“Where I Can Breathe”: Examining the Impact of the Current Racial Climate on Black Students’ Choice to Attend Historically Black Colleges and Universities

Abstract

While some in the higher education community have used anecdotal evidence to argue that Black students were attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) because of the broader racial climate due to Donald Trump’s rise as a political figure, few studies have provided empirical evidence to support this notion. Therefore, in this current study, we interviewed 80 Black students, who were engaged in the college search process in 2016 to 2018 to understand to what extent, if any, did the racial climate under Trump’s presidency influence their choice to enroll in HBCUs. Data were collected in the Fall 2018 and Spring 2019 from across four diverse HBCUs. Findings indicate that the racial climate under President Trump played a salient role in participants’ selection of HBCUs. Implications for research and practice are provided for both HBCUs and PWIs.

Keywords

HBCUs college choice racial climate Black students

The founding of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) is linked to de jure racism that was grounded in the fabric of the United States in the 19th century (Gasman, 2013; Gasman et al., 2010; Smith, 2017). Since their inception, the academic integrity of these institutions has been questioned (Jencks & Riesman, 1967) and some have argued that HBCUs are relics of the past (Riley, 2010). Though HBCUs were established to provide access to postsecondary education for Black students, as a result of legislative and institutional initiatives (e.g., the Civil Rights Act of 1964; Higher Education Act of 1965; Affirmative Action), an increased number of Black students have opted to attend other institutional types such as predominantly White institutions (PWIs) (Gasman et al., 2010) as well as for-profit institutions (Delisle, 2017). More specifically, while a majority of Black students were enrolled in HBCUs until the early 1970s, Anderson (2017) noted that desegregation, rising incomes, and the availability of financial aid, created more college options for Black students, resulting in a decline of Black students attending HBCUs. In fact, Gasman (2013) noted in the 1950s, Black students comprised nearly 100% of the enrollment of HBCUs. Nevertheless, she posited that in 2011, Black students made up 80% of the undergraduate enrollment of HBCUs (Gasman, 2013). Many have argued that because less Black students were enrolling in HBCUs, some HBCUs were actively recruiting non-Black students to remain financially viable (Association of Governing Boards Universities and Colleges, 2014; Palmer & Maramba, 2015a; Schexnider, 2017; Snipes & Darnell, 2017; Wiltz, 2016).

However, the narrative regarding the student enrollment at HBCUs has shifted with the rise of Donald Trump as a political opponent and his subsequent win of the presidential election (Williams & Palmer, 2019). Specifically, with his emergence as a political leader, racism that was once subtle started to reverberate throughout many cities in this country and on college campuses (Harris, 2018; Garibay et al., 2020; Pratt, 2016; Smith, 2017). Many sources credit Trump’s rhetoric of sexism, racism, and xenophobia during campaign rallies and on social media as one factor to the heightened racism within the U.S. (Boghani, 2020; Garibay et al., 2020; Williamson & Gelfand, 2019; Williams & Palmer, 2019). Villarreal (2020) explained, hate crimes spiked to their highest rates in 28 years under the administration of Donald Trump. University leaders and scholars have posited that because Trump has emboldened many White Americans to be unapologetic in their display of racism, this served as the catalyst for an increase in racial assaults against minoritized students at PWIs (Harris, 2018; Kimbrough, 2016; Garibay et al., 2020; Smith, 2017). As a result, pundits in higher education have speculated that this have prompted more Black students to enroll in HBCUs. In fact, between 2016 and 2018, news outlets have explained that HBCUs were experiencing an “enrollment renaissance,” as many Black colleges were receiving a record-breaking number of applications and enrollment from Black students since Donald Trump campaigned and was elected president (Harris, 2018; Smith, 2017).

Given that many news outlets in higher education were using anecdotal evidence to indicate that the broader racial climate under Donald Trump were propelling an increase number of Black students to apply and attend HBCUs, the purpose of this study was to examine this from an empirical perspective. Specifically, this study sought to understand how the racial climate under Donald Trump may have influenced Black students to enroll in HBCUs. While not offering a formal definition of what comprises the racial climate under Trump, research has shown that the 21st century racial climate in the U.S. is reflective of a growing sense of pessimism concerning race relations, a heightened public display of “police brutality toward Black people, and growing empirical evidence of the implicit anti-Black racial bias that exists in U.S. society. Simultaneously, this climate reflects the growing strength of movements for racial justice and the fight against anti-Blackness, including the Black Lives Matter movement” (George Mwamgi et al., 2018, p. 456). This study was guided by the following question: (1) How has the broader racial climate influenced Black students’ decision to choose an HBCU?Findings from this study have implications for both HBCUs and PWIs. To situate this study in the extant literature, the subsequent section of this article will review literature on the college choice process. This article will specifically include literature on Black students’ choice of selecting an HBCU.

Review of Literature

The College Choice Literature on HBCUs

Research has shown that there are several factors that serve as the impetus for Black students to attend HBCUs. Astin and Cross (1981) identified three aspects undergirding Black students’ desire to enroll in HBCUs. These include the following: (1) family and personal relationships with those who attended HBCUs; (2) encouragement from teachers; and (3) and the academic reputation of the school. McDonough et al. (1997) contributed to this conversation by conducting a quantitative study on Black students to understand their motivation to attend historically Black colleges. Results from their study indicated that the religion of the student, the school’s academic reputation, and relatives, influenced Black students’ decision to attend an HBCU.

Similar to previous research, in a qualitative study with 70 Black high school students, Freeman (1999) explored students’ consideration to matriculate into an HBCU. In one way, findings from her study reinforced the notion of how having access to someone such as a relative could motivate Black students to attend an HBCU. However, in another way, findings from her study were particularly salient because they underscored how cultural isolation and a desire to seek knowledge and empowerment from the Black culture were linked to Black students’ choice to enroll in an HBCU. In this regard, Freeman and Thomas (2002) posited that the more disconnected Black students are from their cultural heritage, the more inclined they are to attend an HBCU. Conversely, they speculated that the more familiar Black students are with their cultural heritage, the more likely they are to attend a PWI in order to share their culture with other racial and diverse communities. More recently, Williams (2017) and Johnson (2019) explored factors that serve as the linchpin for Black students’ choice of an HBCU. In particular, Johnson (2019), who collected qualitative data from 48 alumni across 20 HBCUs, found that racial isolation and positive interaction with HBCU students, served as a motivation for the participants in her study to select an HBCU.

While research has provided insight into factors that propel Black students to attend HBCUs, some research has highlighted factors that deter Black students from attending HBCUs. Specifically, in a study that Palmer et al. (2010) conducted with 20 Black students at a PWI, participants were asked about their familiarity and consideration to enroll in HBCUs. While all participants discussed being aware of HBCUs, they shared their reluctance to attend Black colleges because they perceived them as “party schools.” They also thought that a PWI would equip them with a better education and posited that HBCUs were lacking in diversity, which they surmised would disadvantage them because they would not be prepared for the global economy. Interestingly, participants in Freeman’s (1999) study who attended predominantly Black high schools expressed similar concerns about how the lack of diversity at HBCUs might be a liability upon graduating because they indicated that HBCUs were not reflective of the real world.

In sum, the literature on Black students’ choice of an HBCU has discussed various factors that encourage students to enroll in HBCUs. These factors include relationships with current HBCU students and alumni, interactions with teachers, the school’s academic reputation, and the need to seek cultural nourishment. Despite this, this body of literature has not discussed the ways in which the broader racial climate has influenced Black students’ selection of an institution. In general, literature has emphasized how race and discrimination impact the college experiences of Black students on the campuses of PWIs (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Reeder & Schmitt, 2013; Solorzano et al., 2000; Suarez-Balcazar et al., 2003; Yosso et al., 2009). Moreover, some research has shown how Black and non-Black students experience the campus climate of HBCUs (Allen, 2016; Mobley & Johnson, 2019; Palmer & Maramba, 2015b). For example, research has illustrated that while non-Black students have positive relationships with Black faculty (Allen, 2016), they have reported unpleasant encounters with some Black students (Palmer & Maramba, 2015a), experienced isolation, and desire diverse representation of faculty on campus as well as in recruitment material (Allen, 2016). Despite this, there is a dearth of research, particularly as it relates to the college choice literature, that has investigated how the broader racial climate may have fueled Black students’ inclination to enroll in HBCUs. This current study addresses this gap.

Methodology

This qualitative study was guided by a social constructivism approach. A social constructivism epistemology emphasizes the researcher working closely with the participants in their natural environment to understand their socially constructed view of reality (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Four HBCUs were involved in this study. One HBCU was a private research university, located in the Mid-Atlantic region, known as University A. The second HBCU was a public research university in the Mid-Atlantic region, known as University B. The third HBCU was a private research institution located in the South, known as University C. The fourth HBCU was a public comprehensive university located in the Southeastern region, known as University D. Table 1 provides details about each of the HBCUs.

Table 1.

Institutional Sites Included in Study.

Site	Type	Campus	Region
University A	Private—4 year	Urban	Mid-Atlantic
University B	Public—4 year	Urban	Mid-Atlantic
University C	Private—4 year	Urban	Southeastern
University D	Public—4 year	Rural	South

Similar to some HBCUs, these four institutions experienced an increase in applications and enrollment between 2016 and 2018 (Smith, 2017). For example, in 2016, University A noted a 32% increase in new applicants, while University B experienced a 109% increase. Moreover, in 2017, University C reported a 47% increase and University D observed a 70% increase. Specifically, we conducted the study at these HBCUs for two critical reasons. First, they differed from each other by size, Carnegie Classification, and geographic location. Second, given that we had relationships with gatekeepers at these institutions, we conducted interviews on these campuses out of convenience. Convenience sampling is the process by which a researcher selects a site or study participants because of easy access (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

Participants

Once we identified the institutions for this study, our gatekeepers sent information about the study to potential participants, which directed them to an online demographic questionnaire. The purpose of this questionnaire was to ensure that students met the criteria for this study, which included self-identifying as Black/African American and entering an HBCU during Fall 2017 or 2018. While 372 students across the institutions responded to the online demographic survey, 292 met the criteria and were contacted to schedule an in-person interview. Of the 292 who met the criteria, we were able to schedule interviews with 80 participants whose schedules aligned with our availability on campus. All interviews were conducted face to face on the respective campus in which participants attended.

Data were collected, during the Fall 2018 and Spring 2019 semesters, when all participating students were freshmen or sophomores. Precisely, 43 were freshmen and 37 were sophomores. We limited the study to freshmen and sophomores because they were actively engaged in the college search process during the time Trump was campaigning for the presidency. Seventy of the participants were women and 10 were men. Age of the participants ranged from 18 to 23 and they were from states and districts, such as California, Washington, D.C., Louisiana, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania, and Texas. Additional information about participants’ origin of region can be found in Table 2. A small number (e.g., 18) of participants were first-generation college students, 48 attended predominantly White high schools and 32 attended predominantly Black high schools. The participants’ majors included, but were not limited to, Animation and Filmmaking, Biology, Computer Science, Chemistry, and Engineering.

Table 2.

Region of Origin of Participants.

Region	Number of participants
Northeast	35
Southeast	27
West	6
Southwest	5
Midwest	5
Outside of America	1
Status unknown	1

Data Collection

We conducted one face-to-face, in-depth interview, which ranged from 50 to 65 minutes in length, with each individual participant. As an incentive and recruitment method, all participants received a $10 gift certificate for their participation. Prior to beginning these interviews, participants signed a consent form, which allowed them to engage in the study. They also completed a demographic survey, which helped to contextualize salient factors that influenced participants’ selection of an HBCU. During interviews, we asked participants questions about their educational background. To some extent, emphasis was placed on their time and experiences in the PreK-12 system, primarily high school. However, many of the questions explored their choice of an HBCU and their academic and social experience at Black colleges and universities.

Many of the questions were open-ended. Some examples of questions include: (a) How has the current political climate and race relations influenced your decision to choose an HBCU? (b) To what extent did the election of Donald Trump factor into your decision to attend an HBCU? (c) What does it mean to identify as Black at this HBCU? (d) How would you describe the culture at this HBCU and do you feel included or excluded? and (e) For some students who might feel excluded, what advice would you provide to HBCU administrators to help them facilitate a more inclusive campus environment for all students? We recorded observations regarding the participants’ responses to questions and their willingness to engage in the interview. Specifically, notes were made of participants’ body language, including their non-verbal affirmations.

Researchers’ Positionality

For any qualitative study, it is important to discuss how the position of the researcher influences data collection, analysis, and interpretations (Jones et al., 2014). This research was conducted by one Black male and one Black woman; one was affiliated with an HBCU and the other was affiliated with a PWI when data were collected. Another Black woman worked with the two researchers on the data analysis for this current study. She attended a PWI for her undergraduate and graduate degree, whereas the two primary researchers attended an HBCU for different parts of their college experiences. Specifically, the Black male completed his graduate education at an HBCU and the Black female earned her baccalaureate degree from an HBCU.

As individuals who attended, were affiliated with, and/or conducted research on HBCUs, our identities and experiences, may have created a unique lens and position to understand the contemporary experiences of Black students in a familiar context. Though our experiences and research may have helped us better understand the contextual environment of HBCUs, they may have biased how we structured the questions and our interpretation of the data. Nevertheless, we allowed the findings to emerge independent of our biases. Member checking and peer debriefers also helped to make certain that the findings were reflective of the participants’ voices.

Data Analyses

In analyzing the data, we used constant comparative analysis on research notes, observations, and interview transcripts to identify recurring or unique topics. Constant comparative analysis engages the researcher in a process of collecting and analyzing the data at the same time, which results in the identification of emerging themes. Specifically, as we collected the data, we listened to the audio files, before having them professionally transcribed, and read through our notes to help form initial themes. We also used ATLAS-ti. (6.0), to organize, manage, and code the data. We used open coding to analyze the data line by line in order to identify themes. The line-by-line coding allowed for themes to emerge from the data and to become aggregated into response patterns (Jones et al., 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Subsequently, we then reconnected the data after open coding to further develop themes and categories. In presenting the findings, we have provided excerpts from the participants’ responses to preserve the essence of their voices. To maintain the anonymity and the confidentially of participants, we used pseudonyms, which we assigned to each participant after completing their interviews.

Credibility and Trustworthiness

We employed several techniques presented by Jones et al. (2014) to ensure the credibility of the study. Specifically, we provided thick description so readers can decide the extent to which the findings of the study might be transferable to similar settings. In addition, we engaged in member checking by returning the transcribed interviews to all participants so they could review transcriptions for accuracy and clarity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Moreover, we asked participants to review our interpretations of the data. Participants’ feedback was used to enhance the integrity of the data and preserve the authenticity of their voices (Jones et al., 2014).

Finally, we used feedback from two peer debriefers, who are established researchers on HBCUs to ensure credibility. These debriefers were provided with raw transcripts from a selected number of participants. To this end, they engaged the researchers in a series of ongoing discussions regarding the tentative meanings made of the participants’ experiences throughout the research process (Jones et al., 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). We found this process helpful because not only were the debriefers able to check for potential biases, but they also provided feedback that helped to strengthen the analysis and findings.

Limitations

There are several limitations in this study. This current study involves 80 participants from across four HBCUs of different sizes, missions, and institutional types (e.g., public vs. private). Therefore, the participants’ perspectives are not meant to be representative of all Black students enrolled in HBCUs. Another limitation is that the institutions included in this study were selected out of convenience because of the relationships we had with gatekeepers. This might have impacted the current findings in several ways. First, our relationships with the gatekeepers, and their familiarity with the study, might have led them to recruit students who may have been vocal about how the racial climate shaped their decision to attend an HBCU. To this end, perhaps if we had selected different institutions where we lacked relationships with gatekeepers, this might have led to different or more nuanced findings.

Finally, in this study, we interviewed both freshmen and sophomores who were engaged in the college search process during the emergence of Donald Trump as a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination and who was eventually elected president. It is quite possible had we interviewed only freshmen or sophomores, findings in this study may have been somewhat different because the dynamics surrounding the central phenomenon under investigation may have been slightly different when freshmen were applying to colleges as opposed to when sophomores were applying. For example, perhaps racial tensions might have been more pronounced when participants who were freshmen were searching for colleges compared to sophomores.

Findings

Three themes were identified that reflect participants’ perspectives about choosing to enroll in HBCUs during 2016 to 2018. The first theme, Admitted, Not Accepted at PWIs, discusses participants’ experiences of feeling ignored or unwelcomed by some PWIs on college tours or Accepted Students’ Days by students, staff, and in some cases, faculty. In the same way, the second theme, Safe or Sorry, emphasizes that while participants were excited to leave home, and in some cases, leave the state, they were concerned about their safety due to the color of their skin. Media depictions of racial tensions on college campuses and some institutional responses left students uneasy. The last theme, Black & Proud, delineates how Black culture, family legacy, and a sense of Black pride served as the catalyst for participants to attend HBCUs.

“Admitted, But Not Accepted at PWIs”

Almost all (e.g., 68) participants shared experiences of being admitted into PWIs yet feeling they would not be accepted or fit in on campus. In fact, participants gave a collective definition of both words. Admitted, for the participants, was a formality as a result of applying and meeting or exceeding admission requirements. Acceptance, for the participants, was much more involved and tempered by the climate of the campus as displayed through interactions with the current students, staff, and faculty members. For example, Zora, a freshman from Dallas, Texas, majoring in Political Science at University A, expressed:

During and after the election, I was getting into arguments with White students all the time when I was in high school. I mean, it started senior year/middle of junior year. It was surprising because I didn’t know how people who I thought were my friends felt about certain topics. I started to feel like I was in danger, like I was way more in danger than I actually thought. . . I really got to see people behind what they try to present as, especially some people who claim themselves as democrats or liberals and things like that. I just felt like they [White people] don’t have my back. It was kind of like the same view I had with Stanford [University] and Dallas Baptist [University]. I was accepted, but they didn’t want me. Even touring the campus felt tense, like they could definitely do without me; they probably really don’t want me there at all. That’s exactly why I had to go to an HBCU.

Similar to Zora, other participants shared experiences where they encountered racism from White teachers and microaggressions from White peers in high school. They emphasized they did not want to replicate the same experience in college. Almost 50% of the participants took part in college visits at both PWIs and HBCUs, and Accepted Students’ Day before making their final decision about the college they would ultimately attend. In many cases, time spent on and around campus was the ultimate deciding factor. For example, Uva, a sophomore from Philadelphia, PA majoring in Communications & Filmmaking at University C, shared:

I grew up in the heart of North Philly very close to Temple [University], so that was my dream school. There was no doubt in my mind that’s where I was going and when I got in, you couldn’t tell me nothing! I was all but set to attend Temple until I went to their Accepted Students’ Orientation. When I got there, the vibe was off. Most of the students were White or Asian, there were only like five other Black students in my cohort. The whole day I felt invisible, I really didn’t see any Black people on campus other than the security. Still, I was going to attend Temple, until I went to [University C] for their Accepted Day. Honestly, I only went because I wanted to take a trip, but when I got to campus, my whole perspective changed. From the moment I got to campus, people were greeting me and my mom, giving us assistance, I even left with 3 friends. The vibe at [University C] changed my whole process and probably my life. I don’t regret my choice at all.

Like some of the other participants, Jessica, a sophomore from New Jersey City, NJ majoring in Business at University B, indicated that the tone of her high school changed completely during the campaign and subsequent election of Trump. Specifically, she explained

At the school I went to a few of the White kids were saying that they were voting for Trump and they fully supported him. I just was like this is interesting because these people that you call your friends like you sit beside Mexicans but he’s saying he’s going to build a wall. But these are your friends; how are they your friends? So, it’s like you fully support him but also are friends with these people. I don’t understand that. So, it caused some tension in the classrooms for sure, especially the day going to school when we found out that he was elected. It was like a rainy day and some of us were really sad and then other people are really happy. It was just such a contrast. There were kids who were sitting in the classroom happy while other kids were crying, like literally crying. I was just like I don’t like this. I don’t like how this is. Then also when he was elected, we saw a shift kind of in some Caucasian Americans who were at first more neutral and then suddenly they’re like hating, they’re performing hate crimes and hate speech and all of this. I’m just like is this real?

Jessica articulated that while she applied to both PWIs and HBCUs, she first attended a PWI because she received a full scholarship. However, she later decided to transfer to University B the second semester of her freshman year because she experienced racism. In making the decision, while some of her credits transferred over, she had to sacrifice her scholarship and was forced to take out loans to support her education. She continued:

Honestly, it happened the spring semester of my first year, but I was just like I didn’t know how this was going to work. I had already been there. I didn’t know how credits were going to transfer, different things, and that was kind of scary because I like I had a scholarship there and that was really keeping me there. I’m honestly a very optimistic person and I like stepped out on fate and transferred to University B because I knew like some of the experiences I had wouldn’t have happened at an HBCU.. . . I feel like if we’re going to school it’s because we believe the job that we’re going to get, our career, is going to pay off the loans. If it doesn’t then why am I going to school? So, I just feel like whatever I do, I’m going to work my hardest and I’m going to get everything paid off.

Similarly, Barbara, a freshman from Columbus, Ohio, majoring in Communication Journalism, at University C, indicated that while she applied and was admitted into PWIs and HBCUs, the behavior of some of her White classmates in high school, after Donald Trump was elected, encouraged her to attend an HBCU. She noted:

So, one thing was the day after he got elected some kid was walking through the hallways with like a big old Make America Great Again flag on his back like it was nothing. It was obviously extremely offensive, and stuff and he just didn’t care. He was just like it doesn’t matter. So, our Black History Month program was a little bit after that obviously. There was just so much going on where it was going to get cancelled between snow days and stuff like that. People were really tripping like, ‘why do we even need a Black History Month program, why not a White History Month program and stuff like that.’ You could just tell that people really think like this. People really think that the history of Black people as a whole and stuff like that aren’t important enough to be shared with the White or with students in general. That was what did it for me obviously. Like I knew I had to go to an HBCU.

This theme highlights the fact that many participants did apply and were admitted into PWIs. However, because of racism in their high schools, that escalated with the election of Donald Trump, or due to their perception that they would not be embraced by institutional agents, they decided not to enroll. In some cases, when they did enroll, they decided to transfer to an HBCU because were seeking a sense of belonging. Specifically, participants at all four institutions discussed experiences of being admitted into PWIs, but not feeling accepted. The Mid-Atlantic schools (University A and C) represented the highest number of participants who expressed this perspective, with 19 and 18, respectively. However, University B, with 16, and University D with 15, were not too far behind.

“Safe or Sorry”

While participants shared general excitement about leaving home for an extended period, they also expressed concern about their safety and well-being based on their identity and skin color. Exactly half or 40 participants across the four institutions raised concerns and discussed the complexities of being Black on a predominately White campus and in a predominately White community. Participants described how this could mean life and or death in certain instances. Jada, a freshman from Mountain Brook, Alabama, majoring in business at University B, illustrated her experience by sharing the following:

I remember watching the news one night and saw a riot or protest was happening near a [PWI] here in Alabama. A threat was made against Black and Muslim students. The school responded with a message for the Black and Muslim students to hide and not come outside. I remember thinking to myself, just where exactly would I hide at that mostly White school [if I were enrolled]. And why is that the response, hide? That story stayed with me as I applied to schools. I actually only applied to HBCUs because A, I was definitely getting out of Alabama but also B, I would not be the student sticking out at a Black school, sad to say, but I felt safer going to a Black college.

The media’s depiction of how the school in Alabama responded to the threat against minoritized students left Jada feeling frustrated and played a critical role in her decision to attend an HBCU. Other participants shared Jada’s perspective and added that there is a perceived safety and support at an HBCU. Many felt that they would feel more comfortable being on an HBCU campus as a Black student and believed having peers and instructors that looked like them could be beneficial to their overall college experience. Their perceptions were reinforced by media coverage of inclusion/exclusion based on identity, such as race and gender. Brandon, a freshman business major, from Crown Heights, New York at University A, said:

Going to school these days is considered a crime by some people. Did you hear about the Black girl at Yale, who was almost arrested for being Black in her dorm? . . . I’d rather be safe than sorry, literally, both physically, emotionally, and experience-wise. I am paying for an education and an experience. I don’t want to regret my choice later because I am being harassed because I’m Black. I am here to learn, not be a punching bag or an object of ridicule. And honestly, I feel like it could be worst for me. I am a 6’1 Black male, not sure if campus safety would have even given me a chance to explain, not that I should have to. That wouldn’t happen here at [University A]. Campus safety wouldn’t be called just because I am Black in the dorm.

Brandon’s story highlighted an intersection of race and gender. His interactions with society as a 6’1 Black man in America made him vulnerable to the perceptions that the dominant society tend to harbor about Black men. For participants like Brandon and Jada, safety was a top priority and a strong contributing factor in their decision to choose an HBCU.

This theme underscores how a feeling of lack of safety on the campuses of PWIs served as the impetus for participants to enroll in HBCUs. Participants at University A and University C had the highest and lowest number of participants who expressed concern about safety, 14 and 9, respectively. Ten participants at University B and 7 at D discussed the role of safety as a salient aspect in their college choice process.

“Black & Proud”

Participants discussed concepts that centered on Black identity and Black culture. More particularly, participants talked about how their individual identity and culture also contributed to their interest in pursuing postsecondary education at an HBCU. Though the average age of participants was 20 years old, they discussed wanting to break away from the marginalization of being “Black,” by choosing a space, where, at least for a brief period in time, they would be in the majority. Participants also indicated that since education in America is rooted in Eurocentric ideology, attending an HBCU provided them with a safe space to not only become familiar with Black culture but to celebrate Black excellence. For example, Camryn, a sophomore from Chicago, Illinois, majoring in English with a minor in African American Literature at University A, shared:

. . . where else in America can you really say out loud, I’m Black and I’m proud without being viewed as racist? I am proud to be Black but that doesn’t make me anti-White. I grew up reading Black stories by Black writers. My parents said it was important for me to understand that everything isn’t just White or Eurocentric based. When I found out some of my favorite writers attended [University A], I knew I had to apply. When I got in, it was a surreal feeling to know I would walk the same campus these great women and possibly live in the same dorms. Now that I am here, I can’t imagine going anywhere else. Everywhere I go Black excellence is displayed in the halls, the dorms, classrooms, everywhere. Honestly, it was overwhelming at first, but then I realized it is okay to be Black & proud here, but that’s not the case everywhere, unfortunately.

Camryn was not the only student who viewed HBCUs as an incubator for Black talent and excellence. Many of the participants shared similar stories. In addition, some participants also discussed how a familial generational legacy of attending HBCUs and learning about the ways in which these institutions cultivated a sense of Black pride facilitated their desire to attend an HBCU. For example, 32 participants shared they were either second or third generation HBCU students. Martin, a sophomore from Jackson, Mississippi, majoring in Kinesiology and Sports Medicine at University D, shared:

I come from a long line of HBCU graduates on both sides of my family. My mom went to Grambling State University and my dad went to Southern University. Most of my aunts and cousins went to Jackson State or Alcorn, so that became like my top schools, I also applied to Prairie View A & M. I applied to all HBCUs because I wanted to continue the tradition. I loved the idea of going to the same school as someone in my family. They all spoke of how their schools shaped their lives, taught them to take pride in being Black, and how they made lifelong friends. I wanted to be a part of that.

In sum, participants were motivated to matriculate into an HBCU because they provided a space to become familiar with Black culture and Black excellence. Participants also noted that being in safe space where they were able to celebrate their authentic selves and hearing stories from family about how HBCUs facilitated a sense of Black pride, served as critical factors for them to attend an HBCU. In this sense, some of the participants who elected to attend an HBCU were legacies. In total, participants from University D had the most legacies, with 15 and University A was a close second with 12.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to largely understand how the racial climate under Donald Trump may have encouraged more Black students to choose to enroll in HBCUs. Three themes emerged for this current study. In this first theme, participants explained how experiencing racial microaggressions in high school and learning about the political views of their White friends when Donald Trump was discussing policy-centered topics, such as immigration and the need to build a border wall during his campaign rallies in a divisive way, motivated them to apply to HBCUs. In fact, many participants attended predominantly White high schools and were juniors or seniors, in the early stages of their college search process, when Trump inserted himself in the political spotlight. Though a majority of participants applied to PWIs and were admitted, visiting the campuses of these schools reinforced the feeling of racial isolation some experienced at their predominantly White high schools during the presidential election cycle, which made them question their sense of belonging at these institutions.

While this first theme contextualizes how the racial climate during Trump’s political ascendancy facilitated participants’ desire to enroll in HBCUs, in some ways, this finding is akin to Johnson’s (2019) work on Black students’ choice of an HBCU. Specifically, similar to the participants in this current study, participants’ in Johnson’s study underscored how feeling racially isolated propelled them to attend an HBCU. There are differences, however, between participants in Johnson’s study and in this current study. While participants in both studies were asked to reflect on their college choice process, participants in her study were HBCU alumni, who graduated well over 10 or 20 years ago, and participants in this current study were experientially not too far removed from their college search process. Moreover, some participants in this current study shared that this sense of racial isolation manifested from attending Accepted Students’ Day hosted by the PWIs. This experience made them question their fit at these institutions after observing the lack of diversity among students and faculty and not feeling welcomed by institutional agents. This sentiment was reflected across participants at the four institutions.

The second finding from this current study emphasized how concerns about physical safety on the campuses of PWIs strongly factored into the participants’ decision to attend an HBCU. Specifically, participants indicated that racially fueled protests on or near PWIs coupled with racial profiling that was highlighted in the media on college campuses made them choose an HBCU because they knew they would not be subjected to racially based harassment. In a few cases, participants did enroll in PWI after receiving a scholarship, but after a semester or two they transferred to an HBCU because of racial issues. Recent research that has investigated how the current racial climate has impacted the campus experiences of Black students at PWIs supports participants’ narratives about racism on campus at PWIs (George Mwamgi et al., 2018). Specifically, this research has shown that Black students felt that their White peers perceived Blackness through a sense of fear, interacted with them through a stereotypical lens, and engaged in subtle and blatant forms of racism. This finding caused the researchers to note institutions of higher education do not exist in a vacuum, “but rather are part of communities and individual external commitments and macrosystems or the contextual forces outside the institution” (as cited in Hurtado et al., 2012, p. 49). Other researchers have noted since the 2016 presidential election, there seems to have been an increase in racial incidences on college campuses, that includes cultural appropriation, blackface, and swastikas (Garibay et al., 2020).

Interestingly, while the college choice literature on Black students’ selection of an HBCU has not explicitly discussed the role that Black students’ perception of campus safety played in their interest in enrolling in HBCUs, the literature on HBCUs has documented in the ways in which these institutions provide a safe environment for Black students (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Kim, 2002; Kim & Conrad, 2006; Mobley, 2017; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Reeder & Schmitt, 2013; Walker, 2018). For example, research has shown that HBCUs provide a campus climate that empowers Black students to be their holistic selves (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Gasman et al., 2010; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Seifert et al., 2006; Walker, 2018). These environments are free of racism and promote racial uplift as well as the psychosocial development of Black students (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Reeder & Schmitt, 2013). Taken together, research has illustrated that HBCUs provides a safe haven where Black students feel like they matter by the faculty, staff, administrators, and other students (Mobley, 2017). While this concern about institutional safety was shared across participants at the four institutions, it was most pronounced among the participants at University A and less of a focus for participants at University D. We are not sure why there was a difference in this response among the participants across the four institutions. We can say, however, that though the institutions in this study were diverse in terms of missions, institutional designations, and geographic locations, they all enrolled students from across the country.

In the final theme, participants in this current study discussed attending HBCUs because they allowed them to become familiar with Black culture and to experience Black excellence. They also discussed how relationships with a family member served as the impetus for their enrollment in these institutions. These findings have been supported by research on Black students’ choice to attend in an HBCU. Specifically, research from Freeman (1999) revealed that Black students are more likely to enroll in an HBCU because they have a desire to learn about Black culture. Moreover, research from others (e.g., Astin & Cross, 1981; McDonough et al., 1995), along with Freeman (1999), has found a connection between relationships with personal relatives, such as a family member and HBCU attendance for Black students. This sentiment in terms of attending an HBCU because of personal relationships with family was more prevalent among participants at Universities A and D.

In sum, while some of the findings from this current overlap with some of the extant literature on reasons Black students’ attend HBCUs, the findings have also extended this literature by highlighting the linchpin between how participants’ concerns about their physical safety was one of the factors inextricably linked to their decision for choosing an HBCU. To this end, findings from this study have validated how the current racial climate positively impacted Black student enrollment in HBCUs.

Implications for Future Research and Practice

There are several implications that can be drawn from this current study. Given that we selected the institutions in this current study out of convenience due to the personal connections we had we gatekeepers, as noted, this might have biased the process gatekeepers engaged in to help us recruit participants for this study. Therefore, future research on this topic should include a wider spectrum of HBCUs that is guided by a sampling approach that differs from the one in this current study. This approach might result in findings that are similar, different, or more nuanced than the ones in the current study.

Moreover, though most of the participants in this current study were women, the findings did not differ based on participants’ gender. However, given that there was a gender imbalance among the participants in this study, future research that examines the ways in which the racial climate or other factors, for example, that impact Black student enrollment in HBCUs should be more intentional to try to recruit an equal number of men and women participants. In this current study, we did not place an emphasis on the participants’ gender as we worked with gatekeepers to recruit participants. In hindsight, we wish we had been more intentional on doing this because we would be in a better position to discern differences between participants’ gender. This would have allowed us to be more cognizant of the intersection between race and gender among participants.

Finally, there is a need for a deeper exploration on the role that the high school of Black students have on their college choice process, particularly as it relates to broader contextual factors, such as the racial climate, that might have implications for the experiences of students on college campuses. Specifically, research from Freeman (1999) has shown that Black students who attend a predominantly Black high school are more likely to attend an PWI whereas Black students enrolled in a predominantly White high school tend to be more inclined to attend an HBCU. In this current study, though 48 participants attended predominantly White high schools and 32 attended predominantly Black high schools, many participants attended HBCUs because of the racial climate. Consequently, more attention needs to be paid to how broader factors in society, such as the racial climate, among other aspects, may influence the college choice process for Black high school students.

The findings from this current study also have several implications and recommendations for HBCUs and PWIs. First, findings from this study indicates the continued importance of HBCUs to the American higher education landscape. Some have questioned whether HBCUs are outdated or have outlived their purpose. Findings from this study have showcased the relevance of HBCUs in that they not only equip Black students with strong academic skills, but they also provide them with a safe space that acts as a bulwark against racism. To this end, HBCUs will always be invaluable to the system of higher education in America.

The second implication for HBCUs from this study is for these institutions to be more intentional of highlighting the safe haven they provide to Black students. This can be done on social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Many students are now using social media to learn more about colleges before they apply. In fact, many participants in this current study reported looking at the videos of current HBCU students on YouTube to get a better perspective of the student experience at these institutions before applying. While HBCUs frequently discuss the ways in which they facilitate academic development among Black students, they should be equally deliberate in underscoring the safe haven they provide to Black students. Similar to this point, HBCUs should work to ensure that all students feel safe on their campuses. Without a doubt, as discussed, a preponderance of evidence has shown that HBCUs provide a supportive and safe campus for Black students. However, this level of support and safety may vary depending on the students’ race or intersectional identities. For example, research has shown that respectability politics that defines the ethos of HBCUs have impeded upon students’ self-expression (Harper & Gasman, 2008; Njoku et al., 2017) and have further marginalized those with “oppressed identities,” such as gay and gender nonconforming Black males (Mobley & Johnson, 2019, p. 886).

Aside from for recommendations for HBCUs, this study also has recommendations for PWIs. For example, since some participants shared experiences of feeling unwelcomed on the campuses of PWIs during Accepted Students’ by institutional officials, campus officials should consider doing the following to make future Black students feel welcomed. Strongly encourage faculty, staff, and administrators to engage in implicit bias training annually. The reason these individuals should participate in such training on an on-going basis is because being aware of how implicit bias facilitates stereotyping and leads to decision-making based on prejudice is not going to be accomplished in one training. Students across the campus should also be encouraged to engage in such training.

In addition to these trainings, PWIs should occasionally conduct a campus climate survey, publicize the findings with the campus community, and work on an action plan to make campus inclusive for all based on the findings of the survey. These steps will communicate to current and prospective students that PWIs have a vested interest in improving the campus climate for all students, particularly those who may feel marginalized. Moreover, PWIs should also be intentional to encourage open dialogue on campus about how the current racial climate and other facets occurring in the larger society, such as police brutality, might impact the experiences of Black students on campus. These discussions will provide an educational experience for those on campus who may not be as engaged about how the current racial climate has affected the campus experience of Black students. Furthermore, these conversations may also signify to current and prospective Black students that the institution cares about how the broader society is affecting their campus experience, which may mitigate a sense of loneliness that some Black students feel when racial issues occur in the boarder context of society.

Finally, PWIs should strive to recruit and retain more Black faculty and administrators and increase their enrollment of Black and other minoritized students. Oftentimes, when higher education institutions focus on recruiting Black faculty, the attrition for these faculty members is high because institutions do not provide a supportive environment for these faculty. More problematic perhaps is that some universities cite a pipeline problem for the reasons they are not able to diversify their faculty. Increasing the enrollment of Black and other minoritized students is also important because these students will have others on campus with whom they can identify, which will help to foster a sense of community. This will help to abate a sense of loneliness participants expressed in this current study that stemmed from racial isolation and engender opportunities for cultural engagement. If PWIs maximize the opportunity to create meaningful cross-racial interaction and dialogue through programmatic and other initiatives, this will help to challenge racial stereotypes and facilitate a powerful learning environment for all students (Hurtado et al., 1999).

Conclusion

Since they were founded, HBCUs have played a vital role in American higher education. Though some have questioned the academic integrity of these schools and others have questioned their relevance, findings from this current study have helped to emphasize the value of HBCUs. Not only do these institutions help to promote academic growth and development for Black students, but they also provide a space haven, which allow Black students to blossom academically and socially to their fullest potential. Given the racial climate of this country, Black students have sought refuge in HBCUs out of concerns for their safety and to have an overall positive college experience.

Findings from this study also adds to the college choice literature focused specifically on HBCUs by highlighting how external factors, such as the racial climate, can impact Black students’ institutional selection. While many participants in this current study applied and were accepted into PWIs, visits to these campuses made them reassess their decision, because to a large extent, the climate of these campuses mirrored the environment of their predominantly White high schools that manifested when Trump emerged as a political leader. The findings of this study are important and provides critical implications and recommendations for both HBCUs and PWIs to help their recruitment of prospective Black students.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was made possible by a grant from the Association for the Orientation, Transition, and Retention in Higher Education. Funding for this study was made possible by the NODA Catalyst Grant. Additional financial support was provided by the Center for Minority Serving Institutions at Rutgers University.

ORCID iD

Robert T. Palmer

Author Biographies

Janelle L. Williams is Associate Dean of Graduate Studies & Extended Learning at Widener University and a Visiting Scholar in the Center for Minority Serving Institutions at Rutgers University New Brunswick, NJ, USA.

Robert T. Palmer is chair and professor in the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies in the School of Education at Howard University.

Brandy J. Jones is Associate Director for Communications and Strategy for the Rutgers Center for Minority Serving Institutions

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