Undoing the Hottentoting of “the Queen of Punt” A Jamaican Afronography on the Kemetiu Depiction of Ati of Punt

Tiknis iina Kemet

The source material for the physical aesthetic of the female body in Kemet is limited in number, but it is revealing when translation is done in Afrikan languages as the Afrikan aesthetic disposition informs the basis of inquiry. There are two texts discussed below that specifically address the issue of physique as it pertains to women. However, it is important to emphasize that the literary evidence discussed is based on the literature from Kemet, not the people of Punt, because there is no available evidence for the latter. Limitations notwithstanding, it does not mean that the aesthetic perspective of the Kemetiu could not be applicable to the Afrikans in Punt as both are Afrikan people within an interconnected Nile Valley context.

There is a discussion of a woman’s physique in Maxim 37 of The Instruction of Ptah-hotep, which dates to the Old Kingdom period in Kemet (ca. 2686–2181 BCE). ⁸ The description has been difficult for European translators. Observe the difference in the English translation and the Jamaican translation. There are two Jamaican translations given in two different orthographies. The top translation uses the Jamaican Language Unit (JLU) orthography and the bottom is in an English-approximate orthography:

Instructions of Ptahhotep, P. Prisse 15.6-15.8 ⁹

 If you take to wife a Spn.t

Who is joyful and known by her town

If she is fickle and likes the moment

Do not reject her, let her eat

Joyfulness brings happiness (Lichtheim Translation) ¹⁰

Ef yu tek a waif wid a tik badi

uu aat api an ar tong piipl dem ehn nuo ar

Shi kaina somtaimish, bot api fi ar taim

Duohn dash ar we, mek ar nyam fram yu!

Di api aat uman shi bring-op di kaam waata

If you tek a wife wid a tick baaddy

Oo art ‘appy an ‘ar town people en know ar

She kinda sometimish but ‘appy fe ‘ar time

Don’ dash ‘ar ‘way, make ‘ar nyam fram yuh

De appy art ooman she bring up di calm water

Mariam Lichtheim does not translate Špn.t into English due to the difficulty that it has caused for Egyptologists. She observes that translations have ranged from “fat woman to dancer” (1973: 98, n. 61). C. Cannuyer argues that Špn.t refers to “obesity” and, consequently, he translates line 15.6 ir ir.k Hmt m Špn.t as “If you marry an obese woman” <<Si tu épouses une femme obèse>> (1986: 95–103). Like the anthropologists and Egyptologists discussing Ati, Cannuyer has a European Hottentot Complex. The Jamaican translation of Šnp.t as tik badi (thick body) clarifies the aesthetic perspective in the text. Clearly, Ptahhotep is not advising a man to accept a woman despite her physical appearance—it is the opposite. The instruction emphasizes the value of tiknis in a woman alongside other traits.

The love poem “The Great Song for Soothing the Heart” (e.k.a The Song of Seven), written during the New Kingdom era (ca. 1189–1077 BCE) provides further confirmation of the tik aesthetic. The first ḥwt (stanza) is a male persona describing his beloved. The text is translated below in Jamaican. The left version is in JLU orthography, the text on the right is English approximate orthography:

Papyrus Chester Beatty (pCB) 1C, 1V1-V8. ¹¹

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Di taat a di big sang dem fi iiz di aat	Di ‘tart ah de big song fe ease de ‘art
Di sista di nomba wan uman, fi ar mach no de-de	De sista di numba won ooman, fe ‘ar match no deh-deh
Priti muor dan eni uman	Pretty more ‘dan any ooman
Luk pan ar laik di Maanin staa	Look pon ‘ar like de mawnin staar
wen gud yier taat	when good year ‘taart
Skin brait-op, nais, an sumuud	Skin bright-up, nice, an’ sumood
Ar yai-dem luk gud	Ar eye-dem look good
Ar mout swiit wen shi taak	‘Ar mouth sweet when she talk
Fi ar word-dem no iina ekses	Fe ‘ar word-dem no inna exces
Ar nek lang, ar titi dem priti	‘Ar neck lang, ‘ar titty-dem pretty
Ar ier di riil lapis shain	‘ar ‘air de real lapis shine
Ar aam-dem fi tek ova guol	‘ar arm-dem fe tek ova’ gol’
Ar finga-dem fieva lotis	‘ar finger-dem fayva lotus
Ar bati tik, ar wies tait	‘Ar batty tik, ‘ar wais’ tight
Ar tuu leg-dem fleks ar seksinis	‘Ar two leg-dem flex ‘ar sexiness
Shi muv gud wen shi waak bout di plies	She mov’ good when she walk bout de place
Shi tiif mi aat wid ar toch	She tief me heart wid ‘ar touch
Shi mek evri man de nek	She mek every man deh neck
Ton roun fi si ar	Turn roun’ fe see ‘ar
Di glad wan shi aalwiez huol	De glad wan she always hol’
im laka di tap wan outa aal di lova-dem	Im like-a de top won outta’ all de lova’-dem
Wach ar waak bout di plies	Watch ‘ar walk bout de place
Laik Da Wan ya, Hut-Hiru	Laik Da Won ya, Hut-Hiru

The Jamaican translation of bdŠ pḥt as “bati tik” is entirely different from the English translations done by Egyptologists. The critical difference is in the way that bdŠ is interpreted. Alan Gardiner’s interpretation of bdŠ as “drooping” is one of the suggested English translations listed (Gardiner, 1931: 30; Lesko, 2002: 143). The problem is that Gardiner’s translation of bdŠ is awkward. Subsequent translations, as seen above, have differed drastically. Mariam Lichtheim translates bdŠ pḥt as “heavy thighs” (1976: 182) when the translation of pḥt is “buttocks” (Lesko, 2002: 153) and, in addition, the word for thighs is mnty (Lesko, 2002: 185). John Foster’s translation, “curving hips,” is equally puzzling (1995: 163). The concept of curving hips is redundant in an Afrikan context and, further, the word for hips in is mny (Lesko, 2002: 186). Acknowledging the problem with Gardiner’s translation (Fox, 1985: 56), Michael V. Fox adds French in his translation, “(f)ull her derrière” (Ibid: 52, emphasis added). Fox’s translation is an improvement over the other European translations, but the notion of a “full derrière” does not capture the cultural nuance of tiknis. Clearly, European languages do not have an adequate translation for the meaning of bdŠ, whereas Jamaican has a perfect translation in tiknis. The equivalent concept of “thickness” in AAE would also be an accurate translation. The contrast between the Jamaican translation and the English translations of bdŠ pḥt reflect the cultural limitation of the European translators.

Carolyn Cooper explains that the notion of vulgarity is often associated with Afrikan culture in contrast to “refined” European culture which, turn renders Jamaican language as “vulgar” and English “refined” (1993: 8–9). Cooper’s observation is reflected in the translation difference between the Jamaican translation and the English translations. Whereas some European translators avoid the buttocks and use inaccurate terms, a Jamaican can simply translate tik bati because di bati is not profane in Jamaican culture. Furthermore, the notion of tiknis is a Jamaican aesthetic value which is a stark contrast from European culture which is why European scholars have difficulty translating these texts. The Jamaican translation of the Kemetiu texts show that the notion of beauty in an Afrikan context is fundamentally different from that of European culture.

The cultural nuances of the tik aesthetic is evident in Jamaican Music. For example, in his single “Punany A Mi Best Friend”, Vybz Kartel (2013) says in the chorus “tok a tik, bobbl fi mi kwik// Go de gyal—wat a badi tik” (tock a tick, bubble for me quick/ Go on and dance, damn—your body’s thick). In her verse on Stylo G’s “Dumpling” remix (2019), Spice boasts “mi tais dem tik laik pompkin/ luk pon mi big bati jompin.” (My thighs are tik like pumpkins, watch my big bati jumping). Also, fat and big can be used synonyms for tik (Shaw, 2012: 141–143), especially in reference to di bati, for example, “big bati gyal,” which demonstrates the cultural nuance in the meaning of tiknis. For example, there is the classic Carl Malcolm song “Fattie Bum-bum” (1975) or Buju Banton’s “Di Woman Dem Phat” (2000). Vybz Kartel’s song “Bike Back” (2012) praises a woman’s bati in the chorus “yu bati big so e-e”. This is synonymous usage of fat is seen in other Caribbean music genres, such as Soca. In her single “Fatt” (2020), Trinidadian Soca artist Nadia Batson boasts in a verse about her bompa (Trinidadian for bati): “De laik it tik/ De laik it fat// som a wi av it nachural/ an som pie fa dat” (They like it thick, they like it fat// some of us have it natural/ and some pay for that). Evidently, the concept of tiknis has culturally specific nuances that are grounded in Afrikan culture as demonstrated by the Jamaican translations of Kemetiu texts. Thus, Afrikan languages and/or the use of concepts from Afrikan languages is essential for Afronographic analysis because language captures the transgenerational and transcontinental manifestations and continuities of Afrikan culture.

The culture of ancient Nubia yields further evidence of this aesthetic disposition. Ancient Nubian dancers, for example, are shown with tik badi types in Nubian art (Ashby, 2018: Figures 2 and 3). Moreover, The Kendakes (queen mothers) of Meroitic Nubia (ca. 300 BCE–400 CE) are depicted with tiknis. Most notable is the depiction of Kendake Amanishekete (see Figure 2). Babacar Sall suggests that it is likely that their physique reflects her status and wealth (1994: 78–79). However, the emphasis on tiknis could also be tied to fertility. For example, in a cemetery at Karanog, there is a bowl (ca. 1st–3rd Century CE) that depicts a tik woman waiting outside a canonical hut to get milk from a calf (Woolley and MacIver, 1910: Plates 26–27). This image shows a practice in which a woman was fed to gain the necessary weight for fertility. This practice can be seen in contemporary continental Afrikan culture (See next sub-section). The importance of fertility is likely the functional dynamic that explains why tiknis would be a marker of status and wealth in Afrikan society and, in turn, beauty in Afrikan culture. Thus, the ancient Nile Valley context brings clarity to the Kemetiu perspective. This functional value of tiknis would inform the perspective of the Kemetiu audience who encountered the depiction of Ati.

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Figure 2.

Illustration of Queen Amanishekete from a relief in her pyramid (Photo Credit: Sall, 1994, Planche I, Figure 2).

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Figure 3.

Illustration of the procession of the Puntite royal family (Photo Credit: Edwards, 1981: 284).

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Figure 4.

Illustration of the royal family of Punt bringing goods (Photo Credit: Edwards, 1981: 289).

Tiknis iina Afrika

The continuity of this aesthetic of tiknis, is evident among Afrikan people in the continent. A prime example is the fertility rooms (e.k.a “fattening rooms”) of the Anang people of Nigeria. There is a cultural association between a woman’s weight and fertility. Tiknis is also a marker of physical beauty for women in Anang society (Brink, 1989). In fact, as discussed earlier, there is evidence of a similar practice possibly among the ancient Nubians in the Meroitic period who celebrated the tiknis of their Kendakes in their visual motifs. This practice of the Anang, evidently, reflects the value of functional dimension of beauty in Afrikan aesthetics in terms of practicality and meaningfulness as fertility is a critical determinant in physical beauty.

The concept fertility and beauty in Afrikan culture is present in Jamaica. Studies in rural Jamaica showed that thinness is perceived as infertile, while tik women are seen in a positive context (Barned, 2017: 15–16). This centrality around fertility from rural Jamaica is not different from the Anang perspective. Moreover, within that positivity, tiknis is associated with kindness, vitality, and body health. There are also the similar and related notions of slim-tik “slim-thick,” flofi “fluffy,” mampi “mampy,” and plomp “plump” that Jamaicans use to describe beautiful women (Ibid: 130). It is important to note that these terms exist within a spectrum of tiknis. This spectrum is demonstrated in the Dancehall artist Pamputtae’s “Slim versus Fluffy” (2013) in which Spice is featured as the two women engage in friendly boasting about their respective physiques. Comparatively, Ati’s physique would be understood within this same spectrum of tiknis in Kemet.

There is a dimension of resistance in the aesthetic of the tik bati in Jamaican culture. According to Jamaican legend, Queen Nanny of the Maroons defeated the English armies by catching their bullets in her buttocks and farting them back at the soldiers (Brathwaite, 1994: 120–122). From this context, Janelle Hobson argues that “the batty” functions as a site of resistance and decolonization in which Black women assert their agency within a larger Afrikan diasporic discourse. As such, the movements of the bati in dancehall and carnival music challenge colonial constructs of “decency” (Hobson, 2003: 101–103). However, the resistance in the Afrikan diaspora must be contextualized within an Afrikan cultural context. Concerning Nanny, Kamau Braithwaite cautions:

But we must remember that the buttocks is a source and symbol of power – what the Kikongo call mgara – fulfillment – And in the case of Nanny we see the buttocks, then, only as a (?negative) symbol of derision & abuse but also (more positively) as an expression of military power (she displayed her buttocks during battle) as an xpression of para-military power – since she was guerilla too. . .a symbolization of her ritual power. (Brathwaite, 1994: 126, second to fourth emphasis added)

In addition, Braithwaite notes the role of concealing and revealing the bati in Kumina and carnival as an expression of fertility (Ibid) which corresponds with the earlier discussion of the functionality that gives value to tiknis in Afrikan culture. As such, it is evident that the aesthetic of tiknis is not rooted in resistance as much as it is a continuity of an Afrikan aesthetic.

Egyptology

As discussed earlier, Eduoard Naville was the first European academic to analyze the depiction of Ati and described her as a “barbarous beauty standard” of “inner Africa.” This perspective has been foundational to contemporary Egyptological discourse on Ati. Referring to her as “the fat queen of Punt,” Kenneth Kitchen suggests that Ati is Khoisian or “Bushmen” solely based on her physique (1971: 188). Ssehura was a Khoisian and eventually this group became synonymous with the racist nomenclature of “Hottentot” and “Bushwoman” (Fausto-Sterling, 1995: 21–23). Kitchen’s commentary echoes the sentiments of Naville, but it also Ati further demonstrates the influence of European Hottentot Complex in contemporary Egyptological discourse.

Joyce Tyldesley’s commentary also echoes Naville’s sentiment. Like Naville, she distances Kemet from Afrika. Her description of Nswt bity Hatshepsut’s physical appearance, based solely on conjecture, shows her racial positioning of Kemet:

we can assume that, in common with most upper-class Egyptian women of her time, she was relatively petite with a light brown skin, a relatively narrow skull, dark brown eyes and wavy dark brown or black hair. (Tyldesley, 1996: 129, Emphasis added)

This faulty assumption is furthered in her comparison between the physical appearance of Kemetiu and Puntites as depicted in Nswt bity Hatshepsut’s voyage to Punt. She contrasts the Puntites as “a curiously mixed bunch” of black and brown Afrikans, while noting that some look like Kemetiu—as if they too are not the same people (Ibid: 149). The subconscious racial contrast is clear in Tyldesley’s description of Ati’s physical appearance:

[Neshi’s] grotesquely fat wife, with her wobbling, blancmange-like folds of flab and enormous thighs emphasized by her see-through costume, presents a marked contrast to the stereotyped image of the upper-class Egyptian woman as a slender and serene beauty. (Ibid: Emphasis added)

The fact that Tyldesley introduces Ati with a negative physical descriptor, as oppose to her name or royal title, is derogatory. She even asserts that Ati is “too fat to walk” and continues with unwarranted derogatory remarks about her weight (Ibid: 150). Tyldesley has not established, conclusively, that Ati’s body would have been disparaged of the Afrikan people themselves. Although Naville was an overt white supremacist, even he acknowledged the difference in beauty standard in “inner Africa.” Tyldesley directly quotes Naville’s commentary (Ibid: 148, n. 32), but she does not acknowledge the Afrikan context of Kemet or Punt. Thus, there is a clear Eurocentric subtext in Joyce Tyldesley’s commentary on Ati.

Robert Bianchi follows the same pattern. He divorces Kemet from Afrika explicitly when discussing its relationship to ancient Nubia and Punt (Bianchi, 2004: xiv, 1–5). He observes that some of the Puntites have similar physiognomy with Kemetiu, but singles out Ati:

The only anomalously designed figure in this entire suite of decoration is [Ati], the Queen of Punt, but here again the imperatives of the design tenets governing all ancient Egyptian art precludes a precise pathological identification of her physical condition. (Ibid: 124, emphasis added)

Bianchi further explains that the portrayal of Ati is an ideological depiction meant to contrast and emphasize the “exotic” and “foreign” (Ibid: 124–125). It is illogical to conclude a pathological condition based on an allegedly conventional form of representation. Moreover, the depiction of Ati could be an accurate pictorial representation without a pejorative or pathological connotation to the audience. Ultimately, Bianchi’s contradictory assumption of exoticism and pathology reflects his view, not the aesthetic perspective of the Kemetiu.

Even Egyptological books focused on visual arts in Kemet do not provide any nuance or improved discussion on Ati. For example, Gay Robins uses hyperbolic language to describe Ati as a racial contrast:

His enormously fat wife, the [opposite] of the Egyptian notion of female beauty, is also perhaps to stress the otherness of these people. (Robins, 2008: 126)

However, there are no Kemetiu women depicted in the visual scenes to contrast with Ati which makes Robins’ comment on “otherness” perplexing. Consequently, it is evident that Robins’ interpretation is based on her views of Ati, not the perspective of the Kemetiu.

In his discussion of connoisseurship in Kemet, Jack A. Josephson thinks that there is something remarkable about the artisans’ ability to depict a woman with Ati’s physique:

[T]he famous depiction of the queen of Punt, depicted as hugely obese and covered with rolls of fat, is an excellent example of the skills of the artisans who drew, carved, and painted these scenes. (Josephson, 2014: 69, emphasis added)

The hyperbolic language clearly reflects his personal disposition, rather than a serious intellectual inquiry. Josephson further adds that Ati’s presence is “a humorous depiction” (Ibid, emphasis added). This “humor,” however, is not based on the primary sources. Josephson does not attempt to deconstruct the perspective of beauty in Kemet, rather he assumes that his perspective, which is Eurocentric, to be normative.

The discussion reveals two underlying problems in the European discourse on Ati. First, Kemet is dislocated from Afrika and, in turn, it is subconsciously read as a European/white culture. This is evident by the treatment of Punt as an Afrikan contrast to Kemet. The racial undertone of this contrast is evident by the perplexing comparisons between Ati and conventional visual representations of women. Second, there is no consideration given to other interpretations. The scholarship assumes that the Kemetiu were concerned with her physical appearance in the same manner as Eurocentric observers. Moreover, the scholars do not provide any evidence which suggests that the Kemetiu would have pathologized her physique or found it distasteful. Furthermore, the fact that both white men and white women disparage Ati speaks to the shared cultural and historical context of both groups. Their aesthetic perspective is a stark contrast from the Afrikan aesthetic of tiknis. Consequently, it is inevitable that Ati would be subject to anti-Afrikan commentary from both white men and women. Thus, the Egyptological discourse projects the European Hottentot Complex onto the Kemetiu.

From Elephantiasis to the “Queen of Punt Syndrome”

In European scientific literature, Ati’s appearance is not only deemed unappealing, but she is assumed to have a medical condition. B.R Laurence pondered the possibility of Ati having filarial elephantiasis. He argued that the only reason for objection is “the rare involvement of all the limbs and the absence of swelling in the feet of the queen” (Laurence, 1967: 613). Yet, he does not outright dismiss elephantiasis diagnosis. Comparing Ati to her daughter, Laurence describes her appearance as pathological. He argues that the daughter has the same “symptoms,” but not “the disfigurement of her mother” (Ibid). Evidently, Laurence does not consider the fact that Afrikan body types are not inherently pathological. Clearly, Laurence is content with his diagnosis because of his Eurocentric and racist disposition.

Véronique Dasen considers pathological dwarfism as a diagnosis for Ati. Dasen describes other Puntites as “slim and well proportioned” and contrasts Ati as “very fat with dwarfish proportions” (Dasen, 1993: 37). She characterizes Ati’s physical characteristics as “body malformations.” However, she notes that Ati does not have features of “ethnic or pathological dwarfism” (Ibid: 38, emphasis added). It is rather revealing that Dasen sees the following characteristics as features of “ethnic or pathological dwarfism”:

[Ati] has no frizzy hair or flat nose, her arms are of normal length, with well-formed hands. It seems more likely that the queen of Punt had some disease which Egyptian artists tried to render as realistically as possible. (Ibid, emphasis added)

It is not coincidental that Afrikan phenotypic features are considered pathological conditions. Dasen acknowledges that Afrikan societies see a woman’s weight as a symbol of wealth and power, but she still maintains that it is “more likely” that Ati’s body is pathological. In other words, for Dasen, Eurocentric beauty norms are ideal/standard, while the Afrikan body is inferior.

Bernard Christenson and Comillo O. Di Cicco go a step further. They suggest that Ati has a new dermatological pathology—the “Queen of Punt Syndrome” as coined by the latter (Christenson, 2006; Di Cicco, 2005). However, Di Cicco acknowledges that:

Bioanthropological and medical geneticist has a lot studied the Queen of Punt. . .in order to place a precise diagnosis, but with many difficulties not having a mummy for such disposition. (2005: 7)

Christenson also agrees that:

in the absence of any genetic or bioanthropological evidence of a mummy, the clinical diagnosis that should be ascribed to the Queen of Punt still remains elusive. (2006: 1345, emphasis added)

However, in spite of this insufficient evidence, neither Di Cicco nor Christenson consider it a possibility that Ati’s body is not a pathological condition.

There are two main problems in the anthropological literature. First, there is the obvious assumption that the Afrikan female body is pathological. Secondly, there is no physical body available for diagnosis. It is perplexing that the absence of evidence does not prevent scholars from diagnosing Ati’s body or even questioning the basis for diagnosis. Evidently, the discussion of pathological conditions is based on a Eurocentric and racist pretense. Even when there is still no agreement or clear evidence on the alleged pathological condition, there is still an insistence on giving a diagnosis. This insistence can only be explained by the historical degradation of Afrikan people. Furthermore, there is no critical discussion of cultural subjectivity, rather there is a false of assumption of European objectivity. Ultimately, the academic literature shows a sciencing of anti-Afrikan racism.