The African Rites of Passage and the Black Fraternity

The history and legacy of the Black fraternity has, at times, often been examined superficially. Many African American scholars have feared that an introspective analysis of these organizations would reveal the Black fraternity’s decadence, snobbery, and dependence on Western cultural ideals. The Black Greek-letter organization has created a paradox within the Black community. There are those who view the Black fraternity as a Eurocentric organization that was only created as a means for African Americans to emulate European culture for the sole purpose of procuring political, social, and economic standing. Conversely, there are others who see the Black fraternity is an African-centered organization whose characteristics are derived from traditional African values and thus was created as a means of liberating the Black community from the harmful effects of prejudice and racism.

During a 1930 commencement address at Howard University, W. E. B. Du Bois (2001) remarked,

Our college man today is, on the average a man untouched by real culture. He deliberately surrenders to selfish and even silly ideals, swarming into semiprofessional athletics and Greek letter societies, and affecting to despise scholarship and the hard grind of study and research. The greatest meeting of the Negro college year like those of the white college year have become vulgar exhibitions of liquor, extravagance, and fur coats. We have in our colleges a growing mass of stupidity and indifference. (p. 45)

The power, mass appeal, and social standing that the Black Greek-letter organization has within the Black community are immeasurable. These institutions consist of prominent individuals, such as politicians, physicians, doctors, and lawyers, within their membership (Hughey & Parks, 2011). Membership into the ranks of these organizations, which are often viewed as elitist institutions, affords many of their members with greater social access and mobility throughout American society, making them some of the most important and influential African American institutions in the United States (Parks, 2008).

Noted individuals such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Jesse Jackson, John Lewis, Bill Cosby, and W. E. B. Du Bois all claim membership to a Black Greek-letter organization. However, despite their contributions, the Black Greek-letter organization was not a social organization that led the charge for social change within the Black community; rather, it was an organization that conformed to the structure of White Supremacy. While it is true that these organizations did speak out against lynching and other social atrocities, the leadership within these organizations did not always use the full force of their membership to act as a catalysis for social change. Moreover, although the Black Greek-letter organization served as a safe haven for Black thought and allowed for new attitudes regarding the future of the Black community, these organizations were conceived within in a Western culture, which over time reflected the views of a racist society and thus became a hindrance to the furtherance of the Black community. In this respect, the Black Greek-letter organization became a cultural incubator, which at times mirrored the White community’s preoccupations, prejudices, and desires. To this end, the Black Greek-letter organization became an oppressive organization that was used to suppress African American agency and uphold the ideals of White Supremacy.

Black Greek-letter organizations not only comprise one of the largest institutions in the Black community, but they are also well-known as being one of the most secretive and guarded groups in terms of releasing information to non-members (Gasman, 2011). In fact, many of the individuals who are privy to these organizations have not used their special access to provide a transparent history of the Black fraternity’s missions and goals. Lawrence Graham (1999), author of Our Kind of People, indicated that the “Boulé” (Black Greek-letter organizations) was considered by many to be an elite men’s club and that its membership has included some of the most accomplished, affluent, and influential Black men in every city for nearly 100 years. Graham further elaborated on this matter by writing,

The Boulé selects its national membership strictly on the basis of professional accomplishments rather than popularity among a certain local group. Conducting all of the their official activities and social gatherings in black tie attire with formal ceremonies, Boulé members are men who are attracted to the fraternity because of intellectual discussions and its interests in promoting scholarship among a group of black professional men. (p. 45)

At first glance, the Black Greek-letter organization presents itself as a social institution steeped in the traditions of classical Greek culture and Western traditions. Among those who support and validate the Black Greek-letter organization, there is both an acceptance and a suppression of African identity. The use of Greek letters, Greek terminology, and Greek symbols is common within these organizations. Furthermore, the embracing of Greek culture and the denial of African ethos creates a paradox regarding the identity of its members; a phenomenon that Du Bois (1989) famously coined as “double consciousness” (p. 16). As evident by the names chosen to represent many Black Greek-letter organizations, along with the usage of such terms as “archon” and “polemarch,” these organizations patterned themselves heavily on ancient Greek society. “Archon” is a Greek word that means “ruler” or “lord” (American Heritage College Dictionary, 1997, p. 71). It was frequently used as the title of a specific public office. In addition, the chief magistrates in various Greek city states were also called archons. Today, the word is the root for English words such as “monarch,” “hierarchy,” and “anarchy.” Likewise, the term “polemarch” referred to a senior military title within the city states of ancient Greece (American Heritage College Dictionary, 1997, p. 1057). The polemarch was generally viewed as the “Master of War.” As such, the “Archon Plemarchos” presided over all matters that were related to the military in Athens. Consequently, within Black Greek-letter organizations, the presidents are commonly referred to as “archons” or “polemarchs.”

The allure and appeal of the Black fraternity and sorority cannot be overstated. These institutions, from their initial creation, consisted of physicians, lawyers, teachers, and other professional occupations. Often seen as elitist, membership into the ranks of these organizations afforded its members more social access and mobility throughout American society. Presently, Black fraternities and sororities claim approximately 800,000 members, including both current and alumni members (Parks, 2008). These organizations have strict academic and social service membership requirements and often recruit their members from highly competitive colleges and universities. This aspect positions them as one of the most important and influential African American institutions in the country. Each year, they offer various scholarships and conduct numerous service programs, such as voter registration drives and mentoring programs (Hughey & Parks, 2011).

Since the inception of the first Black fraternity, historians, such as Black Haze author Ricky L. Jones, have considered Black Greek-letter organizations to be African centered in their philosophy and characteristics. Furthermore, these scholars also claim that these organizations were patterned after traditional West African organizations. Moreover, these scholars claim that “Africa has always been preserved and perpetuated in the rituals, public accounts, and serve projects of the Black Greek-letter organization” (Brown, Parks, & Phillips, 2012, p. 11). At first, the Black fraternity—with its use of Greek letters, Greek terminology, and Greek symbols—seemingly imitates Eurocentric organizations under the guise of a “Black” organization. However, after careful review, it would seem that the Black Greek-letter organizations’ use of European culture may only be a superficial aspect of the Black fraternity’s overall structure. Furthermore, there is evidence that will demonstrate that the overall rites of passage of the Black fraternity—which include ancestor veneration, rebirthing concepts, and dance performance—mirror those characteristics found within traditional West African communities.

While the Black Greek-letter organization may resemble some of the characteristics and cultural traits of many traditional West African communities, these similarities may not have been directly influenced from African societies. Furthermore, it is important to remember that it was not the intention of the founders of the Black fraternity to create social organizations that would replicate traditional West African societies within Western culture. The primary aim of the Black Greek-letter organization was to create a social organization utilizing a Eurocentric framework to gain social, political, and economic access into American society. Hence, many of the similarities to traditional African organizations can be seen as an unintended consequence of deep culture and not a product of direct design.

Today, Black fraternities’ strongest supporters claim that these organizations have continued their commitment to the African American community through the building of foundations, which provide scholarship and moral growth of the Black community. Current Alpha Phi Alpha President and author Herman Mason has maintained that these organizations have dedicated themselves to training a new generation of leaders with national mentoring programs and partnerships designed to ensure the success of future generations. Moreover, these individuals assert that these organizations have supplied voice and vision to the struggle of African Americans and other people of color around the world.

In a 1952 article that appeared in the fraternity’s journal, The Sphinx, Alpha Phi Alpha founder Henry Callis recounted that “Alpha Phi Alpha was born in the shadows of slavery, on lap of disfranchisement. We proposed . . . to bring leadership and vision to the social problems of our communities and the nation” (Wesley, 1981, pp. 15-16). Callis added, “Our job ahead required a fellowship which would embrace those millions outside of the talented tenth” (Wesley, 1981, p. 16).

When searching to establish a link between Black Greek-letter organizations of the United States and traditional West African organizations, it is best to start with the Asafo companies of Southern Ghana. By reviewing and comparing the history and function of the Asafo with the Black Greek-letter organization, we can establish a relationship between these two social institutions. Evidence will illuminate how these traditional West African societies served as the cultural foundation that helped to give birth to the current social, political, and cultural reality of the Black fraternity.

The overall rites of passage used by the Black Greek-letter organization to initiate its new members were more than just rituals used for pageantry. These solemn ceremonies were milestone events used to build a brotherhood and a consensus of like-minded individuals to combat against the effects of racial discrimination and oppression found within American society. Similarly, the rites of passage of the Asafo of West Africa were also used to build a community of individuals whose job was to defend against those who would wish the community harm.

The term “Asafo” appears within the vocabulary of many Akan and non-Akan ethnic groups of Southern Ghana. The Akan term “Asafo” is defined generally in the literature of the Asafo system as a military company or organized military band (Datta & Porter, 1971, pp. 279-297, 289). The Asafo was generally seen as a social group comprising young men from the various states who, in wartime, constituted the bulk of the fighting men. In peacetime, they constituted themselves as independent rival groups in the towns and villages.

During the 16th century, different regions of Ghana were made up of a wide and diverse collection of Asafo groupings. Asafo groups were broken down into smaller sects, which are commonly referred to as companies. With the original believed to date back to the 16th century, Asafo companies were found throughout Ghana among the Fante, Ewe, Akan, and the Asante people (Adler & Barnard, 1992). Within each town, makeshift borders and paths were made to distinguish boundaries of each village. Then, within each municipality, the local chiefs would mobilize young men to clear these paths. These young men were believed to constitute the humble beginnings of the various Asafo companies of Southern Ghana.

During pre-colonial times, Asafo companies were primarily used for police work, maintaining the peace at markets and helping in the clearing of forests. During the colonial era, the Asafo companies were regarded as the protectors of the community. As such, the Asafo were often used to protect the public from thieves, robbers, murderers, and wild animals that threatened the safety of the public (Adler & Barnard, 1992). Aside from providing manual labor and police work to the community they served, the Asafo were extremely instrumental during the instoolment and destoolment ceremonies of the local chiefs. During the instoolment of a chief (Adler & Barnard, 1992), it was the Asafo who would carry the newly inaugurated chief on their shoulders throughout the streets of the city. However, if a chief became detrimental to the community he served, it was the duty of the Asafo to storm the house of the chief, remove his sandals and regal attire, and forcibly remove him from the stool, therefore ending his reign as chief.

Commonly associated with the Fante people, who are found along the Cape Coast region of Ghana, the Fante version of the Asafo system was adopted and used as a framework for the mobilization of citizens for military purposes as well as peacetime civic activities throughout the coastal regions of Ghana (Datta & Porter, 1972). These Asafo companies were independent entities with their own set of distinct designations, hierarchy of officials, outposts, emblems, and ritual customs.

Asafo membership was patriarchal in nature, while Fante chieftaincy was aristocratic and matrilineal, meaning the chief would trace his descents through the females back to the founders of the community. Conversely, the Asafo system was patriarchal and democratic (Adler & Barnard, 1992). Every child, male or female, would automatically enter his or her father’s company, and membership was open to all classes, from stool holders to fishermen. Additional requirements of the Asafo involved the swearing of an oath of loyalty to one’s company.

Each Asafo company had its own distinctive flags, songs, colors, emblems, mottos, and shires, which were unique only to that company. Each company’s central shrine, called a posuban, was generally an elaborate concrete structure decorated with brightly colored figures and served as a store for regalia and a focus for sacrifices (Datta & Porter, 1972). Flags, called frankaa, were also key items of regalia. At annual festivals, funerals for company members, and other occasions, flags were hung around the shrine and paraded through the village. Although the exact origins of Asafo flags are unclear, there are reports of their use dating back to the early 18th century. The imagery on the flags asserts the wealth and prowess of the company and explicitly challenges rival groups. Often, the design alludes to proverbs, reflecting the importance of proverbs throughout Akan culture.

The relationship between the Asafo companies in peacetime was characterized by intense rivalry and competition. This rivalry and competition, especially in the latter part of the 19th and in the early decades of the 20th century, led to open fighting between the different Asafo companies. The rivalry that occurred between different Asafo companies was exacerbated by singing of songs that would speak of the past humiliations of other companies. In addition, much of the fighting between companies also occurred during the public inauguration of new Asafo captains and during the exhibition of Asafo emblems, to which many rival companies took exception.

An important factor of the Asafo system was that it provided a permanent framework through which common people could assert their social and political independence. Above all, the Asafo companies were regarded as important structures that held a great deal of political influence and played an important constitutional role in chieftaincy matters. They also were widely regarded and recognized as the caretakers of the paramount stool during an absence of the chief.

The common bonds that link the Asafo companies of Ghana with the Black Greek-letter organizations of the United States can be found within their rites of passage, the guiding principles, philosophical views, and the overall character inherent in these organizations. While slavery and colonization strained, it did not completely break the cultural bond between Africans in Africa and those who reside in the West (the United States). Moreover, wherever people of African descent may reside, their cultural practices have always remained an intricate part of their lives.

Asante claims that among African diaspora people, African cultural elements are always present. In Afrocentricity, Asante (1988) wrote,

Your Afrocentricity will emerge in the presence of these other ideologies because it is from you. It is a truth, even though it may not be their truth . . . most Africans no matter how distorted their realties will accept the cultural basis of Afrocentricity. It is like a fish swimming in water, it cannot escape the water. Its choice is whether to swim or not, that is to activate. There is nothing the fish can do about the existence of the water. (p. 43)

Although the term “Afrocentric” was not in vogue at the turn of the 20th century, the college students of the era and the undergraduate students of the Black Greek-letter organization were very much aware that their connection to Africa was quite different from the stereotyped misrepresentations that continue to abound (Brown et al., 2012, p. 30). The observance of solemn assemblies, the reverence of processions, and litanies to the gods are all cultural characteristics of most traditional African societies. Consequently, this obedience to tradition has also been observed by the Black fraternity. Most notably, the invoking of ancestral names in ceremonies, the ideas of rebirth and resurgence, the importance of music and chanting for power, the significance of historical records, and the observance of Ma’at are all practiced within the modern Black Greek-letter organization. Ma’at is the name of the Ancient Egyptian goddess of truth. In pharaonic Egypt, the goddess Ma’at was the personification of truth, order, balance, and justice. Furthermore, Ma’at was regarded as the notion of harmony, the righteousness of truth, and the notion of how things should be.

In her book, Contemporary African American Theater, Anadolu-Okur (1997) wrote,

In Egyptian life, the primary concern was that of abiding by the guiding principles of Ma’at—that is Truth, Justice, and Righteousness—with an accompanying emphasis on the value of traditions. (p. xxv)

In traditional African communities, some cultural traditions are strictly observed. These cultural traditions were first initiated by the ancient Egyptians and later disseminated to other African societies, including those in West Africa. Collectively, these elements of culture serve as the bedrock of many African communities. According to Asante (1988), the five Kemetic (Ancient Egyptian) concepts that constitute the Ma’atic response to injustice and disorder in the world are Teb, Pet, Heb, Sen, and Meh. The transformation of these concepts throughout Africa and the African world has meant the influence of Kemet continues unabated even in the language and behavior of African Americans. The concept of Teb is commonly associated with beginnings and involves the age-grouping of children. The notion of Pet centers on extensions and focuses on the practice of communalism and the extended family. The idea of Heb is modeled around the festival and centers on rites of passage, dances rituals, and the honoring of ancestors. The thought of Sen relates to the living ancestors, and the concept of Meh involves the search for harmony and the fulfillment of Ma’at. Collectively, these ideals have all remained an intricate aspect of the traditional African societies, and consequently, these principles have also been absorbed into the collective consciousness of the Black Greek-letter organization.

Perhaps the greatest shared characteristic between the Black Greek-letter organization and the Asafo can be seen within the ancient practice of invoking the names of ancestors in ceremonies and other symbolic acts. Within many traditional African societies, ancestral worship and veneration are central themes that ground spiritual practices. An important aspect of African traditions is the presence of spirits or ancestors. In the African worldview, ancestors are everywhere—in persons, trees, rivers, animals, rocks, mountains, and even in personal effects. Within most African communities, the traditional religious practices permeate every aspect of life on the continent (Addo-Fening, 1998). These spirits, in many ways, act as moral interpreters of the society. They abhor and deter individuals from committing crimes, such as adultery, stealing, cheating, and suicide. Within traditional African societies, one’s ancestors are seen as being omnipotent and all-knowing.

Igor Kopytoff (1997) stated,

Ancestor worship is very prevalent throughout Africa and serves as the basis of many religions. Ancestor veneration is often augmented by a belief in a supreme being, but prayers and/or sacrifices are usually offered to the ancestors who may ascend to becoming minor deities themselves. Ancestor veneration remains among many Africans, sometimes practiced alongside the later adopted religions of Christianity (as in Nigeria among the Igala) and Islam (among the different Mandé peoples and the Bamum) in much of the continent. (p. 54)

Similarly, this reverence for one’s ancestors is also an important factor within the philosophy of the Black Greek-letter organization, whose members also view their ancestors, who are commonly referred to as founders, as omnipotent entities who guide the current members of the organization through the perils of life.

Just as Africans revere their ancestors as spiritual conductors who connect them and God, Black Greek-letter organizations also hold the founders of each organization in the highest degree of respect and admiration. It is common for members of Black fraternal organizations to open ceremonies or meetings with prayers or hymns dedicated to the memory of their founders. In addition, every Black Greek-letter organization has a variety of songs, poems, stories, and literature specifically to honor its founders.

In “The Founders Hymn” of Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, this devotion and admiration for the organizations’ founding members is articulated in its lyrics:

“The founders of our wondrous band in numbers thought were three. Taught ideals high, which soon, became a part of every Phi. Said they of cause, let us make known, oh brothers don’t dismay. Fear not, fight on, for in this wise, our cause speeds on its way.” From western plains to eastern hills, there comes a shout of praise, a shout which swells of victory bids sigma beta praise. A shout which swells to loud hurrahs and to us seems to say, fear not fight on for our cause speeds nobly on its way. March on march on ye mighty host not think the journey done nor of the future deeds to boast till we the victory won and when we hear from time to time oh sigma what of the day . . . well thunder back along the line our cause speeds on it way. (Scruggs, 1924)

In addition to hymns of praise, images of the founders of Black Greek-letter organizations are often depicted on clothing, their likeness placed on walls, and shires erected in their honor.

Along with ancestor veneration, the ideas of rebirth and resurgence are also essential components of both traditional African societies and the Black fraternity. The concept of rebirth is a belief that was first practiced by the ancient Egyptians. Accordingly, this idea has become an essential tenet of many traditional African religious systems and philosophies. Belief in rebirth has been a tradition among African peoples from all parts of the continent. The Akamba (Kenya), the Akan (Ghana), the Lango (Uganda), the Luo (Zambia), the Ndebele (Zimbabwe), the Sebei (Uganda), the Yoruba (Nigeria), the Shona (Zimbabwe), the Nupe (Nigeria), and the Illa (Zambia) are just some of the traditional societies that hold the idea of rebirthing as a central philosophical process (Chegwe, 1973). There is, of course, a wide variation in understanding of the processes of rebirth: beliefs range from that in a “partial” reincarnation of an ancestor in one or several individuals strictly within the same family to that in an endless cycle of rebirths linked to a notion of cleansing and refinement of the inner nature. As there are endless shades of understanding, reincarnation is known by many names: Among the Yoruba of Nigeria, rebirth is referred to in various ways, including Yiya omo, translated as the “shooting forth of a branch” or “turning to be child,” and A-tun-wa—another coming. The Aboh-speaking peoples of the Ibo family of nations in Nigeria speak of Inua u’we or “returning to life” as they believe death is an end to one life only and a gateway to another; man must be reborn, for reincarnation is a spiritual necessity.

In addition to ancestor veneration, belief in rebirth, the use of music, and chanting for power, the autonomy and uniqueness of each Asafo company, “that is,” its distinctive songs, colors, emblems, flags, mottos, and shires are essential components of their existence. In fact, the various Asafo companies would often engage in open fighting when another company would violate these revered objects. For example, a clash between two companies was usually inevitable when a rival company would provoke another company by using an objectionable flag and other symbols or by trespassing within boundaries of another town that was assigned to a rival company. Similarly, within the Black Greek-letter organization, the uniqueness of each organization is paramount as each organization has its own distinct characteristics that represent the qualities of a particular organization. Hence, within the Black Greek-letter organizational structure, there is a great deal of attention placed on each organization’s hymns, colors, flowers, shields, mottos, poems, and founders.

Along with the distinctive histories and traditions held by most traditional African societies, there is also a strict observance of the concept and ideals of Ma’at. This particular observance of values derived from ancient Egypt is referred to as “Meh.” The concept of Meh involves the acknowledgment of the supreme deity and the search for harmony. Consequently, the observance of Ma’at is also an important characteristic represented within the philosophical practices of the Black Greek-letter organization.

Within the moral sphere of Ma’at, purity, truth, and justice were rewarded, while sin, misconduct, and disobedience were punished. As a result, both morally and physically, the universe was in perfect balance. The concepts of communalism and reciprocity are also seen as important concepts of Ma’at. It is, then, no surprise to find that these principles are also regarded as key principles of many traditional African communities. In traditional African societies, being part of the community is valued over the concept of individualism. Individualism is a concept derived from European thought that places emphasis on the success and well-being of the individual, whereas communalism is seen as a concept that has a long history in Africa that places attention on the power of community and the usefulness of the group rather than the individual.

Likewise, within the Black Greek-letter organizations, the importance of the individual is minimized and the well-being of the collective group is valued. Kenyan theology professor John S. Mbiti (1969) wrote,

Whatever happens to the individual happens to the whole group, and whatever happens to the whole group happens to the individual. The individual can only say: “I am, because we are; and since we are, therefore I am.” This is a cardinal point in the understanding of the African view of man. (p. 109)

The Black Greek-letter organization also fosters the same type of reciprocal relationship between those who are members of the organization and those who wish to join its ranks. During the initiation process, the new pledges of Black Greek-letter organizations may be placed in an intense, high-pressure situation known as “social probation” where they are denied social interaction with anyone outside of the pledge line. They are not allowed to talk to, socially interact with, or engage individuals who may disrupt their isolation. This isolation of the new initiates from the larger community helps to foster the principle of communalism among the pledges, thus fulfilling the African concept of Pet. At the end of their isolation, the pledges must take a solemn oath of allegiance to the tenets and principles of the organization that they are joining. Throughout this process, the pledges are taught both the idealistic and pragmatic aspects of the organization, as well the philosophies and theories that relate to their own organization.

These new members also learn fraternity history, songs, poems, rituals, and information regarding other chapters. The pledges are expected to wear distinctive clothing indicating their status as a new initiate. This attire may include matching shirts, ties, jackets, boots, hats, and so forth. Initiates are sent through a variety of trials during a weeklong ordeal referred to as “Hell Week,” “Probation,” or “Crossing the Burning Sands.” During their probation week, the candidates participate in a naming ceremony and are given new names, which signify their transformation after their initiation Neophytes or newly initiated members are given the passwords and signs, as well as secrets, designed for that specific organization.

Other similarities between the Asafo and Black Greek-letter organization exist. The Asafo was seen as an organization whose main function was to serve as the protector of the community. The same principle also holds true for the Black Greek-letter organization, whose main function is to help, aid, and uplift the African American community against the harmful effects of racism. Consequently, both the Asafo and the Black Greek-letter organization have undertaken the task to serve as guardians and caretakers of the Black community.

Although many Black Greek-letter organizations may exhibit some Eurocentric characteristics, these organizations also embody many traditional African qualities. Both the Black Greek-letter organization and the Asafo companies of West Africa are social institutions that can be linked by extending traditional African cultural ideals and incorporating them with the cultural practices of diasporan African communities. Thus, the common bonds that link the Asafo companies of Ghana with the Black Greek-letter organizations of the United States can be found within their rites of passage, guiding principles, philosophical views, and the overall character inherent in these organizations. Moreover, the Black fraternity is a prime example of how African Americans have left their cultural imprint by fusing traditional African cultural characteristics within contemporary Western organizations, thus creating a new hybrid while maintaining its link to traditional African communities.