Preserving the Setswana Culture through Personal Names

Names that reflect the Merafe (ethnic groups) and Chieftainship Practices

Ethnic groups, Totems and Traditional Religion

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 1.

Ethnic groups and Totems.

Name	Name gloss and Explanation
Batlokwa	People from the Batlokwa ethnic group (one of the ethnic groups in Botswana)
Bakwena	People from the Bakwena ethnic group (one of the ethnic groups in Botswana)
Motswapong	A person from the Tswapong ethnic group (one of the ethnic groups in Botswana)
Letso	origin
Setso	tradition
Ditso	traditions
Kubusereto	A hippopotamus is a totem
Kgabosereto	A monkey is a totem

Botswana is home to many ethnic groups (merafe), who speak different varieties of the Setswana language, which is the dominant language in the country estimated to be spoken by 70-90% of the total of about 2.3 million people (Andersson and Janson, 1997). Although these varieties of Setswana are different and are spoken in different parts of the country, they are mutually intelligible. Different ethnic groups that make the population of Botswana and speak mutually intelligible varieties of Setswana include Bangwato, Bakwena, Bangwaketse, and others such as Bakalanga, Baherero, Basubiya, who speak other varieties of the Bantu language family that are not necessarily mutually intelligible. To reflect their ethnic origins and languages, Batswana give their children names that make reference to these, such as Batlokwa ‘people from the Batlokwa ethnic group’, Motswapong ‘a person from the Tswapong ethnic group’ and Bakwena ‘people from the Bakwena ethnic group’. Other names that refer to a person’s origin and highlight the importance of that include Letso ‘origin’ and Setso ‘tradition’ or Ditso ‘traditions’. Through these types of names, Batswana are trying to saliently solidify and pronounce their ethnic identities as Aldrin (2016: 388) has observed that the choice of a name can act as an expression or construction of cultural identities.

Each morafe ‘ethnic group’ in Botswana has a totem, and this is an animal that the group considers its ethnic identity. Denbow and Thebe (2006), state that most totems are wild animals that were chosen in the past as symbols of a family or ethnic group and the morafe shows respect to their Badimo ‘ancestors’ by protecting and respecting their totems. This animal is important and sacred to the people. It is held in the highest regard by the group, and it would be considered a major abomination if someone killed or ate the meat of their totem. Names like Kubusereto ‘a hippopotamus is a totem’ and Kgabosereto ‘a monkey is a totem’ reflect the idea of totems among Batswana. People who belong to ethnic groups that have such animals as their totems are usually called with praise names that refer to such animals, for example, a Mokgatla would be addressed as Kgabo ‘monkey’ or a Mongwato as Phuti ‘duiker’, making reference to the name bearer’s totem. The data indicates that the recurring motivation for this category of names is to uphold culture and highlight the origins of the name givers or bearers. These names reflect the name givers’ pride and love for his or her origins and traditions and pay homage to their belief in their ancestors. This is reiterated by Koopman (2002: 82), in reference to Zulu names, who states that clan names or praise names perform several functions which include, ‘the establishment of identity, address forms, thanking, flattering and congratulating, and maintaining contact with the ancestors in various rites’.

From a social semiotics perspective, names that derive from names of ethnic groups and totems are semiotic resources that document the people’s oral traditions, historical origins and identities. The motivation for giving these types of names is revealed as upholding the culture and traditions of the people, therefore they are intentionally given to perform a specific function. Fandi (2020) has observed with Papiackum names that such types of names help to safeguard the history of the people.

Chieftainship practices

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 2.

Chieftainship.

Name	Name Gloss and Explanation
Kgotlaetsile	The traditional meeting place has come/arrived
Lekgotla	A traditional meeting place/ a traditional meeting
Mmakgosi	Mother/ wife of the chief
Mmakgotla	Mother/wife of the meeting place
Mongwakgotla	The leader/ owner of the meeting place
Kgosi	chief
Kgosietsile	The chief has come/ arrived
Mojaboswa	The heir
Kgotla	A traditional meeting place

The kgotla (traditional meeting place) system, is as old as the bogosi (chieftaincy) system and has been and is still a critical aspect of the Botswana society despite the country having a democratically elected government since 1966 when the country attained independence. According to Denbow and Thebe (2006: 21), ‘In the 19th century, Tswana communities were governed through an institution known as the kgotla, where men discussed matters of economic or political importance to the family or community’. The words kgotla ‘traditional meeting place’ and kgosi ‘chief’ are representative of the aspect of power in the Setswana culture. Otlogetswe (2018: 59) states that, ‘traditionally the kgotla is a male space. It is constructed by men, and its attendance is by men’. The system is still in place today as illustrated by the existence of the Ntlo ya Dikgosi ‘The House of Chiefs’. Ntlo ya Dikgosi is a part of The National Assembly, under the legislature arm of government, which is responsible for debating and passing bills into laws. The word kgotla is polysemous as it can mean the actual meeting place, or a part of a village also called a ward which is mostly made up of people who are related. Van Leeuwen (2005) states that, a semiotic resource is any entity that can make meaning, the kgotla in this instance is a space that creates meaning, without anything being vocalised. Just its existence communicates meaning to those who occupy it and are around it, the same meaning that is then extended to names that make reference to it. The name Kgotlaletsile can, therefore, symbolise the birth of a child who is regarded as part of either the actual meeting place or the ward. This name is male specific because traditionally males were the ones who attended kgotla meetings and it would be odd to give the name to a female. The name Lekgotla also means the meeting place or the meeting itself, and it is also male specific for the same reasons. Although the kgotla and the bogosi system are still in effect today, the society is not as highly patriarchal as it used to be. Therefore, in recent years, females have been allowed to attend the kgotla and take part in its proceedings even though the names that relate to it are still largely male specific. The few names that relate to the kgotla and chieftaincy that are female specific are those prefixed with the word Mma- (mother of or wife of), a prefix that indicates femaleness. Examples of such names from the data are Mmakgosi (mother/wife of the chief) and Mmakgotla (mother/wife of the meeting place).

The respondent who was given the name Mmakgosi (mother/wife of the chief) explained that, ‘I was told that on the day I was born, the village chief was being inaugurated. My parents named me Mmakgosi to symbolise this momentous occasion’. This child could not be named Kgosi ‘chief’ because she was a female, the name therefore implies that she could be the mother or the wife of the chief. Zuercher (2007: 87), makes a similar observation with Azerbaijan names that, ‘male names reflect their culturally approved roles in public leadership and religion, while female names imply physical attractiveness and exoticism.’

Other names refer to the bogosi ‘chieftaincy’ system like Mongwakgotla ‘the leader/owner of the meeting place, Kgosi ‘chief’ or Kgosietsile ‘the chief has arrived/come’ and Mojaboswa ‘heir’. The general idea behind these names is to appreciate the boy child who will be expected to help his father with manly duties in the family and the community, hence preserving the traditional Setswana family set up which recognises the man as the head of the household. In Setswana culture, an heir was traditionally a male child because the estate he would inherit would be cattle, so it was important that each family has a male child who will carry this forward, hence names like Mojaboswa ‘heir’. Otlogetswe (2018: 62), further argues that the names Kgosi and Kgotla

‘are usually given to the first male child in the home since males are traditionally associated with the establishment of a kgotla. The association of a son with the kgotla is because it is the men who keep the family name whether they marry or not’.

All these names are male specific, and the unbalanced gender scenario presented by these names is not surprising because the idea of upholding the culture and cultural practices of a Botswana society such as the chieftainship has always been regarded as the prerogative of males. Tlou and Campbell (1997: 117) have observed that in the past ‘. . . women were not allowed to attend the kgotla “traditional meeting place”, had no rights of public speech; nor could they enter the cattle kraal, herd, or milk cattle’. These cultural activities were reserved for men, and this is reflected in the Botswana naming system. However, this scenario is slowly fading as women now attend kgotla meetings, hold positions of the kgosi (chief) and even own farms where they tend to their own cattle. It remains to be seen whether with time, the Botswana naming system will also evolve to embrace these changes and make names such as Kgosi (chief) and Mojaboswa (heir) gender neutral.

Names that reflect the Botswana social and economic way of life

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 3.

Farming.

Name	Name Gloss and Explanation
Mothibedi	Herd boy/shepherd
Dikgomo	Cattle/cows
Modisa	Herdboy/shepherd
Letsema	Ploughing season
Watemo	The one who ploughs/ was born during the ploughing season
Molemi	farmer
Barobi	harvesters
Mmui	The one who skins the animal
Motlhabi	Slaughterer of an animal

Traditionally, Batswana have always been farmers who kept livestock and grew crops, also hunted wild animals for meat. Denbow and Thebe (2006) state that to a great extent, Botswana cuisine centres around meat and grown crops like sorghum and maize. This is the traditional way of life of a typical Botswana family from a long time ago to the current times. The Botswana naming system comprises of names that reflect these cultural activities and signify their importance in the lives of Batswana. Names that refer to the keeping of animals include, Modisa ‘herd boy/shepherd’, Mothibedi ‘herd boy/shepherd’ and Dikgomo ‘cows/cattle’ which are all male specific. This is because traditionally, the livestock belonged to the male; even if he was married the wife had no say in matters concerning the livestock. As noted previously by Tlou and Campbell (1997), in the past, a hundred or so years ago, women were not allowed to enter the kraal, herd or milk the cattle and although they could inherit cattle or own them, they could not sell them or dispose of them without the consent of their guardians, who were either their husbands or their fathers. These are the restrictions that perpetuated and still perpetuate the gender specifications of names like these. This apparent imbalance indicates the patriarchal nature of the Botswana society because traditionally women were homemakers and children nurturers while men were the providers.

Names that reflect the activity of growing of crops by the Botswana society include, Letsema ‘ploughing season’, Watemo ‘the one who ploughs/ born during ploughing season’, Barobi ‘harvesters’ and Molemi ‘farmer’. Interestingly, the names in this category are gender neutral which suggests that the ploughing field is not a gendered space like the cattle kraal. Names that reflect the activity of hunting animals for meat include, Motsumi ‘hunter’, Motlhabi ‘slaughterer of an animal’ and Mmui ‘one who skins an animal’. Like the cattle reference names, these ones are also male specific. It is assumed that these names are male specific because of the physical strength that is associated with the hunting and killing of animals. This category indicates that when it comes to certain cultural activities gender roles are clearly marked and there are hardly any overlaps. The category also illustrates that the Botswana societal expectations on males and females differ as observed by Rapoo (2003), who notes that Setswana male names demonstrate qualities of strength, fierceness and leadership, as demonstrated by the names here, while female names demonstrate aesthetic features. These societal expectations are also demonstrated in other cultures like the Shona of Zimbabwe. Makondo (2013) argues that the stereotypical nature of placing the male child over the female is not as subtle in the Shona culture which openly values the male child more than the female one and would even proudly name women who bore boys Vachizvaramachinda ‘mother of boys’ and these were highly valued when compared to Vamachekanhembe ‘mother of girls’.

Names in this category are excellent semiotic resources that communicate or highlight the patriarchal nature of the Botswana society. This characteristic of the traditional Setswana society does not need to be spelt out, but it comes out vividly through the names in this category. Fandi (2020), argues that semiotic resources can be concrete or abstract, verbal or non-verbal and their meanings are not pre-given, but constructed in a given context. The context under which Setswana names in this category are given, creates meaning that communicates the patriarchal nature of the Botswana society.

Initiation schools and regiments

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 4.

Initiation schools & regiments.

Name	Name Gloss and Explanation
Mephato	regiments
Mophato	regiment
Modisakgosi	Those who guard the chief
Madibelakgosi	Those who protect the chief

Prior to embracing the modern education system, the Botswana society had its own traditional education system through initiation schools for young people, termed bojale for girls and bogwera for boys. According to Denbow and Thebe (2006: 16), ‘these schools, which lasted for many months taught young people the responsibilities of adulthood, respect for elders and royalty, the virtues of obedience and their rights and obligations in society’. The young people also learnt the history of their societies through praise poems and the general teaching methods used were riddles, puzzles and proverbs. It is at these schools that young people were taught about their rites of passage and young boys were circumcised, preparing them for manhood and girls were inducted on the menstruation process, childbirth and taking care of the home.

According to Morton (2012), after initiation, graduates became a mophato and were subsequently given a name that bonded them together for life. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Botswana naming system will have names that reflect this important aspect of the Setswana culture like the name Mophato ‘regiment’ or Mephato ‘regiments. Other names would reflect the naming of a specific mophato (regiment). For example, children who were born at around the same time when a mophato was graduating were usually named after the mophato, hence names like Madisakgosi ‘those who guard the chief’ or Madibelakgosi ‘those who protect the chief’. In addition to being artefacts of cultural preservation, such names also function as memory retention devices as they always help communities remember significant, social or cultural events that such names refer to. The processes of what took place at the initiation schools were kept secret and sacred because only those who went through such processes understood what went on there, hence there are no names that refer to the actual activities that went on at initiation schools.

A Setswana traditional marriage

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 5.

Tswana marriage.

Name	Name Gloss and Explanation
Bogadi	Bride price/ lobola
Kelaegile	I have been taught well/ instructed well
Lenyalo	Wedding/ marriage
Tseo	Wedding/ marriage
Tuduetso	ululation
Kemo	Wedding/ marriage

The institution of marriage has always been a significant one in the life of a Motswana, it afforded individuals respect and status among their communities. As such the processes of this institution are reflected in Setswana personal names. According to Denbow and Thebe (2006: 136), ‘at the beginning of the 19th century, a gift of cattle from the groom’s to the bride’s family was the primary way in which a marriage was recognised as legitimate in the eyes of the public’. This gift was labelled as bogadi ‘bride price’, and as such the word exist as a name in Setswana, and it is mainly a female specific name, probably because it is the woman’s family that receives such a gift. The Setswana marriage ceremony involves a process where the newly married woman spends time with older, married women who teach her how to behave and act as a married woman. This process is called ‘go laya’, which means to teach or instruct. When a child is given the name Kelaegile ‘I have been taught/instructed well’, the symbolism is that she will be well raised to make a good wife in future. Other names related to the institution of marriage are Lenyalo ‘a wedding celebration’, Tseo ‘a marriage’, Kemo ‘a marriage’ and Tuduetso ‘ullulation’. An ululation is a celebratory sound made by women that is central to the wedding celebrations. Names in this category represent different aspects of the Setswana traditional marriage and it is worth noting that all of them are female specific. This is because as Tlou and Campbell (1997) have noted, traditionally, women were expected to get married, become home makers and child nurturers, hence names that reflect these activities being female specific. A Setswana traditional marriage is a rite of passage that is significant in the life of a Motswana, just like the initiation process, so Batswana live and experience their cultures and traditions through such practices. Socio-onomastics allows Batswana to craft meaningful personal names from such experiences. And this in turn helps to preserve these cultural practices.

Names that are derived from proverbs

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 6.

Setswana proverbs.

Name	Name Gloss and Explanation
Eephutha	It organises itself
Oaipetla	It moulds itself
Gaseikanngwe	It cannot be trusted or relied on
Setlogelwa	That which has been left behind

Setswana is rich in proverbs which carry meanings intended to teach, guide and inform, therefore it is fitting that the language would have names that derive from these. In the past, before the formal education system was introduced in Botswana, knowledge was shared through oral traditions, which included proverbs, riddles, folktales or oral narratives and poems. These were an important integral aspect of the Setswana tradition, and the knowledge was passed from generation to generation, usually from the elders to the young in the evenings, around an open fire or at initiation schools. These sessions were for both entertainment and education. Names that are derived from proverbs are therefore a reflection of this part of the Setswana culture. The names keep this part of the culture alive, particularly because the days of sitting around the fire with the elderly and initiation schools have been eroded by modern life. The current data gives, an example of the name Eephutha ‘it organises itself’, which derives from the proverb that says, ‘Tau e iphutha metlhala fa ele nosi, fa e na le ditawana ke mafaratlhatlha’ which literally means that one can take stock and organise one’s life when alone and not when in a crowd. This name was given to a respondent who was born as an only child and the parents were justifying that fact. The decision to have one child was a conscious one as the parents wanted to lead an organised life without distractions that may be brought about by many children. Generally, in the African context, families are large, but this has changed over the years. Modern parents prefer smaller families and the respondent who bore this name was relatively young and was born to younger, contemporary parents.

The other name that is derived from a proverb is Oaipetla ‘it moulds/crafts itself’. This derives from the proverb, ‘Moremogolo go betlwa wa taola, wa motho o a ipetla’, which means that no one can mould another person into a better individual, but it is the responsibility of an individual to make themselves a better person. The name is a kind of advice to the child that he should strive to make himself a better person and not expect anyone else to do it on his behalf. Another example is the name Gaseikanngwe ‘it cannot be trusted or relied on’, which derives from the proverb ‘sedibana pele ga se ikanngwe’ which literally means that you cannot trust or depend on something that is yet to happen because it might not materialise, an equivalent of the English expression, ‘do not count your chickens before they hatch’. The name Asalepele ‘they are still to come’ is derived from the proverb; se tshege yo o oleng, mareledi a sa le pele which literally means that you should not rejoice or celebrate when someone is experiencing hardships because you might be in the same position in future.

Another name is Setlogelwa ‘that which has been left behind’ which is derived from the proverb ‘se a re go tlogelwa tsatsing se ikise moriting’, which literally means that when something or someone is left in the sun they should be able to move themselves to the shade if the heat is too much for them. The metaphorical meaning is that when someone is put in a compromising or uncomfortable situation that does not favour them, they should do their best to get out of it. The respondent who gave this name had this to say, ‘My husband died while I was pregnant with this child. I named her Setlogelwa to remind myself that life had to go on, even without my husband’. These names are important aspects of the Setswana culture as they help to preserve the Setswana oral traditions, as well as the Setswana language. It is observed that although the aspect of gender feature prominently in other categories, the names discussed here are gender neutral and belonged to both males and females and there is nothing in their lexical meanings or motivations that denote any gender stereotypes.

Fandi (2020), on a social semiotic analysis of Papiackum proverbial names concluded that, these names, when interpreted, highlight norms and values, cultural taboos and oral traditions. The same scenario is exemplified by Setswana names that derive from proverbs. The names, when interpreted, carry historical, cultural and social teachings that need to be preserved, hence the need for the current paper.

Names denoting symbolism through traditional artefacts

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 7.

Traditional Setswana artefacts.

Name	Name Gloss and Explanation
Sesigo	Traditional storage basket
Leiso	Traditional fireplace
Mhiko	A tree branch used as a kraal closure
Mokoro	Trough (used for animals to drink or eat from)
Lorako	Wall made from wood
Leloba	A thin rope
Lebeana	A part of a broken clay pot
Letshego	A 3-legged stand used during cooking

Some Setswana names derive from the names of traditional Setswana ornaments and artefacts. According to Ramaeba and Mathangwane (2015: 137), ‘such names denote objects that have always existed among the Batswana but were not used in naming children’. This scenario indicates a movement from conventional Setswana names to a more creative, culture-based contemporary naming system. The naming process is not static; it evolves with time, and this evolution has resulted in what socio-onomastic research has termed ‘first name fashion’. Ainiala (2016) has observed that with first name fashion, parents usually try to find names for their children that are special or rare, usually following a trend specific to the period. In recent years fist name fashion has been significant in the Botswana onomastic space, influenced by the desire for rare, positive and catchy names among contemporary Batswana parents. According to Ramaeba and Mathangwane (2015), these rare, contemporary names depict a positive outlook unlike the old, traditional Setswana names some of which depicted negativity like Mathata ‘problems’ or Khutsafalo ‘sadness’. It is for these reasons that young Batswana parents explore the Setswana culture for these contemporary names. Examples of these names include, Sesigo ‘traditional storage basket’, Leiso ‘traditional fireplace’, Mokoro ‘trough (used for animals to drink or eat from)’ and Mhiko ‘a tree branch used as a kraal closure’. These names derive from ordinary words in the Setswana vocabulary, but when they are used as names, they symbolise an entirely different meaning that is deeper and more symbolic. The current data has names like Lorako ‘wall made from wood’ which symbolises an only male child in the family who would protect the family like the wall would protect the house or the homestead. The name Leloba ‘thin rope’, usually given to a child born immediately after marriage symbolises that he or she will tie the family together and strengthen the marriage, just like a rope would. Rosenhouse (2002: 98) has made a similar observation with Arabic and Hebrew names, arguing that ‘they refer to pleasant objects, geographic places, animals and good qualities, and they never depict any negativity.’

In addition to the initially stated motivation of first name fashion the use of words that denote traditional artefacts may also be a deliberate decision by young Batswana parents to prevent these words from becoming extinct, especially because the activities that these ornaments are used for are no longer actively practised. For example, the sesigo “traditional storage basket’ was traditionally used to store harvest after the harvesting season, and this activity has become extinct over the years as people prefer modern ways of storing their harvests. The name Lebeana “a part of a broken clay pot” symbolises one of the traditional household chores for a girl child. Traditionally, homes shared fire in the form of hot coal, when the fire in one homestead died, people would go to the next home to get coal to re-ignite it and the coal was carried in a broken clay pot because it is a poor conductor of heat. This was a chore for young girls which also symbolises that they are future homemakers who are to make sure that the homestead always has fire and subsequently food. The name Letshego ‘a three-legged stand’, symbolises responsibility and leadership qualities for the name bearer. In a traditional Botswana homestead the letshego is a stand that is put over an open fire to hold the pot when cooking. The same attributes of necessity and responsibility associated with the item are bestowed on the name bearer, who is usually a male. The expectation or hope is that the male child would shoulder the responsibilities of the family and provide for it. This paper argues that the use of these words that refer to traditional artefacts as names is a deliberate effort to preserve the vocabulary and the activities associated with the artefacts through symbolism.

The section has discussed the names that have been identified as preserving the Setswana culture, traditions and language. The names are categorised into five main themes, namely, political structures, economic structures, social activities, oral traditions and traditional artefacts. This analysis has demonstrated that Batswana have a rich culture that exists in all aspects of their lives which they unconsciously or consciously reveal through their names and naming systems. The analysis shows that Setswana names are not just linguistic entities which identify individuals, they bring to the fore in a subtle way the daily way of life of the people, their cultures and traditions. This is reiterated by Fandi (2020: 293) who has observed with Papiackum names that, ‘Names are an important aspect in the African culture given that the African does not name his or her children for naming’s sake’.