“We Can Redefine Ourselves”: Enhancing Black College Men’s Persistence Through Counterspaces

Abstract

Black college men are constantly repositioned in higher education discourse as problems and in crises. However, there is much to be learned from Black men’s engagement in college and the meanings they make from those experiences. In this qualitative study, we use the engagement experiences of 25 Black men at an historically white campus in the U.S. in order to reveal the value of counterspaces on campus. Our findings suggest that the Sankofa Scholars program created important opportunities for these Black men to get acclimated to college, enhance their awareness and development, and resist deficit framings about them. These findings demonstrate that male success initiatives can serve as a counterspace on campus and can play a critical role in empowering Black men’s persistence in college and strengthening their resilience.

Keywords

Black men college engagement counterspaces resistance

Research on Black males’ higher education experiences in the United States and abroad reveals a range of challenges they face, such as transitioning to colleges and adjusting to a campus environment that may be culturally foreign to their previous schooling experiences—such as historically white institutions¹ (Allen et al., 1991; Andrews, 2013; Arbouin, 2018; Brooms, 2017; Cuyjet, 2006; Fleming, 1984; Palmer et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2016; Warmington, 2014; Wood & Palmer, 2015). In addition to the academic demands that they must learn and negotiate, navigating the social milieu also is rife with experiences that often pose challenges for Black men’s integration to campus life. Routinely, Black men are faced with stereotypes, lowered expectations, and various forms of discrimination and anti-Black racism that can undermine their sense of belonging on campus and their persistence.

An important aspect of Black males’ experiences are the ways in which they are imagined, projected, and positioned in educational settings. Often, these projections and framings are situated within and stem from a deficit-oriented viewpoint that ultimately question Black males’ intellect, abilities, knowledges, and presence at many college campuses (e.g., see Arbouin, 2018; Palmer et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2016) as well as their identities (see Brooms, 2017). What is needed, then, is reimagining educational opportunities for Black males and transforming educational spaces to serve the needs of these students. One such possibility is male success initiatives, such as the Sankofa Scholars program (pseudonym) included in this study, that focus on improving Black males’ retention and graduation, and also can play a unique role in enhancing students’ sense of self, sense of belonging, and persistence.

In this article, we investigate Black men’s participation in the Sankofa Scholars program to understand how students make meanings from their experiences. Additionally, given the stereotypes, profiling, alienation and other racial battles that they faced on campus, we examine Sankofa Scholars as an important counterspace—often considered as “safe spaces” that, by definition, oppose larger campus forces and are occupied by underrepresented groups (see Solórzano et al., 2000)—that helped buffer these men from challenges and contributed to their efforts and development in college as well. First, we briefly discuss relevant literature on Black men’s experiences in higher education and compliment this with literature on Black men’s involvement in college. Second, we present data from our qualitative study on students’ meaning making from their involvement on campus in a Black male success program. And, finally, we offer a discussion and implications for the findings of the study on supporting Black males’ education success for researchers, practitioners, and policy makers. There were two main research questions guiding our study:

1: How do Black college men make meanings from their engagement in the Sankofa Scholars Program?

2: How do Black college men’s engagement experiences impact their sense of self?

These questions guided the research shared in this study and informed how we read, interpreted, and analyzed the data. This paper describes how Black college men make meaning from their engagement in a male success initiative and how their engagement mattered to their college experiences and sense of self. The concept of counterspaces helps to demonstrate how space matters in college and can be used to contribute to Black students’ college community and persistence efforts.

Black Men and the Higher Education Context

The literature on Black men in college has exploded over the past 15 years, primarily due to the hyper-emphasis on their retention and graduation. Central to this research focus is the impact of the campus climate and culture on Black men’s experiences (Arbouin, 2018; Cuyjet, 2006; Dancy et al., 2018; Frierson et al., 2009; Palmer et al., 2014; Wood & Palmer, 2015). In particular, these studies reveal institutional hostilities and oppression that ultimately create undue challenges that students must navigate in their efforts for academic and educational success. For instance, Dancy et al. (2018) argued that the history of U.S. higher education “reflects a deep commitment to Black degradation” and, in many ways, reaffirms a settler colonial construct (p. 176). This construct is based upon a postcolonial legacy that devalues Black life and identifies historically white institutions as sites of anti-Blackness. Similarly, in exploring the scarcity of Black males on white college campuses, Smith et al. (2016) maintained that gendered racial microaggressions negatively impact Black men’s collegiate experiences. Further, they argued that these college campuses are rife with Black racial misandric ideologies that lead to Black men’s racial battle fatigue—in the form of frustration, academic disidentification, anxiety, and feelings of helplessness, among others. They found that Black men experienced Black misandric stereotyping and marginality as well as hyper-surveillance and control. These institutional contexts and on-campus experiences serve to delimit Black men’s educational experiences and possibilities.

Black Men’s College Engagement

Student engagement can be defined as the time and effort allotted and extent to which students engage in educationally purposive activities that promote student success (Kezar & Kinzie, 2006). A great deal of research has explored student engagement among Black male collegians (Allen, 1986; Brooms, 2018; Clark & Brooms, 2018; Cuyjet, 2006; Druery & Brooms, 2019; Fleming, 1984; Harper & Quaye, 2007; Hotchkins & Dancy, 2015; Palmer et al., 2014; Strayhorn, 2008; Strayhorn & DeVita, 2010; Wood & Palmer, 2015). While much of this research has cited a lack of engagement among Black males in college, Harper and Quaye (2007) found that Black male collegians become involved on campus in efforts to uplift the Black community by disproving stereotypes, overcoming barriers, and creating new opportunities for other Black students. Participants in this study were involved in both predominantly Black student organizations and mainstream, predominantly white student organizations. For students participating primarily in mainstream, predominantly white organizations, their motivation for engagement stemmed from observing a lack of Black student representation and wanting to diversify those groups, which is consistent with other research as well (e.g., see Hotchkins, 2014). According to Harper and Quaye (2007), students who chose to be involved solely in Black organizations were motivated by desires to affiliate with groups that actively addressed Black students’ concerns and demands.

Particularly at higher education institutions that are predominantly white, some Black student organizations have been reported to offering academic and social support, promoting leadership and racial identify development, maintaining connections to the Black community, safeguarding students from racialized incidents, and creating more welcoming environments for students (e.g., see Lewis & McKissic, 2010; Palmer et al., 2014). Hotchkins (2014) argued that while Black cultural student groups serve as outlets for Black student engagement and leadership, Black students also benefit from leadership engagement in campus-wide, white student organizations. Further, Hotchkins and Dancy (2015) found that while Black male leaders experienced racial battle fatigue in white student organizations (Smith et al., 2016), students believed that their leadership development was enhanced. In addition to leadership development, Black males also benefit from active engagement in the following ways: building resilience (Lewis & McKissic, 2010); furthering racial identity (Harper & Quaye, 2007); gaining support (Strayhorn & DeVita, 2010); acquiring social and cultural capital to navigate college (Brooms, 2018); and increasing persistence (Hotchkins & Dancy, 2015).

Counterspaces

Solórzano et al. (2000) describe counterspaces as important sites “where deficit notions of people of color can be challenged and where a positive collegiate racial climate can be established and maintained” (p. 70). Studies suggest that counterspaces can be created within Black student organizations, Black Cultural Centers, organizations and offices that provide critical sources to Black students and other students, Black fraternities and sororities, and academic offices and departments (Adams, 2005; Brooms, 2017; Hypolite, 2020; Keels, 2019; Patton, 2006; Solórzano et al., 2000). For instance, Patton (2006) found that students preferred the Black Cultural Center in her study over other campus facilities because it provided relaxation and comfort, incited feelings of belonging, and was a family-like atmosphere. All of these helped to counter what students described as a climate of covert racism, separatism, and apathy. Similarly, Adams (2005) found that Black Studies programs provide Black students with intellectual space on campus, which they felt was stifled across other disciplines and contributed to their sense of self. Additionally, these types of spaces can be critical in making academic and professional connections, which allow for “sharing information with Black students as a means of supporting them and fostering community” (Hypolite, 2020, p. 49). And, finally, as it relates to engagement experiences, Brooms (2017) suggested that BMI programs can serve as important spaces that allow Black male students to vent, learn and share strategies to navigate the campus milieu, and buffer some of the isolation they feel across campus.

These studies help reveal the various benefits that counterspaces affords Black students, especially as it relates to increasing a sense of belonging and mattering on campus. Our investigation explores how a BMI program provides an important space on campus that informs and impacts Black males’ college experiences and sense of self. In particular, we focus on the Sankofa Scholars Program (pseudonym) as a counterspace that enhances Black male students’ cultural awareness, helps foster their own learning, and supports their collective consciousness.

Methods

Data for this research were derived from a larger qualitative, multi-site study about Black college men’s engagement and male peer bonding experiences on campus. The current paper is based on student experiences at Buchanan State University (pseudonym), which is one of the sites of the larger study. To better understand students’ meaning making and how the Sankofa Scholars program mattered in their college experiences, this study relies on individual interviews with 25 Black college men at Buchanan State.

Buchanan State is a medium-sized, historically white public university with nearly 25,000 students in the Ohio Valley region of the U.S.. Buchanan State is known for its undergraduate business program and Black students account for about 10 percent of the overall population. The Sankofa Scholars program was established within the past 10 years at the institution with a specific focus on supporting and improving Black college men’s retention and graduation. The program was coordinated by a single staff member, a middle-aged Black man during the time of data collection, who was responsible for all facets of the program including recruiting students to the program, coordinating events and activities, overseeing their academic performances, and serving as a liaison between students and other campus offices (such as financial aid, the advising offices, and the career center). The program was comprised of three main components: academic (monthly academic-based discussion topics led by various campus faculty and staff as well as student-led study halls), social (outings that included activities such as attending movies and skating as well as on-campus activities such as playing pool, cards, and watching televised sporting events), and personal development (which included one-on-one meetings with the program coordinator and facilitated conversations about topics of interest such as Black communities, identity, history, and leadership). Additionally, highly involved students were invited to participate in local and regional conferences.

Using a convenience and purposive sampling procedure, the lead researcher (first author) partnered with the Sankofa Scholars program coordinator to identify potential student participants who were engaged in the program. According to the coordinator, the program had about 60 consistently active students who participated in meetings and events throughout the academic year. A total of 25 students participated in the study, including one recent graduate, two seniors, nine juniors, eight sophomores, and five freshmen. Among the students, their engagement in Sankofa Scholars ranged between 1 and 3 years of active participation. Each student was interviewed by the first author; interviews lasted 30 to 80 min in length, were audio-recorded for accuracy, and transcribed by the first author in the days immediately following the interview.

The interviews were structured to elicit insights about the students’ educational experiences across three main domains: precollege, college, and Sankofa Scholars. This paper focuses explicitly on their Sankofa Scholars experiences and how they believed the program mattered in their engagement, relationships, and persistence. Some of the questions in this domain included, “What made you decide to get involved with Sankofa Scholars,” “What impact did Sankofa Scholars have on you personally,” and “What Sankofa Scholars experiences stand out to you and why?” A semi-structured interviewing technique was used to allow for a conversational flow and to ask follow up questions.

We incorporated procedures for data analysis through a constructivist grounded theory approach, as described by Strauss and Corbin (1998). First, each researcher reviewed the interview transcripts to familiarize themselves with the men’s narratives. Second, we analyzed the interview data using three levels of coding: open, axial, and selective. This process allowed us to establish preliminary categories. Additionally, we engaged in debriefing sessions to help establish and apply coding criteria. These debriefing sessions also allowed for inter-researcher coding reliability. In continuing to refine the categories, we established three major themes outlined below.

Findings

Analysis of the data revealed three primary themes relative to the men’s engagement and the BMI program as a counterspace: (a) Getting Acclimated to College; (b) Strengthening Student Awareness and Development; and (c) Working Against the Narrative. We discuss each theme in the following sections and incorporate the corresponding community cultural wealth elements throughout the findings.

Getting Acclimated to College: “Gives You a Sense of Hope”

First, in an effort to appreciate the men’s engagement experiences and the importance of the BMI space, we discuss their transition to college. As they discussed their Sankofa Scholars experiences, all of the students declared that participating in the program played a significant role in helping them acclimate to college. In particular, the men credited Sankofa Scholars with helping them gain a sense of comfort on campus early in their college careers. For instance, Matthew, a fifth year Black studies major, discussed the social networks and relationships that he developed on campus through his early Sankofa Scholars experiences; he explained:

A lot of the faces that I saw, the first Black faces, were in Sankofa Scholars, so for me it was getting to see some of the Black faces on campus. I met most of the people in Sankofa Scholars and made really good friends. We had a lot of nice discussions in the Sankofa Scholars events and I hung out with people on the social side outside of Sankofa Scholars. [Sankofa Scholars is] a place where you could meet up and relax.

Similarly, Jamil, a fourth year languages major, added more depth to the men’s sense of comfort through their Sankofa Scholars engagement. In particular, he focused on the multiple connecting points of aspirations, focus, and relationships that students experienced through the program. As he made meaning of his Sankofa Scholars experience, Jamil stated:

I would say, it gives you a sense of hope. A lot of us were going through what we were going through when we came in, but we were able to see the light at the end of the tunnel with the faculty and staff, the brothers who were in it, Dr. Jeff McClain. Reggie Maxwell—don’t want to forget him. It was a process of care and love and of commitment.

For a number of the men, being connected to the Sankofa Scholars community helped them settle into campus life early in their college years and helped inform how they navigated campus as well. As Matthew noted, connecting with a Black community on campus was important for his sense of comfort and helped him make “really good friends” as well. His sense of comfort was bolstered by the quality of friendships that he developed and the discussions in which he was engaged in and participated in through Sankofa Scholars. As Jamil noted, having opportunities to meet various institutional agents, such as faculty and staff members, was critical for what they could offer to the men through their subjective and relative knowledge. In particular, many of the men called for and appreciated the culturally relevant connections that Sankofa Scholars helped them develop on campus, as these created multiple opportunities for interactions, learning, sharing, and personal development.

Additionally, the men were exposed to a wide array of professional adults and community members through their Sankofa Scholars engagement. These interactions provided unique opportunities for students to build and expand their social networks, which they believed to be quite useful in college (and beyond) and helped develop their sense of self as well. Deon, a first-year engineering major, offered that Sankofa Scholars provided him with great exposure to academic resources on campus and to learning opportunities beyond the classroom—through multiple activities and events. In particular, he shared that the Black male retreat he attended helped enhance his personal development and cultural knowledge and held great significance because he was able to “see examples of people that come from the same background or lifestyles as a great positive role model and to make connections; also, to see brothers across the country with like interests.”

Participants in the study described how their engagement in Sankofa Scholars provided them with a critical space to counter and disrupt some of the hostilities they experienced on campus. Willie, a second year liberal arts major, made the following acknowledgement regarding his engagement in Sankofa Scholars:

I think Sankofa Scholars events are important because African American males can use support programs such as these to succeed on college campuses to achieve their goals. It is also important to educate them on subjects like we discussed at the retreat because information like that can be used to help with real-life experiences.

Similarly, Elijah, a third year sociology major, stated:

Sankofa Scholars events are important because Black men need to be around other Black men—as well as connecting with Black men in high places. Also, it gives Black males a chance to connect with people in their field of study.

Both students, along with many of their peers, believed that Sankofa Scholars was an essential element in their collegiate experiences. For Willie, participating in Sankofa Scholars could enhance the support available to the men and provide them with critical opportunities to learn from their engagement. In particular, the men could expand their cultural knowledge and cultural capital, especially as students are educated about career opportunities, financial literacy, self-affirmation, and health and well-being—which were some of the seminars and workshops they attended at the retreat. Similarly, Elijah asserted that Black men needed to build positive relationships with other Black men within their peer group and professionals as well. These relationships offer opportunities to build valuable support networks on campus, among peers and institutional personnel alike, that can bolster students’ college experiences. Attending events and activities, both on and off campus and connecting with a positive support group helped the students get more acclimated to the campus environment, provided them with the tools and resources to navigate the campus more effectively, and helped them see how to apply the resources to their college experiences and in their lives.

Student Awareness and Development: “I Learned Accountability and Responsibility”

Participating in Sankofa Scholars, according to the students, yielded a number of tangible and intangible benefits that spoke to the men’s sense of self and self-efficacy. Attending the workshops, seminars, and events as well as interacting with fellow Sankofa Scholars members increased students’ confidence for navigating the college campuses beyond the program’s spaces. This renewed (or perhaps newfound) sense of confidence is related to the counter-narratives about Black men that infused Sankofa Scholars activities. For instance, Jason, a first-year psychology major, discussed how the speakers at the Black Male Retreat (hosted at Ohio State University) provided a synthesizing message about Black men’s potential. He stated, “What I’ll take from the male retreat is leadership and determination. The men that spoke to us were well educated and they tend to have these characteristics.” Jason expressed the benefits of education and how these were amplified in Sankofa Scholars. He made a connection between education and leadership, character traits embodied by the speakers at the retreat—and some of the networks that he built through his engagement. Student narratives revealed how social modeling from speakers and institutional agents impacted their Sankofa Scholars experiences and their personal development. That is, students routinely acknowledged their non-cognitive development and growth, such as drive and determination, and they also noted their aspirational growth and enhanced cultural knowledge as well through their Sankofa Scholars engagement.

Some of the students related their learning to specific Sankofa Scholars events. For instance, a number of students identified participating in the Black Male Retreat at Ohio State University and the Civil Rights History Trek to Georgia as foundational Sankofa Scholars experiences. At the Black Male Retreat, the men connected with students from other institutions, attended workshops and movie screenings, and participated in social gatherings. In making meaning from attending the Retreat as a significant experience for Black male college students, Roy, a second year music major, offered:

Events like these [the retreat] are important for African American males or Males of Color because it is good for us to see positive Black males or Males of Color because we hear a lot of negative things about us. Seeing so many people that look like us dressed up and doing positive things are important for us to see.

The all-male student setting at the Black Male Retreat offered an opportunity for participants to focus on issues specific to Black men (or Males of Color) and allowed for them to reassess Black men’s position in higher education (and beyond). Specifically, according to Roy, being in a space where Black college males presented themselves in professional business attire, expressed their educational and professional goals, and engaged in critical conversations about self-improvement was both noteworthy and much-needed (e.g., see Watson, 2017). The event allowed the men to raise their self-awareness and collective consciousness about issues impacting Black men in higher education and beyond and helped reveal how they might persevere even amidst a range of challenges.

Participating in Sankofa Scholars also seemed to transform and foster development among the men throughout their experience in the program. Several of the men noted personal changes and learning life skills that could be transferred to their lives after their college graduation. For instance, Marlon, a fourth year communications major, shared:

The Marlon that graduated from high school is not the same Marlon who graduated from college. I learned accountability and responsibility and stuff like that. When I say I lacked consistency, there was no consistency in my life before that [joining Sankofa Scholars]. I had a really bad habit of the day-to-day, but the guys in Sankofa Scholars were really important in getting me straight in my life.

The personal development that Marlon attested to speaks to the potential and possibilities of Black Male Initiative-type programs. Development is integral to the college experience for all students and enhancing traits such as accountability and responsibility and providing holistic support for Black men, and other Males of Color, can lead to greater persistence and academic success among these students. Also, the men partly attributed their development to support services and exposure to travel by being involved in Sankofa Scholars.

In addition, the men also discussed how they developed as leaders and, in some instances, felt called to lead. Tim’s comments are representative of this point, as he offered the following reflection about the growth he experienced in terms of agency and leadership:

I realized I needed to take a leadership position on the [executive] board. I took leadership and became president of a group on campus. I took leadership. . . Not just being back in the crowd and being a familiar face, but actually leading.

As Tim, a third-year sports administration major, reflected on his learning, he realized a need to take on a leadership role within the Sankofa Scholars program. As opposed to “just being in the back of the crowd,” he identified a need for leadership in the organization and eventually was elected by his peers as Vice President. The men’s narratives speak to how they developed critical skills through their Sankofa Scholars experiences and their engagement peaked their interest to serve in leadership capacities as well.

Working Against the Narrative: “We Need to. . . Find Answers and Guidance”

In addition to getting acclimated to college and strengthening their awareness and development through their Sankofa Scholars involvement, the men also stressed their sense of self-empowerment from the counterspace created within the program. Participants in this study generally acknowledged that the world does not look kindly on Black men and being in this affirming, dedicated space allowed them to learn new things about Black men that challenged and resisted deficit narratives. For example, Michael, a second year art major, acknowledged that he “learned that we have more [Black] men in college than behind [jail] cells.” Similarly, CJ, a third year engineering major, stated, “The media really has a larger effect on our image than I realized.” Taken together, the statements of these two participants highlight the pervasive nature of the Black male crisis narrative and the role of the media in perpetuating myths about Black men. Inherent also in these men’s statements is the racialized and gendered repositioning of Black men through two prominent social institutions: the criminal justice system and the media. The students’ reflections reveal the ways in which the intersections of race and gender (and often class) conjoin in the Black male crisis narrative that accosts many Black men and limits their educational trajectories.

A good deal of the Black male crisis narrative is rooted in intervention strategies such as single-sex education (both classrooms and schools) and federal policy initiatives such as President Obama’s My Brothers’ Keeper Initiative. The students engaged in the Sankofa Scholars program shared having multiple opportunities to learn that there is more to Black men than this crisis narrative. In many ways, engaging in critical sociocultural conversations allows Black college men to challenge the status quo and other dominating and oppressive narratives about them. The conversations and learning opportunities serve as emancipatory lessons that some of the students felt lifted a burden for them and helped sharpen their agency and resolve. Bannon, a second year Black Studies major, asserted:

African American males need to see others doing well, they need to see professional African American males like themselves. This, I believe, is necessary in a world where African American males may not be wanted or even cared for. How are African American males supposed to thrive in such a world? How are they supposed to relate to a world that is against them? There is no other way but to come together and congregate.

The external projections and narratives, many of which are based on deficit models, require that Black men engage in critical self-awareness and consciousness and amplify the need for developing a healthy sense of self. Bannon believed that there are tangible benefits to Black men accomplishing their goals. In particular, not only can these achievements serve as a guide for other Black men, and Black male youth, but they also help disrupt the Black male underachievement narrative. Additionally, he specifically identified coming together through Sankofa Scholars as a valuable counterspace.

Bannon continued reflecting on the importance of Black men’s collective identities and efforts and added:

This also helps construct an identity for individual Black males, which has become increasingly difficult to do due to societal forces and the lack of accurate African American history. Not knowing where we came from means that we are lost and we do not know where we are going. This is why we need to have events like this, to find answers and guidance, to mature and develop, to become a better person and embrace the fact that you are African American, to find a place of belonging, etc. All of this is essential to the development of the identity of the African American male.

A number of students recognized the negative impact of anti-Black sentiments and hostile attitudes toward Black men and identified these as impediments to their opportunities and success. As a way to combat the hostilities and excel in spite of the challenges they faced, some of the men argued for Black men’s achievement and collective consciousness as resistance. They envisioned spaces such as Sankofa Scholars and the spring retreat as opportunities for developing healthy, positive identities, building social networks and cultural knowledge, and enhancing students’ resistance and persistence. Similarly, as Keith, a first year biology major, reflected on his Sankofa Scholars experiences, he noted “I learned that we can redefine ourselves. . .[rather] than be looked down upon with negative stereotypes” while Ryan, a second year psychology major, asserted he learned, “That we need to work past the stereotypes in order to succeed.” Importantly, the students also related their heightened awareness and knowledge through their collective efforts, which could help support their resilience.

According to the students’ narratives, it was imperative for them to be aware of who they are, based on understandings from them, and who they are not, especially as relayed through projections and narratives about them. As the students attested, the deficits they face often are imposed on them by wider society and are packaged into a narrative that repositions them as in crisis. The Sankofa Scholars community not only increased the students’ awareness about these deficit framings but it also created a counterspace for Black men to question their own thoughts about themselves, discern where those thoughts derived from, interrogate societal messages and images about them (both individually and collectively), and engage in intentional efforts to accomplish their goals. Additionally, the Sankofa Scholars community was important also because it helped many of the men strengthen their cultural knowledge and enhance their resistance and resilience.

Discussion

The research literature is saturated with ongoing accounts of alienation, isolation, and experiences of racism and micro- and macro-aggressions for students of color in general and Black men in particular in higher education. Even more specifically, researchers contend that these instances and experiences threaten to impede the progress and persistence of Black men on these campuses (Arbouin, 2018; Brooms, 2017; Cuyjet, 2006; Dancy et al., 2018; Palmer et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2016; Torres, 2009; Warmington, 2014; Wood & Palmer, 2013). In response to these challenges, colleges and universities established male success programs to help improve students’ campus experiences. The purpose of this study was to examine how a select group of Black male students narrated and made meanings from their engagement on campus. The findings from this study add further nuance to understanding how Black men navigate college campuses and provide even more insight on their personal goals and persistence (e.g., see Druery & Brooms, 2019; Warde, 2008; Wood & Palmer, 2013). In particular, our findings demonstrate that the Sankofa Scholars program plays a critical role in empowering Black men on campus and strengthening their cultural wealth in three specific ways.

First, the finding that Sankofa Scholars helped the men acclimate to college is important given the context and dominant narrative about Black males in higher education. According to the students, building social networks early in their college tenures increased their sense of comfort on campus, helping to enhance their navigational capital, and provided them with essential forms of social support. Some of the men felt inspired in their college efforts through their connections with faculty, staff and other Sankofa Scholars members. These connections helped the men get acclimated and allowed them to see their possibilities—and potential for success (“we were able to see the light at the end of the tunnel”). The Sankofa Scholars program helped the men build community on campus by reducing feelings of isolation and internalizing feeling like their efforts were made in silos; instead, the men saw themselves as part of a collective that surrounded them with and allowed them to tap into critical forms of care and support that bolstered their academic efforts, personal development, and collective consciousness. As an example, as a result of these deep bonds and sense of motivation, Lonnie, a recent graduate who majored in psychology, stated explicitly, “Without it, I wouldn’t have graduated.”

Importantly, some of the men shared feeling loved during their Sankofa Scholars experiences. Based on our findings, these feelings of care, support, and love are critical for two reasons. First, they speak to the nurturing and empowering environment created by the program. Second, they speak to the commitment offered by institutional agents (Sankofa Scholars staff as well as university faculty and staff) who helped to provide both an engaging and supportive atmosphere. Given the challenges that Black males face in higher education, especially those at historically white institutions (see, Brooms, 2017; Brooms & Davis, 2017; Dancy et al., 2018; Smith et al., 2016), being provided with humanizing environments can help alleviate some of the hostilities and anti-Blackmaleness that they face. Beyond the micro- and macro-aggressions they may experience on campus, these environments are important also because they help students transition to college more smoothly, inspire them to achieve given the supportive relationships that they’ve developed and the supportive atmosphere that they’re embedded in (“It gives you a sense of hope”), and it helps them see what they might be able to accomplish individually and collectively (“achieve their goals”).

Second, the finding that students increased their self-awareness and experienced positive individual development connects with and builds on prior scholarship. Research that examines how students benefit and make meaning from opportunities for personal development through engagement is important. Students who report positive engagement experiences also connect these to opportunities for growth, capital accumulation, and skill enhancement (Clark & Brooms, 2018; Druery & Brooms, 2019; Lewis & McKissic, 2010). Relative to students’ Sankofa Scholars involvement, what amplified their experiences was their self-awareness, growth, and resilience. In particular, these men identified both the Sankofa Scholars community and their engagement as rewarding and a positive learning experience. Students felt gratified and rewarded in opportunities for self-growth and development, which they noted as critical in their life trajectories (e.g., “in getting me straight in my life”). Additionally, engaging in the Sankofa Scholars community was healing as well as students expressed their growth in rising above and beyond societal misconceptions of who they are and their possibilities. Some of the men expressed their agency in taking on leadership roles. They were not satisfied with just being in the crowd, but instead identified ways that they could make positive contributions to the group through leadership.

Finally, the men also communicated their resistance through their heightened awareness, efforts, and resilience. Specifically, the students in our study were conscientious of rejecting one-dimensional projections of Black men. For instance, in questioning how they could relate to a world that seemingly was against them, students noted that, “There is no other way but to come together and congregate.” This sense of and need for collective consciousness is noteworthy. Also, in working against the Black male crisis narrative, these men recognized the role of the media in the negative portrayals of Black men and they articulated and developed strategies to begin (or continue to) reject well-entrenched stereotypes about Black men en masse. Participants in this study expressed being well aware of many stereotypes that are held and projected about Black men (e.g., underachievement), but envisioned avenues and opportunities for working against this narrative. This included exposure to positive role models, collective efforts of achievement, and persistence in college. Some of our participants exerted resilience in their persistence efforts; not only did they desire to achieve but they also employed various resilience strategies to persevere. This resilience was embodied in their identity awareness, both how others viewed them (e.g., from deficit frameworks) and how they perceived themselves (e.g., full of potential). Additionally, for a number of participants, Black men’s achievement was seen as an opportunity to resist lowered expectations and viewpoints about them.

Within the extant literature, involvement in student organizations, especially those that are ethnic based and also centered on Black men can contribute to enhancing students’ experiences on campus and, as identified in the current study, strengthening their resolve, resistance, and resilience. In particular, student experiences and the meanings they made from their engagement in Sankofa Scholars had a significant impact on how they thought about themselves. In research on Black college men and the benefits they subscribe to their engagement activities, building community on campus and building support and professional networks are clearly important to how they see themselves and their ability to persist (Brooms, 2017; Brooms & Davis, 2017; Clark & Brooms, 2018; Palmer et al., 2014; Wood & Palmer, 2015). Similarly, we find that the Sankofa Scholars program provides a critical counterspace on campus that enhances students’ sense of self and cultural knowledge, which helps students feel valued, supported, and affirmed in their engagement. Each of these elements, along with their out-of-classroom learning and professional connections, helps to bolster Black men’s resistance and persistence.

As our study shows, overcoming denigrations about their character and ability in addition to persevering through academic challenges and struggles all relate to ways that many of the men remained focused on graduating from college. Their Sankofa Scholars experiences helped usher in a sense of urgency that helped crystallize the importance and benefits of their college graduation. And, as they noted, engaging on campus, taking on leadership roles, growing as people, and persevering through college all contributed to how these Black men could redefine themselves and their possibilities.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Derrick R. Brooms

Notes

Author Biographies

Derrick R. Brooms is a faculty in Sociology with affiliations in Africana Studies and Higher Education at the University of Cincinnati and serves as a youth worker as well. His research primarily focuses on Black boys and men’s lived experiences, identities and representation as well as their pathways to and through college. He is author of Being Black, Being Male on Campus: Understanding and Confronting Black Male Collegiate Experiences.

Jelisa S. Clark earned her PhD in Applied Sociology from the University of Louisville and is currently an adjunct assistant professor at Fayetteville State University. Her research and teaching are focused on the intersection of race and gender in education. She is a co-author of Empowering Men of Color on Campus: Building Student Community in Higher Education.

Jarrod E. Druery is an Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership at Northern Kentucky University. His research is focused on the retention, trajectories, and overall success of Black men in higher education settings. Dr. Druery has 10 years of experience in higher education as both a practitioner and a scholar.

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