Abstract
This review aims to investigate the link between narrative identity, generativity, and storytelling in African American elders. Storytelling has been a method of intergenerational communication and connection for a number of years in the African American community. Storytelling has also strengthened generative ties and intergenerational relationships. Erikson’s eight stages of psychological development are used to examine narrative identity and generativity. Research exploring the life experiences of African American elders is also presented. This article examines the current research on narrative identity and generativity and the African American experience, and makes suggestions for future endeavors in the field. It is recommended that future research consider the three—narrative identity, generativity, and storytelling—to better understand the experience of older African Americans.
Introduction
For many cultures and groups of people, storytelling is a way in which members of a community pass down traditions to younger generations, as well as make meaning for themselves. Storytelling and oral tradition are ways to teach younger members of the family their history. For the elderly, sharing their history in the form of stories allows for generativity, or a connectivity of generations. The life stories of African American elders are influenced by unique historical and personal events and circumstances. These stories are shared through the development of one’s narrative identity, which enables individuals to interpret and explain life events in order to both learn more about who they are and to share with other people (McAdams & Cox, 2010). Among African Americans, storytelling has been a method of intergenerational communication and connectivity for centuries, as well as a way in which younger generations can learn about cultural and family values, and methods of resilience specific to the African American experience. The purpose of this review is to investigate the link between narrative identity, generativity, and storytelling in African American elders.
I will explore narrative identity and generativity primarily using Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Erikson emphasized developmental change throughout the life course through eight life stages (Erikson, 1950; Graves & Larkin, 2008). The stages—trust versus mistrust (infancy), autonomy versus shame and doubt (ages 1-3 years), initiative versus guilt (early childhood), industry versus inferiority (middle and late childhood), identity versus role confusion (adolescence), intimacy versus isolation (early adulthood), generativity versus stagnation (middle adulthood), and integrity versus despair (late adulthood)—have been explored over the course of several decades in order to examine human development across the life span (Graves & Larkin, 2008). In generativity versus stagnation, thought to take place in middle adulthood, Erikson notes that individuals wish to retain agency while transitioning to generativity. Erikson (1950) explained that generativity is the interest in establishing and guiding the next generation. Furthermore, some adults do not apply the principle of generativity to their children, but exhibit generative acts through other forms of altruism or creativity (Erikson, 1950). Generative people are also able to foster and support the development of others and contribute to the culture to which they belong (Frensch, Pratt, & Norris, 2007). While middle adulthood is the stage at which Erikson describes the point at which people enter this stage, generativity extends into late adulthood due to transitions in personal roles, such as becoming a grandparent.
One important component in generativity is intergenerational relationships, which have been particularly instrumental in preserving and strengthening African American families (Waites, 2009). Despite adversity, African Americans have a legacy of multigenerational kinship, resilience, spirituality, and hope (Denby, 1996; Waites, 2009). Waites (2009) also notes that family networks have been a source of strength for African American families. Furthermore, intergenerational ties go beyond immediate or nuclear families and include extended family as well as fictive kin (Stewart, 2007).
Generativity is expressed through a number of methods. This article will examine storytelling—as research has yet to explicitly examine storytelling in a generative context. Banks-Wallace (2002) notes that stories fill our cultural and social environments—they are everywhere. In addition, stories are viewed as means of preserving common characteristics of a culture and passing them on to younger generations (Banks-Wallace, 2002). Ogunleye (1997) discusses storytelling as folklore in the African American community, and notes that the strength of folklore, or storytelling, is in its power to communicate both the social and cultural identities of generations. Moreover, storytelling is seen as a highly effective medium for teaching African American children about their legacy, as well as effective ways of thriving in spite of life’s adversities. Research has also suggested that storytelling can offer unique opportunities to promote evidence-based choices in a culturally appropriate context (Houston et al., 2011).
African American Older Adults
The life narratives of African American elders share a number of aspects. Shellman (2004) conducted a qualitative investigation in an effort to increase the knowledge available about the cultural heritage, worldviews, and life experiences of African American elders. Participants discussed the cumulative effects of poverty, racial segregation, neglect, and disregard experienced by African American elders throughout their lifetime. The narratives of participants discussed the poverty and lack of access to culturally competent health care. Overall, lived experiences of African Americans participating in the study were marked by experiences of discrimination. Research has also supported the idea that the family is a major source of support for African Americans (McCoy, 2011; Shellman, 2004). African American culture emphasizes informal support systems more than Whites’ culture (Lee, Peek, & Coward, 1998). In addition, in African American communities, values are shared when kin and others band together to share resources in spite of adversities such as poverty and discrimination.
Health research has also explored the impact of the African American experience on the health of elders. For example, Becker and Newsom (2005) note that how ethnic minorities handle illness and infirmity in later life may be related to how people sustain themselves in the face of racism. The authors conducted a 10-year longitudinal qualitative investigation of ethnic minorities’ experiences with chronic illness. The research team aimed to explore older African Americans’ philosophies about their chronic illnesses and how these philosophies impacted the individuals’ chronic illness management. Findings emphasize the resilient philosophy displayed in the face of illness. Furthermore, themes of race, religiosity, independence, and resilience emerged from the findings. Research has even explored and reinforced the importance of recognizing and supporting cultural strengths of African American women to help manage illness such as HIV/AIDS (Shambley-Ebron & Boyle, 2006).
The role of elders in the African American family is very unique. McCoy (2011) notes that African American elders are typically charged with helping the young to continue to exist in the face of new challenges. As the focus of African American families is centered on children (Revell & McGhee, 2012) and transferred messages are impacted by social and historical time, elders have to be able to discern what lessons the current generation of young people need to hear. For example, while previous elders worked to enforce racial pride and dignity, elders today work to teach younger generations to resist feelings of entitlement as well as to redirect rage away from each other and toward the ineffective systems that have disappointed them (McCoy, 2011). Shambley-Ebron and Boyle (2006) note that older African American women hold positions of honor due to their role in raising children and weathering adversity. Furthermore, as older members of the family age and grow frail, caregiving roles may reverse. Research has shown that African Americans are more likely to care for aging parents than Whites (Dilworth-Anderson et al., 2005; Fingerman, VanderDrift, Dotterer, Birditt, & Zarit, 2011), providing many opportunities for the building, strengthening, and maintenance of intergenerational relationships.
Narrative Identity
The concept of narrative identity was developed in the 1980s when theorists began to examine Erikson’s developmental stage of identity versus role confusion, which he proposed takes place during adolescence (McAdams, 2009). McAdams (2009) argues that identity is partially an internally evolving life story, and therefore, narrative identity begins to develop during the period of time in which adolescents are exploring and learning more about who they are. McAdams and Cox (2010) also propose that Erikson’s idea of ego integrity may also be interpreted as an individual’s struggle to struggle to create a meaningful story of life. The development of narrative identity also describes moment-by-moment stories that people live, or perform, in daily social behavior (McAdams & Cox, 2010).
Narrative identity allows the opportunity for personal reflection, self-evaluation, and measurement of self-growth (McAdams & Cox, 2010). Narrative identity is defined as a person’s internalized and evolving life story, and integrates the reconstructing past and imagined future to provide life with meaning and purpose (McAdams & McLean, 2013). Narrative identity has been proposed to develop over the course of one’s life, and reconstructs an individual’s past and imagines the future in a way that will bring purpose and meaning to one’s life (McAdams & Cox, 2010; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Singer, 2004). Narrative identity also draws on a life span developmental approach, marrying Piagetian and Eriksonian theoretical ideas (Singer, 2004).
In African Americans, narrative identity is constructed partly of experiences of suffering. In the narration of suffering, individuals self-explore to understand lessons learned and insights gained in order to enrich one’s life (McAdams & McLean, 2013). In a qualitative study completed with six African American men, Black and Rubinstein (2009) found that the narratives of the participants expressed that racism led to suffering and shaped ways in which the men felt they could shift their communities into places of safety and belonging.
The narrative identity of older African Americans is constructed of strong familial ties, informal “village-like” relationships, and faith (Shellman, 2004; Shellman, Ennis, & Bailey-Addison, 2011; Waites, 2009). Shellman, Ennis, and Bailey-Addison investigated the perceived benefits and functions of reminiscence in a sample of community-dwelling African American elders. Reminiscence techniques allow individuals to draw from life histories and participate in reflective processes such as storytelling to improve wellness in later life. One theme that emerged in the small focus groups was fellowship, family, and faith. Focus group participants reflected on their relationships with family, other loved ones, and God. In Shellman’s (2004) study exploring the life stories of older African Americans, research participants described ways they were able to cope with discrimination. One theme that emerged was family caring for family. Individuals spoke of memories of family sticking together through adversity. The elders spoke of how families cared for one another by working, playing, and praying together (Shellman, 2004).
Generativity
Frensch et al. (2007) note that at the core of generativity is caring. Generativity is defined as an adult’s concern for and commitment to the well-being of younger individuals, and is expressed through parenting, teaching, mentoring, and other activities aimed at establishing one’s legacy to the next generation (Erikson, 1963; Hart, McAdams, Hirsch, & Bauer, 2001). In addition, generativity refers to the psychosocial goal of providing for the well-being of the next generation as a legacy of one’s self. Generativity involves a shift from being self-focused to other-focused in a person’s perspective (Frensch et al., 2007). Among those messages transferred are tools directly related to maintaining and sharing aspects of a group’s cultural experience. Cultural traditions are transferred from elders to younger generations—as a result, self-identity is both established and renewed.
In addition to giving back to younger cohorts, Erik Erikson’s (1963) life span developmental framework notes that generativity is the positive pole of adaptation during midlife. Furthermore, in Erikson’s seventh stage of development, adults are making decisions that pull them toward either generativity or stagnation. Erikson (1963) notes that generativity is a positive aspect of adaptation, in that it represents concern and care for younger generations. Generativity also calls for a shift in one’s focus from attention on self to attention on others (Graves & Larkin, 2008). Generativity is primarily understood using Erikson’s stages of development. Erikson describes middle adulthood as a dilemma between generativity and stagnation, in which generativity has a broad application to family, relationships, work, and society (Slater, 2003).
Pratt (2013) notes that in older adults, generativity is commonly expressed through grandparenting. Grandparents provide emotional and financial resources for grandchildren to thrive (Coall & Hertwig, 2011; Newton & Baltys, 2014). Grandparenting is important for passing on life values (Bates, 2009). In their study exploring the relationship between generativity and parenting status (parents, grandparents, and non-parents), using narrative data from the Foley Longitudinal Study, Newton and Baltys (2014) found that, in general, African Americans expressed higher levels of generativity than Whites.
Research has shown racial differences in generativity. Hart et al. (2001) found that in a sample of 253 African American and White adults, after controlling for mean education and family income, African Americans score significantly higher than Whites on measures of generative concern and generative acts. Generative concern refers to the consideration and interest in the younger generation. Acts are those activities that may be viewed as generative (reading a story to a child or teaching someone a skill). The research team also found that African American parents were more likely than their White counterparts to view themselves as role models for children.
Storytelling
Banks-Wallace (2002) notes that storytelling is an interactive process in which individuals share stories with others, and that the practice also provides a way of expressing hopes, fears, and dreams. Storytelling, a term often used interchangeably with oral tradition, oral history, and folklore, is a way to share family history, pass traditions onto the next generation, and raise children. Elders are viewed as storytellers, the advisors, and links between the past and the present. In addition, stories are means of preserving common characteristics of a culture and passing it on to subsequent generations.
While stories are typically based on true stories or prominent “characters” in the African American community, they are not necessarily first-person accounts, or autobiographical truths. Storytelling provides the opportunity for elaboration and reinventing. Stories are told through the subjective lens of the orator. What one person may recollect may vary from that of another person. It is in this way that these stories should continue to be taken and appreciated for their uniqueness, symbolic meaning, purpose, and embedded lessons, rather than their literal face value.
Zora Neale Hurston, a renowned African American author, referred to African American folklore as the “boiled-down juice of human living” (Hurston, 1995). She notes that it (folklore) is involved in shaping and making sense of the natural laws these people found around them. There is tremendous significance in folklore because it is said to contain seeds of wisdom, problem solving, and prophecy, and is communicated most commonly using stories of rebellion, victory, logic, and satire (Ogunleye, 1997).
Research has even considered the benefits of utilizing storytelling and oral tradition in its methodology. Stewart (2007) conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews in order to examine the ways in which African Americans define family and kinship and cite Heath (1989), noting that the technique was appropriate for the study because interviews were able to be completed in an informal manner, and were in line with the tradition of passing information orally. Storytelling has also been used in health research. For example, Vereen, Hill, and Butler (2013) have proposed a framework that employs the use of storytelling and humor in counseling programs targeted at African American men. They note that storytelling in counseling settings enables both parties to gain a clearer understanding of the client’s experience, and counselors may become more informed about the social, historical, and cultural influences in an individual’s life (Vereen et al., 2013). Storytelling has also been used in reminiscence therapies, in which individuals recall past experiences in therapeutic settings in efforts to improve mental health and well-being (Shellman et al., 2011).
Furthermore, Kim, Moran, Wilkin, and Ball-Rokeach (2011) investigated the use of neighborhood storytelling networks, education, and chronic disease knowledge among African Americans and Latinos in Los Angeles. Using random-digit telephone interviews with African American and Latino participants, the authors found that access to community-based communication had a mediating affect on knowledge on breast cancer and diabetes, but not hypertension and prostate cancer (Kim et al., 2011). Lastly, Houston et al. (2011) conducted a randomized controlled trial to test an interactive storytelling intervention involving DVDs. African American community members with hypertension participated in the creation of a DVD, in which patients shared their life stories about their chronic illness, and professionals provided informational segments. Research participants were randomly assigned the final DVD, and changes in blood pressure between the intervention and comparison groups were measured at 3 months, and 6 to 9 months. The research team found that the intervention group had substantial and significant improvements in blood pressure in patients with baseline uncontrolled hypertension. These examples illustrate how storytelling strengthens intergenerational relationships as well as influences the well-being of individuals, families, and communities. In addition to being a method in which you keep in touch with friends and family, develop new kinships, share information, and learn more about new environments (Banks-Wallace, 2002), storytelling has also shown to have a positive impact on health.
Integrating the African American Experience, Narrative Identity, Generativity, and Storytelling
Waites (2009) notes that today’s social environment and challenges individuals face justify the use and rejuvenation of cultural strengths. While Waites (2009) was referring to addiction to drugs and alcohol, the overrepresentation of African American children in foster care, higher rates of HIV, AIDS, and incarceration, and other disparities among African Americans, this statement remains true today. At a time in which the topic of race is at the forefront of discussions in this country, understanding and appreciating intergenerational relationships in African American families are important. It is necessary to note that the life experiences of African American elders include both the past and the present. That is, the narrative identity of African American elders is constructed of both past experiences of discrimination and triumph, as well as current events (i.e., the election of America’s first African American President as well as the most recent issues surrounding the killing of unarmed African Americans by police officers). It is not enough to simply consider the historical events when discussing one’s life narrative—present day occurrences must be included as well.
We also see that in addition to the social environment of older adults, health research has shown evidence of the implications of storytelling in African Americans. Chronic health conditions are major causes of illness, disability, and death among African American elders (Gitlin et al., 2008; Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Foundation for Accountability, 2001). For a group of elders who may mistrust medical professionals due to past treatments of discrimination (Shellman, 2004), implementing storytelling interventions may improve health. For professionals and other individuals interacting with African American elders, practicing storytelling methods allows older adults to share their narrative, and the listener is better able to understand the experience of the individual (Black & Rubinstein, 2009).
Conclusion
The primary aim of this article was to investigate the link between narrative identity, generativity, and storytelling in African American elders. Using Erik Erikson’s seventh stage of development (generativity vs. stagnation), I examined narrative identity, generativity, and storytelling in older African Americans. According to Erikson, generative individuals nurture the development of others and contribute to the culture to which they belong (Frensch et al., 2007). In addition, the unique life narratives of African Americans have been considered in research examining generativity and storytelling. Throughout this article, I highlighted a number of studies that utilized tools examining the experience of African American elders, generativity, and storytelling in health research, as a number of researchers have investigated the impact of these individual factors on the health of older adults (Banks-Wallace, 2002; Becker & Newsom, 2005; Black & Rubinstein, 2009; Houston et al., 2011; Kim et al., 2011; Shambley-Ebron & Boyle, 2006; Shellman, 2004; Shellman et al., 2011; Vereen et al., 2013). This research emphasizes the importance of including methods of storytelling and considering the impact of generativity and the African American life narrative in public health research.
I also examined literature investigating the strength of familial ties in African American families. Among published findings, research has found that families are a major source of support in African Americans, elders are expected to help in the development of young people, and families stick together through adversity (Banks-Wallace, 2002; Dilworth-Anderson et al., 2005; Fingerman et al., 2011; Hart et al., 2001; Lee et al., 1998; McCoy, 2011; Revell & McGhee, 2012; Shellman, 2004). This research speaks to the expectations of generative behaviors from elders in the African American community. This also creates space for a new dialogue that includes a more thorough analysis of tools that may enhance intergenerational relationships in African American families.
The research discussed in this analysis emphasizes the importance of the integration of the African American experience, generativity, and storytelling. Future research should aim to incorporate these interventions in interventions aimed at improving the health and well-being of older African American adults and their families. Future endeavors should also aim to strengthen intergenerational ties between older and younger family members. Storytelling methods have been used for centuries in African American families, and both influence and are influenced by feelings of generativity. In this particular article, I examined storytelling from one direction, focusing on the sharing of stories from elders to younger members of the culture. The field stands to be strengthened if research examines storytelling from a bidirectional point of view. Furthermore, as elders are typically charged with the raising and nurturing of younger members of the community, research should examine the actual messages and lessons that are being delivered through methods of storytelling. Research has yet to examine these messages.
Generativity is a recurring theme in African American families and is exhibited through parenting, grandparenting, and an overall “village-like” disposition. African Americans have been passing traditions and teaching cultural values and lessons using storytelling methods for centuries. Storytelling is further explained using Erik Erikson’s stages of development and the concept of narrative identity. While narrative identity is proposed to begin to develop during adolescence, and generativity is thought to develop in middle adulthood, individuals listen to and share stories throughout their lives. It is in these stories that culture is shared and lessons are learned. In efforts to better understand the live experience of African Americans, the consideration of the three—narrative identity, generativity, and storytelling—is appropriate, and it is my recommendation that research continue to make efforts to use these ideas to strengthen and enrich the field.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
