He has two brothers who live in the village, and everyone is engaged in agriculture as agricultural labour. Even Yashwant had been involved in manual labour before coming to Mumbai. He did his schooling at a ‘Zila Parishad’ school. He did his intermediate from another government school, where he cleared the test for science stream, but he had to get admission in Arts stream against his wishes due to his poor financial status. He indicated his struggle to get an education, and shared ‘main paida hi sangharsh karne ke liye hua hu’ (I am born to struggle). After completing his schooling, he came to Mumbai for further education. He applied to Nirmala Niketan college for under graduation in social work. As part of the admission process, he had to come to Mumbai to appear in an interview held in Nirmala Niketan, and it was the first time he stepped out of his native district. After the interview, he went back to his village, and suddenly, one day, he got a call from his cousin who was studying at TISS that he had been selected for admission to Nirmala Niketan College of Social Work for BA. He has to come to Mumbai within a day to complete the admission formality. He required money to pay the admission fee and other expenses for admission, but his family could not help him due to financial constraints. His cousin brother played a crucial role and made his family members understand that this could be a turning point in his life and that this opportunity should not be wasted. Yashwant collected 500 rupees from his Malik (landlord) to move to Mumbai. He needed 8000 rupees for admission, which he could arrange by borrowing from his friends and relatives. After admission, he needed a place to stay at a reasonable price, which he got near Kurla.

Meanwhile, he was also awarded an institute scholarship, which made his struggle easier. After graduation, he got admission to TISS for the master’s programme, and after the master’s programme, he was selected for an integrated M.Phil-PhD. At the time of our interactions with him, he was currently working as a coordinator in the International Relations Office (IRO-TISS) and pursuing his PhD. He got married in Mumbai and also bought a flat in Navi Mumbai by taking a housing loan. His appointment is contractual and done by a third party vendor called Kalpatru. Yashwant did not find any hierarchy at his workplace due to TISS’ work culture, which makes him happy because when he was agricultural labour, he had to experience discrimination and hierarchy because of his caste status as he belongs to a Charmakar sub caste – a Dalit caste. Being Charmkar, they have to engage in leatherwork and shoemaking in which his father still engages and works as agricultural labour. In the evening, he repairs the shoe in the market, and in the morning he works in the farm field as Yashwant says that ‘mere pita ji ka sangharsh basic samsyavo jaise ki khana aur kapda ke liye tha aur mera sangharsh sikhsa ke liye hai’ (my father struggled to meet the basic needs like food and clothes, but my struggle is for education). Yashwant claims that his struggle should be considered a struggle for education, and education has been a prominent tool for determining new middle-class status, particularly English education.

Srinivas (2016), in his prominent work on the ‘Dalit middle class’, argues that the formation of the middle class among Dalits results from mobility due to education and employment (p. 81). Even though Yashwant has gone through various struggles for his education, he also acknowledges his father’s struggle as an agricultural labour. He confesses, ‘have not done even ten per cent of the struggle compared to my father’. Several practices and sites reproduce the new middle class, such as educational institutions, economics and within the home (See Fadaee, 2014: 442; Kaur and Sundar, 2016: 8). In a similar line, Yashwant is also a by-product of education and educational institutions as the ‘new Dalit middle class. Like Yashwant, most respondents have given importance to education and claimed that this helped their upwards economic mobility, which gradually enabled them to get middle-class status.

It is a fact that education contributes significantly to upwards Dalit mobility and forms the middle class (Pankaj, 2021, p. 931; Jogdand, 2017, p. 305). Besides this, it also contributes to transforming them into a rational, progressive and humanistic category and promote Dalit consciousness. As Kamal Shinde, 58-year-old respondent, shared his level of consciousness about caste:

In government agencies or institutions, officers discriminate against us because they want to give a chance to the upper caste. . . Now, we are empowered and gain some power because of education and some Act and law like SCs and STs Act, no one dares to touch us. . .

While education has been an essential instrument for Dalits to become a new middle class, in the last decade, India has witnessed numerous practices and struggles in the process of Dalits achieving the status of the new middle class. Even Dr B. R. Ambedkar has emphasised education as a powerful tool for Dalit’s ‘resistance and the struggle for emancipation (Nambissan, 2020: 145). Dalit identity and Dalit leadership and a section of educated Dalit middle class appeared as a strong subaltern group to challenge the dominant caste power politically and in social, economic, cultural, literally and intellectual sphere (Satyanarayana, 2015: 53). Gundimeda (2016) described them as a ‘powerful middle class among Dalits’ that act as a ‘gate-keeping agency’ to secure the interest of Dalits (p. 11). Dalits middle class in the city poses a strong challenge against the cultural dominance of upper-caste Hindu by adopting Buddhism. Sumer Thorat, a Dalit, has converted himself and practised Buddhism daily. He is a retired government servant who adopted Buddhism long back and expressed,

I converted myself to Buddhism because of untouchability that I had experienced not only in my village but in the city as well. I was a technician, and I went to fix a telephone in one of the houses located in the posh area of Mumbai, and after fixing the phone, I wanted to wash my hand, but I was not allowed to use the washroom the house owner.

Inequality is one of the reasons for Dalits to convert to Buddhism, particularly the Dalit middle class, and by doing so, they are posing a challenge against Hindu cultural hegemony. It motivates them to continue their struggle against prolonged injustice and exclusion. Bhatewara and Bradley (2012) has argued that religious conversion is the first step for Dalits to struggle for freedom, and Buddhism as a religion has played a significant role in changing the life of Dalit (p. 200).

The new Dalit middle class is not merely experiencing struggle in their everyday survival but also conventionally aspired to achieve dignity, leadership, political power, quality education in English and be a business tycoon. During fieldwork, we met Vinay Kamble, one of the young Dalit entrepreneurs who own a small enterprise of currier service. Vinay started his career as a courier boy in the year 1999 and was delivering couriers door to door. Initially, he was using a bicycle and gradually, he bought a motorbike for work. In 2004, he purchased a franchise and started his courier service. Initially, he could not succeed and had a massive loss of funds, and the loss was so huge that he had to mortgage his wife’s jewellery to repay the debt and salary of his employee. Even amid the enormous financial crisis, he did not shut down his enterprise, started working with a minimal number of employees, and used to work for more than 15 hours a day. Vinay work hard not only to reestablish his enterprise but also simultaneously got help from one of his engineer friends who lived in the United States to develop software for his courier.

Furthermore, he succeeded in developing software for his courier service. Since his friend was technically savvy; therefore, he was providing support. Still, Vinay developed the idea of particular software used to keep the delivery record by scanning a specific bar code. Even he had to go through various negative and problematic comments from his relatives and friends. He received one comment from his friend,

I could not do anything and should not think about that; it is out of my thinking. ‘Courier boy hai, courier vala kam kar, tu system ke bare me kya janega’ [You are a currier boy and do only courier service, what you know about the system].

After going through multiple hardships and sleepless nights, Vinay could reestablish his enterprise with handsome turnover. He also understands the importance of education and English; therefore, he enrolled his children in a good English-medium school. He shared his experience of dropping out: ‘I had to stop my education because of financial problems and my family’s situation. jab ghar me Chulha hi nhi jal rha hai to padhoge kaise [when you do not have anything to eat at home, how you will study]’. This is why he is concerned about his children’s education.

Aspiration is one of the significant aspects in determining the new middle class. Several scholarships have subscribed ‘aspirational lifestyle’ as a vital tool for the emerging new middle class (See Nijman, 2006: 762). Still, while looking at the above narrative, it can ascertain that the new Dalit middle class is not aspiring only for better lifestyle but also aspire to be a business tycoon and provide the best of educational opportunities for their upcoming generation. However, even being an entrepreneur, they do not have access equal market because of persistent caste discrimination and exclusion in the market (Deshpande and Sharma, 2013: 22; Thorat and Newman, 2007: 4122). Besides other things, education, in general, and the English language, in particular, are always critical sources of Dalit emancipation in a neo-liberal era (Pathania, 2018: 78); this is certainly visible in Vinay’s experience.

Transformation in lifestyle of Dalit middle class: everyday forms of consumerism

Many scholarships have demarcated the new middle class on the basis of, a series of factors-economic, expenditure, political opinion, caste identity, culture, liberalisation and marketisation (see Bhatt et al., 2010: 129). New middle-class status is more universally associated with aspirational lifestyle, consumerism, materialism and adopting western thought (Nijman, 2006: 762). Drawing from fieldwork observation, the new Dalit middle class aspires to live in the posh residential areas. Some of them had already started living in decent residential housing societies (societies that are not government SRA-Slum Rehabilitation Authority buildings but built by private builders). Having an own house and that too in a decent residential housing society is the dream for many city dwellers, and the new Dalit middle class, too, aspires to have their own house. Asmita, a 47-year-old woman, who works as a field worker in a government institute, dreamed of having her own house in a residential apartment. However, she was living in her in-laws’ house in a chawl, but wanted to move to a decent residential area. She had wanted to have her own house right from the time she got married, but she did not have enough savings because her husband was responsible for taking care of expenses for his joint family. Therefore, Asmita started working on Saturdays and Sundays to save enough money to get her own house. And gradually, with the help of a bank loan, she could get a flat in a prominent housing society.

The new middle class is a consumer-driven social group, and consumer goods have become a measure of status (Twamley and Sidharth, 2018: 2). Similarly, the new Dalit middle class also tends to be consumer driven but aim at upwards mobility in economic means by owning a flat, car, and other consumer goods at home. The journey of the new Dalit middle class in terms of upwards mobility has not been so easy. They have gone through a multifaceted struggle. Thorat, a respondent, has narrated changes in his everyday life in the city in terms of consumer behaviour and struggles:

My lifestyle got changed after coming to Mumbai. Now I have a refrigerator and washing machine. There was a time when I used to drink water from a Ghada (a pot made from the soil), but now I have a refrigerator, and I think I have earned something in my life. When I brought the washing machine, I went back to my old days when I did not have clothes and slippers, but now, I have a refrigerator which I think is a significant achievement.

Owning a refrigerator or washing machine is not merely a consumer-driven aspiration or desire, but it also symbolises success and struggles of middle class. Wessel (2004: 101) noted in his study that people inculcate new meaning to the goods which they consume and consumption is desired. Similarly, the above narrative of respondents suggests that the refrigerator symbolises his economic status and subscribes to his struggle from being poor to the new middle class. The changing political economy of India, particularly liberal economic policy, has influenced the consumption pattern of the middle class and market, significantly influencing their everyday consumption pattern (Fadaee, 2014: 443). The idea of the new middle class is primarily constructed through consumption and use of branded items, which most of the middle class prefers (Wessel, 2004: 101), but in the case of the Dalit middle class, it is different. They are not much concerned with the brands but rather good quality. One of the respondents narrated his opinion on the brand: ‘I do not spend so much on branded clothes and movies because I am earning money to use it properly, not to waste on brands’.

It was observed that most of the respondents achieved the middle-class status from their previous poverty situation, and their consumption pattern also changed with changing status. Some of the respondents shared their experience that earlier they did not have many options in terms of food of their choice because of their poor socio-economic condition, but due to the improved economic status and availability of options, they can now consume food as per their choice. However, they prefer going to restaurants less; instead, they prefer to take away and eat at home with all their family members. The observation agreed with a note (Fernandes, 2000: 88) that ‘the middle class has achieved the ability to exercise choice through consumption’. Choice of consumption is an essential phenomenal change in the life of Dalits since there was a time when they did not have much choice due to caste and social exclusion, but now, they are exercising choice for food. It suggests that the new Dalit middle class has not only been consuming good food but also trying to overcome their marginalisation, wherein they were not allowed to exercise their choices.

The aspiration of the new Dalit middle class is much higher than only exercising choice on food, as Vinay responded that

I have a washing machine, refrigerator, Cooler, Led TV, Air conditioning, Car, and own flat in Mumbai. I have memories of my older days and compare with my present situation, where my family was living with five members in a small room like a kitchen room of my new flat. Gradually everything changes in my family and even my thoughts, but I feel that it is not enough. I want something more; therefore, I work day and night to earn more money. I have no time to roam with friends and enjoy myself; I am always busy with my work. I have not watched TV news for the last three years because I do not want to waste my time here and there. My nearest target is to buy a BMW car, which is why I am working so hard.

The aspiration to have a BMW car is to provide an accelerator for young Dalits to work day and night. Vinay works hard day and night to earn more money for his comfortable life, but at what cost? He is not spending much time with family and friends; where is his social life heading? Vinay poses a serious question and enquiry for further investigation and exploration. But in reference to caste and class, the narrative suggests that upwards mobility of such aspiring Dalits is being negotiated with ignorance of leisure time. Since leisure activities have been considered one of the significant aspects of getting into ‘middle class’ (Fadaee, 2014: 452), it is almost irrelevant in the case of the new Dalit middle class. Drawing from fieldwork experiences, respondents were not so much interested in leisure activities like watching movies, going on holidays, or outing for the weekend. What matters for them is their comfortable life, and that too should be equipped with various home appliances like Sofa, TV, refrigerator, air conditioner, car and a secure future for their children with good English-medium schools.

Politics of caste and class: perspective of new Dalit middle class

However, some scholars have also tried to examine specific aspects of caste in city, which are limited to emancipation in city and liberation from caste (see Jha and Kumar, 2016; Jodhka and Sirari, 2012). Yet, the detailed enquiry about caste in urban has remained unexplored phenomenon compared to rural. Therefore, this section deals with issues and relationships of caste, class and politics from the perspective of the new Dalit middle class. We observed that almost all respondents believed that caste exists in the city in one form or another. As one of the respondents, namely, Ramesh Kamble, a 45-year-old man, shared his experience about caste,

Once I approached the bank manager to get a loan for my small enterprises, he did not sanction it because my surname was ‘Kamble’, which suggests my caste as a lower caste. The manager was under the impression that I am from a lower caste and how I could own quite a big enterprise; thus, he was unwilling to sanction my loan.

Even though the cities are considered one of the socially more open, accommodative, and liberal spaces, there is still evidence of social exclusion and marginalisation (Chandra and Mukherjee, 2015: 136). The above respondents’ narration closely agrees with the argument of Chandra and Mukherjee (2015). However, in terms of economy, the new Dalit middle class has experienced upwards mobility, but in social space, they are experiencing exclusion based on their ‘caste identity in the city. Furthermore, Ramesh also expressed his view in a very nuanced way:

I observe that caste exists in the city; one of the Hindi proverbs is very famous in Maharashtra: ‘Jo kabhi nhi Jati hai, vo jati hai’ [things which never diminished, is the caste]. I can say that we never forget our caste because caste is associated with us from our childhood.

By looking at the proverb ‘Jo kabhi nahi jati, vo jati hai’, one can understand the in-depth and deep root of caste in India in general and in the city particularly. During fieldwork, it was observed that many respondents asserted that caste very much exists even in the city. But they still found the city less oppressive and more emancipatory than villages. Undoubtedly, cities, particularly neo-liberal cities, are emerging spaces of emancipation and liberation from caste for Dalits (Desai and Dubey, 2012: 45). Still, one cannot deny its existence in the city or metropolitan. Residential segregation of Dalits in cities is a known phenomenon in urban settlement patterns in India (Parthasarathy, 2009: 12); this is also reported in the present study but not very abrupt. Dalits who live in slums experience residential segregation-socio-spatial exclusion (Chandra and Mukherjee, 2015: 136). Upper caste carries many adverse stereotypes about Dalits which enforce residential segregation and that resulted into upper caste norms discourage egalitarian interaction with Dalits (Saberwal, 1976: 45). Drawing from fieldwork notes, it is pertinent that the new Dalit middle class have experienced residential segregation covertly in the city because of their upwards economic mobility. This phenomenon represents the reality of the new Dalit middle class in terms of buying a flat, but they still experience discrimination when they try to rent out a flat.

It is disappointing for others who believe that caste is becoming irrelevant in the neoliberal era. This study indicates that caste is still relevant in India in the general and neo-liberal city in particular. Nevertheless, despite upwards mobility, the respondents also firmly state that caste is a relevant phenomenon in the city (Deshpande and Palshikar, 2007: 68). As Vinay Kale, one of the young Dalits expressed his view on caste in the city:

If you are well off economically, you can move upward in class and convert your status from middle class to elite, but you cannot escape from caste. Your caste will permanently be attached to you whether you belong to a middle class, upper-middle-class or elite. Sometimes people are not bothered about your income and education rather; they are more eager to know your ‘surname’, which indicates your caste identity. I consider this act as caste discrimination without exclusion-one side, we consider ourselves as middle class. We even want to achieve the status of the middle class, but on another side, we are being identified by our ‘caste identity’.

While locating caste in a class debate, the above narrative suggests that even class mobility does not prevent or abolish the existence of caste and its exclusionary practices. Undoubtedly, it is clear that caste is still a relevant phenomenon in the city. But, the aspiration of Dalits to achieve middle-class status could be considered an act of progress. The article already discussed different opinions and parameters to determine class status, particularly the middle class, like consumer behaviour, monetary cap, economic liberalisation, cultural practices and marketisation. While tracing the understanding and views of the new Dalit middle class on ‘definition of the middle class’ or ‘who is middle class?’, it was found that their views consist of a mixed approach where they used economic, consumption and residential location to determine the middle-class notion in their opinion. As Jaswant Shinde, a 61-year-old Dalit, shared his view on the middle class:

Middle class means a person who owns a flat or a car or earns a salary of around Rs. 50000, but we are lower classes as we are earning less than that. We are not a middle class because we earn less than a middle class.

The shift from rural to urban consumption and a rapid group of household income between 20,000 to 100,000 rupees per year attribute to forming a middle class in urban (Beinhocker et al., 2007: 56), and the income criteria seem more prominent and popular methods to determine the middle class in India. However, a group of scholars argued that the middle class is emerging on the basis of its consumption characteristics and expenditure, known as the new middle class. Giving much attention to income and consumption, it’s been attributed that having a car and air conditioner is also seen as a vital feature of the new middle class (Fernandes, 2000: 88–90; Krishna and Bajpai, 2015: 60–71; Krishnan and Hatekar, 2017: 40–42). However, the new Dalit middle class does not have many ideas about the new middle class. Still, they understand who are the middle class by using income and assets as significant indicators for defining middle class. The more extensive notion of middle-class identity is based on the consumerist lifestyle; thus new Dalit middle class also has shaped their idea of the middle class based on a comfortable lifestyle. As Ram Jatan, a 56-year-old respondent said, ‘for me, the middle class are those who can lead their better and luxurious life’. The new Dalit middle class finds income a significant and robust indicator for defining the middle class.

Owning a house in cities is one of the vital features of the middle class. Even those who do not own a house and have a good income aspire to get a house. As Fernandes (2000) has quoted a woman respondent, ‘I want a house. More than being married, first I want a house. In Bombay, that’s the main thing to have. I told you even if I save my whole life, I won’t be able to afford a house’ (p. 107). The respondents’ anxiety emphasised how important it is to have their own house in neo-liberal cities, particularly Mumbai, where the cost is too high. Such anxiety put pressure on middle-class families. However, in the present study, all the respondents owned a flat, but they were cautious about the residential location to determine class status. As Vines Thorat, a 63-year-old respondent, narrated that

The class differs from locality to locality. It depends on which locality you are living in. In our case, we came from a slum, so we cannot be elite and compare ourselves with those who live in a renowned housing society. When I was working, our customers used to ask us where do you live and then I used to reply that I live in Mankhurd, and after that, they again repeated ‘ohhh’ you live in Mankhurd. Mankhurd batane pe log aage nhi bat karte the kyunki/ maknkhurd ekdam third class area hai (When people know that I live in Mankhurd, they do not talk further because Mankhurd is a third class residential area). Neither I am elite, nor I am very lower class, but I am middle class.

The above snapshot suggests that the new Dalit middle class is more cautious about the residential location and distinguishes between the elite and middle class based on residential location. The respondents are not merely highlighting the significance of residential location to determine one’s class status but also how residential area shapes the idea of class.

Conclusion

The making of the new Dalit middle class is not merely a class-formation of Dalits in urban but also finding a more dignified space in urban and escaping from caste-based discrimination and exclusion that persist in rural areas. The previous generations of the new Dalit middle class fought against caste discrimination and caste violence. The present generation is not merely fighting against exclusion and discrimination but also considering their caste identity as a ‘pride caste’. Therefore, the study argues that the new Dalit middle class has taken forward the struggle of their previous generation, not merely against caste discrimination and exclusion but also asserting through ‘pride caste identity as Dalit’. However, a group of scholars on Dalit middle class claims that reservation has produced Dalit middle class in India. But the present study makes an additional contribution to their argument and existing knowledge by making a point that the new Dalit middle class is not only dependent on state employment but also engages in the private sector and setting up their entrepreneurship.

The new Dalit middle class is trying to avoid caste-based social structure and continue their struggle to achieve middle class status. The aspiration of the new Dalit middle class is not limited to owning a flat and Car; instead; it has reached a new height where they aspired to own a BMW car and set up their enterprises. Consumption has been one of the significant parameters for identifying the new middle class. Locating the new Dalit middle class in that parameter, one could see the changes in their lifestyle. They now live in a flat, use an air conditioner, own a car and refrigerator and save enough for their children’s education and other home goods.

Apart from these points, this study finds that the new Dalit middle class considers the city an emancipatory space where they are liberated from caste more significantly than villages and occupy space for entrepreneurial activities. However, the article tried to capture multiple aspects of the new Dalit middle class in the city, like struggle, aspiration, consumption patterns and changing caste and class dynamics in the city. But, still, their battle is continuing in one or another form, which needs further exploration.