Abstract
As a result of more racially inclusive immigration policies in the U.S., the African and Caribbean population has increased. Thus far, scholarly inquiry on Black immigrants have focused on their incorporation into the racial hierarchy, their experiences with racism, and their relationships with African Americans. While beneficial, these studies overlook the impact of ethnic discrimination for Black immigrants. Although all individuals of African descent share similar racialized experiences in the U.S., I hypothesize that diverse Black immigrant groups endure unique discriminatory experiences because of their ethnic identities. Thus, through in-depth interviews with 27 Nigerian and 20 Jamaican respondents, this paper explores Black immigrants’ experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination. I found that, regardless of ethnic background, 80% of my Nigerian and Jamaican respondents encountered racism. In contrast, ethnic discrimination varied between my Nigerian and Jamaican respondents. My Nigerian respondents were more likely to report their encounters with ethnic discrimination. These experiences ranged from being accused of internet scamming to being mocked for having an accent. On the other hand, not only were my Jamaican respondents less likely to report ethnic discrimination, but they were also more likely to see their ethnicity as an advantage.
Introduction
Globalization and economic crisis in many countries in Africa and the Caribbean have pushed Africans and Caribbeans to emigrate, while more inclusive immigration policies like the 1965 Hart-Cellar Immigration Act and the 1990 Immigration and Nationality Act, have pulled Black immigrants to the U.S. Post-1965 Black immigrants reap the rewards of living in a more racially inclusive society where most overt and legal forms of racial segregation have been eradicated. As highlighted by Kasinitz’s (1992) study on West Indian immigrants, 1 the racial dynamics in the U.S. have changed and race is no longer the only salient identity for Black immigrants. In fact, several studies uncovered that Black immigrants assert their ethnic identities and reject identifying with African Americans in hopes of avoiding anti-Black racism (Guenther et al., 2011; Habecker, 2011; Hintzen, 2001; Kusow, 2009; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999). Overtime, Black immigrants realize that their ethnic identity does not fully exempt them from anti-Black discrimination in the U.S. (Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999).
Although studies have documented Black immigrants’ encounters with racism, few studies have focused on Black immigrants’ experiences with ethnic discrimination. Research which solely focuses on racism may overlook the intricate ways ethnic discrimination shapes the lives of Black immigrants. For instance, it has been argued that West Indians’ work ethic and high labor force participation has given West Indians a socioeconomic advantage over African Americans (Sowell, 1978). In contrast, despite being highly educated, African immigrants do not reap the same rewards as they are often underemployed and make less than West Indians (Capps et al., 2011; Halter & Johnson, 2014). This suggests that, in addition to being racialized as Black, African immigrants may face an additional layer of discrimination. In this paper, I will demonstrate the ways in which discrimination is shaped by race and ethnicity. Through in-depth interviews with 27 Nigerian and 20 Jamaican respondents, I explored their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination. I found that racism does not discriminate as 80% of my respondents encountered racial discrimination. As anticipated, ethnic discrimination varied by ethnic group. The Nigerian respondents were more likely to encounter ethnic discrimination and they described their experiences with ethnic discrimination in diverse ways. On the other hand, though some Jamaican respondents recalled incidents of ethnic discrimination, they were more likely to describe their ethnicity as an advantage and not a deficit.
West Indian immigrants: The Black model minority?
Discussions on racism often focus on African Americans and Whites. However, as the Black population continues to become more diverse, several studies have explored Black immigrants’ incorporation into the U.S. racial hierarchy. As a result of their numerical significance, and their conceptualization as a “success” story, up until recently, most research has focused on West Indian immigrants. West Indians have a long history of migration to the U.S. Since the 1900s, West Indians have relocated to U.S. cities like Boston, Miami, and New York (Johnson, 2006; Kasinitz, 1992; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999). West Indian migration to the U.S. declined between 1924 and 1965, when the Immigration Act of 1924 (the Johnson Reed Act) put restrictions on immigration based on national origins. Reversing the 1924 Immigration Act, the 1965 Hart-Cellar Immigration Act lifted restrictions based on national origins and denounced preferential treatment of immigrants from western and northern Europe. This act helped facilitate a significant increase in the West Indian population in the U.S. (Halter & Johnson, 2014; Kasinitz, 1992; Model, 2008; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999). Unlike West Indian immigrants who came to the U.S. prior to the Civil Rights Movement, post-1965 West Indian immigrants reap the rewards of living in a more racially inclusive society. In fact, Sowell (1978) alluded that West Indian immigrants may have benefited more from desegregation than African Americans. In his article, Sowell found that West Indians were doing better than African Americans socially, occupationally, and economically. Thus, he suggests that something besides skin pigmentation inhibited the success of African Americans (Sowell, 1978). Several scholars have questioned this “success” story. Butcher (1994) demonstrated that the socioeconomic advantage West Indians had over African Americans was related to their higher rates of employment and not a superior cultural heritage. Furthermore, both Butcher (1994) and Model (2008) found that migrant African Americans and West Indians shared similar socioeconomic outcomes. Other studies have emphasized the salience of ethnic enclaves and region as an explanation for West Indians’ advantage over African Americans. Within the U.S., predominant West Indian enclaves in New York or Miami provides first-generation West Indians with access to social networks and employment assistance (Bashi, 2007; Foner, 1985, 1987; Jones, 2008; Waters, 1999). In addition, residing in ethnic enclaves helps West Indians isolate psychologically and physically from racism (Bashi, 2007; Bobb & Clarke, 2001). Interestingly enough, West Indians in the U.S. also benefit from having a native buffer group. Foner (1985, 1987) found in her comparative study that West Indians in New York fared better than West Indians in London because they were more insulated from racism and could utilize the institutions of African Americans. Thus, one could conclude that West Indians who live outside of the U.S. or outside of cities with large West Indian populations have different encounters with racism. While it is debated whether West Indians have a clear socioeconomic advantage over African Americans, some qualitative studies found that West Indians believe they have superior values compared to African Americans. For instance, West Indians critiqued African Americans for not taking advantage of opportunities and lacking intact families (Hintzen, 2001; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999). Further, some West Indians reported distancing themselves from African Americans and asserting their ethnic identities to subvert anti-Black racism (Hintzen, 2001; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999).
Whereas the fear of encountering racial discrimination resulted in West Indians asserting their ethnic identity, length of time in the U.S. made West Indians cognizant of the realities of racism. Vickerman (1999) discovered that Jamaican immigrants, who had been in the U.S. longer, were more aware of racism and sympathetic to the plight of African Americans than recently arrived Jamaicans. Vickerman lucidly explains that Jamaicans experience a cross pressure in the U.S. as they anticipate easy access to education; but they are ill-equipped to live in a society where race is the organizing principle (pp. 4, 5). Waters (1999) noted that her West Indian respondents expected to experience barriers to their socioeconomic mobility in the U.S.; yet, they were unprepared for interpersonal/everyday encounters with racism. Over time, prolonged experiences with racism led some West Indians to become more aggressive in their fights for equality (Waters 1999). Ultimately, Waters’ and Vickerman’s findings demonstrate how racism shapes the lives of West Indians. Unlike first-generation West Indians, studies have shown that second-generation West Indians were more aware of racism and were less successful in strategically asserting their ethnic identities to subvert racial bias (Bobb & Clarke, 2001; Butterfield, 2004). Bobb and Clarke (2001) discovered in their study of first- and second-generation West Indians that first-generation West Indians have a foreign reference point, immigrant social networks, and visible ethnic markers which signals their West Indian identity. These factors help first-generation West Indians’ cope with racism; however, they are not easily transferable to their children who lack visible ethnic markers and are often assumed to be African American. In sum, West Indians’ experiences with racism and discrimination in the U.S. is complicated by their perceived success story and the structural realities of race in the U.S. Although Civil Rights legislation has enabled all immigrants of color and native minority groups to have more socioeconomic opportunities, the U.S. has not fully addressed past inequities done to African Americans. Further, those who elevate West Indians to the status of Black model minority ignore the pervasiveness of racism for all individuals of African descent. Of equal importance, the Black model minority narrative overlooks the complicated reality of other Black immigrants, such as African immigrants, who have the same highly selective characteristics as West Indians, but do not reap the same socioeconomic rewards.
African Immigrants’ Experiences with Racism
Diverging from West Indians who have a long history of migration to the United States, the growth of the African immigrant population is a more recent phenomenon (Shaw-Taylor, 2007). The 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act and the 1990 Immigration and Nationality Act helped increase the African immigrant population in the United States (Arthur, 2008; Halter & Johnson, 2014; Kollehlon & Eule, 2003). African immigrants were pushed to leave their countries due to economic deprivation, political corruption, lack of employment opportunities, natural disasters, civil unrest, and violence. The United States was a premiere destination for many African immigrants because of its inclusive immigration policies and better socioeconomic opportunities (Kollehlon & Eule, 2003; Osirim, 2008). Unlike West Indian immigrants who are heavily concentrated in cities like New York or Miami, African immigrants are more dispersed throughout the U.S.; yet, highly concentrated in the states of New York, Maryland, and Texas (Kent, 2007; Takougang & Tidjani, 2009).
Qualitative studies on African immigrants reinforce the realities of anti-Black discrimination in the U.S. Most African immigrants come from majority Black societies and are unaware of the intricacy of race in the U.S. Over time, African immigrants realize that racism is inescapable, and they learn to develop coping strategies (Arthur, 2000, 2008). Arthur (2000) discovered that his African participants distanced themselves from the realities of racism by conceptualizing themselves as sojourners who were only in the U.S. for economic gain. Other African immigrants developed a pan-African identity, which focused on celebrating Black attributes and achievements as a strategy to combat anti-black stereotypes (Arthur, 2008).
Like second-generation West Indian immigrants, studies indicate that second-generation African immigrants were also aware of the complexity of racism in the U.S. (Arthur, 2008; Imoagene, 2017). Arthur (2008) found that his second-generation Ghanaian immigrants did not believe their ethnic identity would shield them from racism. Similarly, in her study on second-generation Nigerian immigrants in America and Britain, Imoagene (2017) found that her participants often adopted a Black identity and exhibited racial solidarity with other individuals of African descent on issues pertaining to racial discrimination.
Not only do African immigrants endure racial discrimination, but some research indicates that African immigrants also experience ethnic discrimination for being African. For instance, Nii-Amoo Dodoo (1997) discovered that African immigrants have the same work ethic, higher educational attainment, and the same positively selected characteristics as Caribbean immigrants, but they do not fare as well economically. Ironically, despite having high educational attainment, other studies demonstrate that African immigrants are often underemployed and working in careers that are beneath their skill level (Capps et al., 2011; Halter and Johnson, 2014).
Showers (2015) further illustrates the intricacies of ethnic discrimination through her research on African women in the nursing field. She found that African female nurses experienced discrimination for their racial identity as Black and their ethnic identity as Africans. Due to their accents, Showers’ participants were questioned about their competency to perform their jobs by their patients, coworkers, and even supervisors. Furthermore, many African women felt as if they were placed at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy because they received the undesirable nursing positions, while White women were given the best jobs, followed by Black Caribbean and African American women. Consequently, unlike studies on West Indians (Hintzen, 2001; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999) where their ethnic identity was used as a strategy to subvert racism, Showers’ participants minimized their ethnic identity in attempts to escape discrimination. These findings demonstrate the unique ways in which race and ethnicity work to block mobility for African immigrants who have the same “good culture,” but “undesirable” accents. It also demonstrates how ethnic discrimination for African female nurses resulted in their preference for a Black racial identity.
Ultimately, the budding literature on African immigrants underscores the complexity of the Black immigrant experience. Like African Americans and West Indians, African immigrants endure racial discrimination because of their Black racial identity; however, they also appear to experience another level of discrimination that is attributed to being African. By only examining Black immigrants’ experiences with racial discrimination, past research overlooks the complex ways in which certain Black immigrants can experience multiple and converging layers of discrimination. Thus, in this study, I explore Black immigrants’ experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination.
Method
To better comprehend the complexity of Black immigrants’ experiences with discrimination, I draw upon 47 in-depth interviews with 20 Jamaican participants and 27 Nigerian participants in Houston, Texas. Participants fell into three generational categories: first-generation, 1.5-generation, or second-generation. First-generation respondents consisted of individuals who lived in Nigeria or Jamaica at least through high school before coming to the U.S. 1.5-generation respondents were individuals who spent several formative years in either Nigeria or Jamaica and then relocated to the U.S. when they were in grade school, middle school, or early high school. Second-generation respondents were individuals who were born in the U.S. and whose parents were born in Nigeria or Jamaica. The Jamaican sample consisted of fourteen first-generation, four 1.5-generationm and two second-generation participants. The Nigerian sample consisted of nine first-generation, nine 1.5-generation, and nine second-generation respondents.
I used a variety of methods to collect my sample participants. Before my study, I had established some Nigerian contacts who connected me to their social networks. I also obtained Nigerian respondents through emailing Nigerian organizations in Houston. Jamaican participants were the hardest to locate. I was able to gather several Jamaican participants through attending and making an announcement at a general assembly meeting for a West Indian mutual benefit organization in Houston. In addition to this, I also posted fliers in different Jamaican restaurants and establishments. Finally, I relied heavily on the snowball method to obtain the remaining Jamaican respondents.
My participants’ age ranged from 21 to 75. In general, the respondents for my study were a highly educated group. All the respondents had graduated from high school and many of them had attended some college if not earned a college degree; thus, one could assume that most of my respondents were middle or upper-middle class.
Context of Houston
Houston, Texas is the fourth largest city in the country and has a Non-Hispanic White population of 24%, a Black population of 22%, and a Latino population of 45% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019). Of particular interest for this study, Houston has an expanding Black immigrant population. According to the Migration Policy Institute, the Houston Metropolitan area has the second largest Nigerian population and the 12th largest Jamaican population in the U.S. (Migration Policy Institute, 2019). Houston also has a booming economy. At the time of my study, Houston had one of the strongest labor markets in the U.S. and its unemployment rate was one full percentage below the national average (Capps et al., 2015).
Houston is a unique space to examine Black immigrants’ experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination. For one, while Houston offers socioeconomic prosperity, Texas’ legacy of slavery, and anti-Black racism shapes the experiences of all individuals of African descent. Thus, I expected my Nigerian and Jamaican respondents to experience racial discrimination. On the other hand, unlike NYC, which has a well-established and visible West Indian and African community, Black ethnic diversity in Houston is a more recent phenomenon. Thus, I hypothesized that Houstonians would be less likely to ethnically discriminate upon Nigerians or Jamaicans as they would be aloof to Black immigrants’ ethnic peculiarities. As anticipated, I found that three-fourths of my Nigerian and Jamaican respondents had experienced racial discrimination. On the other hand, contrary to my conjecture, I discovered that ethnic discrimination was prevalent among my Jamaican and Nigerian participants.
Research Questions
I asked my participants two sets of questions: (1) If they had personally experienced racism and/or discrimination because of their racial identity? and (2) If they had personally experienced discrimination because of their ethnic identity? By asking my respondents about their experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination, I obtained a more multifaceted understanding of the ways in which race and ethnicity shapes the Black immigrant experience.
Results
Racism Doesn’t Discriminate: Jamaicans’ and Nigerians’ Experiences With Racism
I categorized my respondents’ experiences with racism as either implicit or explicit. Implicit racism is often based on stereotypes and is hard to pinpoint as racist. For instance, being passed over for a promotion at work or being stereotyped as a good basketball player are both examples of implicit racism. On the other hand, explicit acts of racism are clearly racist, harsh, and offensive, such as being called a racial slur or being denied service because of one’s race. I found that despite living in Houston, arguably one of the most diverse cities in the country, experiences with implicit and explicit racism were rampant among my Jamaican and Nigerian respondents.
“It is there, but I do not let it bother me”: Jamaicans’ experiences with racism
Most Jamaican respondents, 14 out of 20, experienced discrimination because of their Black racial identity. First-, 1.5-, and second-generation Jamaicans described both implicit and explicit acts of racism. Several respondents recalled encountering implicit acts of racism. These experiences ranged from receiving unfair treatment at work to being followed around in high-end stores. In addition to implicit acts of racism, many participants also admitted to enduring explicit acts of racism. An intriguing pattern emerged from analyzing Jamaican respondents’ encounters with explicit racism. I discovered that first-generation Jamaicans were more likely to justify or lessen their experiences with racism than 1.5- and second-generation Jamaicans.
For instance, Trinity, who relocated to Houston for college, recalled an explicit act of racism at a movie theater. She stated: There is this time about two or three years ago, I went to a White neighborhood, it is a little bit outside of (her historically Black college in the Houston area). So, we went to watch the movie and we were the only two Black people there. People were looking and walking around and about halfway through the movie everybody left. At the end of the movie, there were like four people there and they were all younger, but all the older people left. My boyfriend did not even notice; he is Jamaican too, he just watched the movie. I saw it, but it did not bother me, but at the same time like really? Was it that serious? (First-Generation Jamaican Female, 23).
Even though the Houston metropolitan area is diverse, rural towns outside of Houston have been historically White and conservative. Unaware of this dynamic, Trinity attended a movie in a rural majority White town in Texas where few Blacks visit. By attending a movie in this town, Trinity likely broke an unspoken rule of racial segregation, which resulted in many of the White movie-goers leaving the theater. While this incident was a blatant act of racism, Trinity claimed that it, “did not bother her.” This response likely helped her psychologically cope with this experience.
Other first-generation respondents had comparable dismissive responses to racism. An older first-generation Jamaican female, Rebecca, dealt with her encounter with explicit racism by brushing it off. Rebecca revealed, “I spoke to several people on the job numerous times, did interviews on the phone and everything was fine. The job was practically mine, this is in 1981, until they saw me. They went into shock because they thought I was White. I never got the job (laughs) and that really ticked me off. Anyhow, that is life, so you just have to brush it off and keep going” (First-Generation Jamaican Female, 68). Likewise, Devon rationalized his experiences with racism by proclaiming the following, “If you go looking for discrimination, you see it even when it is not there. Probably just somebody is having a bad day and you think you were discriminated against when it is not necessarily so. Maybe I see it, but I ignore it, because it is their problem, not mine” (First-Generation Jamaican Male, 55). Ultimately, Devon dealt with racism by choosing not to see it and projecting the problem of racism on the perpetrator of the racist act.
On the other hand, 1.5- and second-generation Jamaicans were less likely to dismiss explicit acts of racism as isolated incidents and more likely to see them as a systemic problem of racial inequality. Katrina, a second-generation Jamaican female, who grew up in Houston, explained a familiar experience for many individuals of African descent, often described as “driving while Black.” She stated:
Several other 1.5-generation Jamaican respondents also highlighted the overarching effects of being Black in the United States. Michael argued, “I think we are all subject to the same racism. It does not matter what you have in the bank, it does not matter what you are wearing, you cannot change the color of your skin and that is what most people see first. I do not care how rich you are or how poor you are, race is what they see and that is sad” (1.5-Generation Jamaican Male, 51).
In all, these results reinforce Bobb and Clarke’s (2001) findings on first- and second-generation West Indians. Like their study, my research indicates that 1.5- and second-generation Jamaicans were not only more aware of racism than first-generation Jamaicans, but they were also more likely to acknowledge the overarching effects of anti-Black racism in the U.S.
While most Jamaican respondents had experienced implicit or explicit acts of racism, 6 out of 14 first-generation Jamaicans argued that they had never experienced racial discrimination. A middle-aged Jamaican woman, Dana, justified her lack of experiences with racism as a result of being insulated within Black environments. Dana explained, “I have not really been in the workforce and when I did go back to work, I worked at my children’s elementary school and so there were mostly Black people and I worked at another Black elementary school, so I have not been really in White America. I have been protected from White America” (First-Generation Jamaican Female, 57). Since coming to the U.S., Dana has lived within African American communities. Dana came to the U.S. to attend a historically Black college. In college, she met her future husband; they got married and moved to Houston, Texas. Because her husband was African American, Dana lived in an African American neighborhood and went to an African American church.
Correspondingly, three other first-generation Jamaican participants, who claimed to have never experienced racism, were also insulated within mostly Black environments. Before coming to Houston, one Jamaican female spent most of her life in New York City in a West Indian ethnic enclave. Two other Jamaican male participants both came to the United States to attend a historically Black college and subsequently got jobs at a historically Black college. These findings are consistent with Bashi’s (2007) and Bobb’s and Clarke’s (2001) studies. They found that living in ethnic enclaves in New York City or Miami helped first-generation West Indian respondents psychologically and physically isolate themselves from racist stereotypes. Slightly diverging from their findings, I discovered that living within mostly African American spaces can have a similar protective role as living in a West Indian ethnic enclave for some first-generation Jamaican respondents.
In sum, most of the Jamaican participants in my study endured implicit and explicit acts of racism. However, first-generation Jamaicans were more likely to not see racism or to minimize the psychological impact of their racist encounters. These findings among first-generation Jamaican immigrants are likely a residual impact of their socialization in Jamaica. Vickerman (1999) argued that Jamaicans are taught to downplay racial differences and to see education as the primary means for socioeconomic mobility in Jamaica. Upon coming to the U.S., Jamaicans expect to have access to education, but they are unprepared to deal with the realities of racism. Thus, my first-generation Jamaican respondents likely minimized or overlooked their experiences with racial discrimination as a strategy to achieve socioeconomic gains. This coping strategy was not utilized by 1.5- and second-generation Jamaicans, who lacked a foreign reference point and were socialized into the U.S. based racial hierarchy. Like many African Americans, 1.5- and second-generation Jamaicans did not think they were immune to racism nor did they minimize explicit acts of racism.
“And in my mind, I am thinking, I am an Engineer!:” Nigerians’ experiences with racial discrimination
Most of my Nigerian respondents, 24 out of 27, had experienced either implicit or explicit acts of discrimination because of their racial identity. Unlike some of the first-generation Jamaican participants, regardless of generational status, the Nigerians that I interviewed were very much aware of racism and its impact on their life. Like many of the Jamaican participants, first-, 1.5-, and second-generation Nigerians reported implicit acts of racism. Several respondents felt like they were denied entrance into exclusive clubs in Houston due to their racial identity. Others reported being treated unfairly at school and work. Victoria, a second-generation Nigerian female exemplified an implicit act of racism, when she described being overlooked for a bonus, she recalled: I worked in this accounting firm as an administrative assistant to the Vice President. On the initial interview, my boss asked me about myself and I told him that I wanted to work in the financial industry and become a CFO. He thought I was really driven, and he hired me. But, I think part of him expected me to be his administrative assistant forever. In my heart, I knew that I was gonna get my license and reach the top of that profession. So, I went back to school, I finished all my accounting courses, and I planned to get my license in 6 months. My boss thought I couldn’t do it. He never overtly said it, but I just kinda felt it. So, when I passed my last exam, he walked into my senior managers office and he said, “That Victoria, she’s too ambitious.” He said this in a negative way. He was like, “How can she pass it in 6 months? A lot of other people have tried to pass for years.” When it was time for me to get my bonus for passing the exam. They said, “Oh, that bonus is discretionary.” I found it really unfair because my White counterparts who passed got their bonuses. So, for me, it’s was like. . .I didn’t know what else to attribute it to other than race (Second-Generation Nigerian Female, 25).
Victoria was not compensated for working hard to obtain her professional qualification, which was awarded to all her other White colleagues. Feeling frustrated, she filed a lawsuit against the company. Unfortunately, they decided that there was no evidence of discrimination and the case was closed. This act exemplifies the implicit ways in which race operates, while it is clear that it was unfair that Victoria did not receive a bonus, it is also unclear if Victoria’s race was the primary inhibiter to her obtaining her bonus as bonuses were given on a “discretionary basis.”
Outside of work, some Nigerian respondents encountered explicit acts of racism within their everyday activities. A first-generation Nigerian male, John, recalled an incident where he was at a gas station in rural Louisiana and the shop attendant closed the shop once he saw him coming. Femi remembered being denied entrance into a hospital emergency room for being Black. He stated, “In Oklahoma, I walked into an emergency care center, the dude looks at us and goes, ‘Oh no! We do not serve your kind here.’ So now I’m hurting and I’m thinking in my head, ‘Should I raise hell right now or do I just thank him and go further into town where the emergency care cannot say no?’” (1.5-Generation Nigerian Male, 35). Luckily, Femi found another emergency care center in Tulsa, Oklahoma, that did serve him; however, he vowed never to go back to Oklahoma. Some 1.5-generation Nigerian male participants reported being pulled over by cops for either driving in a nice area, looking out of place, or having a nice car. Interestingly, unlike first-generation Jamaicans, who lessened or ignored racism, these 1.5-generation Nigerians believed their middle-class status would help alleviate racism. As an example, Femi described being pulled over by the police and escaping a racist encounter through talking proper. He explained: “I got pulled over and the police officer is on edge cuz all he sees is my skin-tone. He walks up to my car and asks me, ‘This car is not stolen is it?’ But then the second I speak; his guard comes down. Why is that? I actually asked police officers this before and one of them said, ‘It is because you are not one of those Black people’” (1.5-Generation Nigerian Male, 35). Femi believed that he could escape racism by distinguishing himself from “those Black people.” It is implied that “those Black people” refers to African Americans who are presumed to be lower-class, uneducated, and criminal. Ironically, Femi is the same respondent who was denied entry into an emergency room because of his race. By juxtaposing both incidents together, it illustrates the ineffectiveness of asserting one’s class status for Blacks in the U.S. as race often trumps ethnicity, class, and gender.
Congruently, Olusola thought that his elite status as an engineer would have resulted in a better outcome when a cop pulled him and his friend over. He recalled: My friend and I were driving in Houston and the police pulled us over and checked my friend’s license and saw it was suspended. And he said, “Hey your license is suspended. Why are you driving with a suspended license?” My friend was like, “I didn’t know it was suspended.” I think he forgot. The cop searched his car, told us to get out the car. I was like “That is kind of weird. . .” Give him a ticket or whatever. So, we got out the car and I swear to you, he called him the n-word. He called us the n-word! He was like, “Why you niggers driving with a suspended license?” And you know, you kind of like, “Is this really happening?” In my mind, I am thinking like, “I am an engineer!” And he (his friend) is going to school for an engineering degree (1.5-Generation Nigerian Male, 25).
Like Femi, Olusola believed that his educational background would help him subvert racist encounters. Unfortunately, the racist police officer only saw his Black skin color and not his engineering degree.
Overall, while a few informants did not experience racism, my Nigerian sample was very much aware of the effects of being Black in the U.S. For some respondents, enduring racism helped solidify their racial identity as Blacks, while for a few 1.5-generation Nigerians, racism was something that could be controlled through signifying to others one’s class status. Ultimately, these strategies proved to be ineffective for these respondents as their Black racial identity often overshadowed their proper speech, appearance, and educational background.
Ethnic Discrimination for Jamaicans and Nigerians
Several studies on West Indian and African immigrants have examined their experiences with racism in the United States (Arthur, 2000, 2008; Hintzen, 2001; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999); however, few studies have looked at ethnic discrimination. While I believe that all individuals of African descent face similar types of experiences with racial discrimination, Nigerians and Jamaicans may also suffer discrimination based on their cultural heritage or stereotypes assigned to their ethnic and national group. Therefore, in the following sections, I asked my participants about their encounters with ethnic discrimination. I discovered that my Nigerian participants expressed different types of ethnic discrimination based on their African, Nigerian, and Nigerian tribal identity, while Jamaican participants were more likely to feel like their ethnic identity was an advantage, not a deficit.
Constructions of ethnicity in Jamaica and Nigeria
In order to comprehend my respondents’ experiences with ethnic discrimination in the U.S., it is imperative that one is familiar with the unique sociopolitical constructions of race and ethnicity within Jamaica and Nigeria.
The national motto, “Out of Many, One People” is instructive toward understanding race relations in Jamaica. Developed in the mid-20th century, this motto portrays Jamaica as a multiracial society free from racial antagonisms (Nettleford, 1972; Paul, 2009; Thomas, 2004; Vickerman, 1999). Ironically, while Jamaica has some racial diversity, most of its population is Black. The widespread acceptance of Jamaica’s national motto can be attributed to the racial hierarchies developed during slavery.
Within the British Caribbean, Jamaica received the largest group of enslaved Africans. Slavery thrived in Jamaica because sugar plantations required a replenishable workforce (Gomez, 2020; Segal, 1995). While Jamaica’s enslaved African population was constantly growing, the European population remained stagnant as few British settled in Jamaica. Accordingly, by 1734, 90% of Jamaica’s population was Black (Gomez, 2020). Though enslaved Africans represented the bulk of the population, their enslaved status relegated them to the bottom of the racial hierarchy, while Whites occupied the top. The free colored population served as an intermediary group between the small White population and the enslaved masses. They enjoyed privileges not accessible to the Black majority, such as educational access and the attainment of wealth (Nettleford, 1972).
By the 1930s, the Black majority’s frustration with poor living conditions, the reduction of wages, and the lack of substantial land reform led to the 1938 labor rebellions (Thomas, 2004, p. 48). From this rebellion, the colored middle class became more sympathetic to the plight of the Black majority. They understood the rebellion as a workers’ riot and thought that the working class could benefit from their leadership (Thomas 2004, p. 51). The increased involvement of the colored middle class with the Black majority resulted in the formation of the People’s National Party (PNP) and Jamaica Labour Party (JLP). The development of these two national parties shifted power from the White colonial officials to the colored middle class. The colored middle class helped facilitate Jamaica’s independence in 1962 and became the country’s political leaders (Vickerman, 1999). Since the inception of these two parties, the colored middle class has had to negotiate between the Black majority, whose votes they needed to obtain political power, while also being sensitive to the economic interest of the minority elites. Consequently, both political parties supported the national motto, “Out of Many, One People.” This motto made race a non-issue and took focus away from the under-representation of the Black majority in the elite classes (Vickerman, 1999, p. 39).
As a direct result of this sociopolitical history, several of my Jamaican respondents described Jamaica as a nation free from racial divisions and racism. In fact, several of the Jamaican respondents conceptualized their ethnic identity through a national lens. Clive illustrated this point, in the following statement: “My ethnicity would have to be Jamaican. In Jamaica, it is a little bit different because we have a motto that says, ‘Out of Many, One People.’ That means we have several ethnic bodies there. We have Indians. We have Chinese. We have Caucasians. So, mine specifically would be ‘Out of Many, One People.’ Not one specific group” (First-Generation Jamaican, 56). Ultimately, this respondent illustrates the intricate ways in which Jamaica’s national motto can influence one’s ethnic identity.
On the other hand, ethnic identity in Nigeria is shaped by Nigerian tribal ethnic groups. Nigeria has numerous tribal ethnic groups, but the three leading groups—the Hausa, the Igbos, and the Yoruba—make up the majority of the population (Campbell, 2011; Falola, 1999; Ogbaa, 2003). Prior to the formation of Nigeria in 1914, the Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbos were autonomous territories. When the British colonized Nigeria they forced the predominant tribal ethnic groups into one nation; however, the British allowed these three groups to operate as independent regions (Falola, 1999). This strategy helped pacify resistance toward colonial authorities, but it also heightened tribal ethnic divisions as the Igbos and Yorubas had better access to education and infrastructure than the Hausas (Campbell, 2011; Falola, 1999). Post-independence, varying access to resources as well as tribal differences escalated and resulted in the Biafra War. Although Nigeria has not experienced another Civil War, tribal tensions, religious differences, and unequal distribution of resources continue to haunt Nigeria.
Consequently, ethnic identity for my Nigerian sample was complex. Several of my participants identified ethnically using their tribal ethnic identities. Others identified ethnically as Nigerian or African. Several participants revealed that they identified as Nigerian or African because of Americans’ ignorance of Nigerian tribal ethnic identities. Jonathan exemplified this point; he confessed: “It is tough, I would say in society, I am African or Nigerian because if I say I am from Edo, you will not understand where I am from. So, I say I am African, and then if you want to go deeper, I say I am from Nigeria” (First-Generation Nigerian Male, 35).
In sum, the sociopolitical historical context of Jamaica and Nigeria shaped my participants’ ethnic identity, which in turn, influenced how they interpreted their experiences with ethnic discrimination. Since my Jamaican respondents were more likely to see their ethnic identities through a national lens as Jamaican, these participants described ethnic discrimination as enduring Jamaican stereotypes. On the other hand, my Nigerian participants ethnically identified using their tribal, national, or continental identity. Therefore, they described encountering ethnic discrimination for being African, Nigerian, or for belonging to a certain Nigerian tribal ethnic group.
“Not all Jamaicans smoke weed”: Ethnic discrimination for Jamaicans
While most Jamaican respondents had experienced racial discrimination, a little over half of my Jamaican sample, 11 out of 20, stated that they had never experienced ethnic discrimination. Of those who denied experiencing ethnic discrimination, nine were first-generation and two were second-generation. An interesting pattern arose based on generational status as second-generation Jamaicans’ justifications for why they never experienced ethnic discrimination differed significantly from first-generation Jamaicans. My second-generation Jamaican participants revealed that they were shielded from ethnic discrimination because people overlooked their Jamaican identity. Katrina described her ethnic invisibility in the following account, she recalled: “People will tell me that they didn’t know that I was Jamaican or that I look Puerto Rican or just random things, but most people will not know that I am Jamaican until they ask” (Second-Generation Jamaican Female, 28). On the other hand, my first-generation Jamaican respondents claimed that being Jamaican resulted in preferential treatment not discrimination. Andrew described the power of his accent in the following way, “They love the accent. They think the accent is just fantastic and sort of melts away any animosity. You will find that some people may have had negative experiences with Jamaicans, but if they have just heard of Jamaica. They hear it is an exotic place and they give you the benefit of the doubt” (First-Generation Jamaican Male, 73). Likewise, Teresa explained why being Jamaican was an advantage to her. She stated: “I think that I’m treated better than others. Most have seen Jamaica on TV. They visited it, so they get a good feeling because it is a beautiful island and they have enjoyed their trip. So, when they see me, there is a pleasant reaction in them” (First-Generation Jamaican Female, 40). Peter recalled a situation where his Jamaican friend was given preferential treatment by Whites. He illustrated this point in the account below:
For Peter, being Jamaican allowed him to be seen for who he was as a Jamaican instead of as a “nigger.”
In sum, the first-generation Jamaican participants felt like their accents and association with Jamaica resulted in preferential treatment from Whites and Blacks; thus, allowing them to escape ethnic discrimination. On the other hand, my second-generation Jamaican respondents never experienced ethnic discrimination because of their ethnic invisibility.
While a little over half of my Jamaican sample had never experienced ethnic discrimination, nine Jamaican respondents, six first-generation, and three 1.5-generation, revealed that they had encountered discrimination because of their ethnic identity. Unlike the first-generation Jamaican respondents who saw being Jamaican as an advantage, several other first-generation Jamaican participants highlighted the pervasiveness of negative stereotypes. They reported being stereotyped as stupid, carefree, vicious, arrogant, ganja smokers, and dreadlock wearers. A first-generation Jamaican male, Edwin, described the stereotypes assigned to him as a Jamaican male. He revealed: People assume you are a ganja smoking, Rasta man. So, I say, “No, I do not smoke ganja, no I have never smoked ganja.” So, I think they correlate Jamaica to ganja use or marijuana use. I think those are the big things. Do you listen to reggae and do you smoke ganja? And, I listen to reggae, but I don’t smoke ganja (First-Generation Jamaican Male, 32).
Xavier described his annoyance with being stereotyped as a dumb, non-articulate, drug user. He explained: People expect Jamaicans to be dumb, we are supposed to have dreadlocks, we supposed to talk in patois. They do not expect us to talk proper and be able to have a coherent conversation. So, you get that kind of thing daily. Even, when I worked at the hotel, I used to get drug tests more than anybody else because I was Jamaican and they thought I had weed on me (First-Generation Jamaican Male, 41)
In sum, my first-generation Jamaican respondents were often associated with generalized depictions of Jamaica and Jamaicans. While a little over half of my first-generation Jamaican respondents perceived these generalizations as an asset, other respondents saw these generalizations as offensive. For instance, in the aforementioned example, the participant felt like people negatively stereotyped Jamaicans for their speech; however, other first-generation Jamaicans described their accents as an asset. While consensus on the positive reception of Jamaican cultural attributes varied among respondents, it must be noted that the origins of negative or positive stereotypes originated from the same generalized, often exoticized, depiction of Jamaica and Jamaicans. Consequently, the perceived preferential treatment that some of my Jamaican participants received from Whites must be critically examined as their privileged status is based on their perceived exoticness. Furthermore, this advantage is not sustainable as the 1.5- and second-generation Jamaican participants were far less likely to mention an ethnic advantage.
Differing from both first-and second-generation Jamaican participants, the majority of my 1.5-generation Jamaicans had experienced ethnic discrimination; however, the perpetuators of these acts were African Americans and other Blacks from the Caribbean. These individuals came to the U.S. as pre-teens during the late 1970s and mid-1980s and were rejected by other Blacks. Marvin, a 45-year-old, 1.5-generation Jamaican male, who went to a diverse school in Brooklyn, stated that he was teased by a Trinidadian. His tormentor often called him Banana Boat. Kathy, a 44-year-old, 1.5-generation Jamaican female recalled being teased by African Americans for her accent, clothing, and hair. Over time, Kathy escaped being tormented by losing her accent and becoming more American. Echoing this experience, Michael, a middle-aged Jamaican male, who moved to Chicago in the late 1970s, also described being teased by African Americans. When I asked him how he adjusted to going to school in Chicago, he stated the following: It is funny the problems that I had when I first came here was with Black American kids. I cannot recall having any problems with any White kids. The problem that I had was usually with the Black kids, so I do not know what it is. . .They would say stuff like, “Go back to Jamaica! Get back on the boat!” (1.5-Generation Jamaican Male, 51).
Ultimately, the experiences of these 1.5-generation Jamaican participants highlight the challenges of adjusting to being in the U.S., in which, participants learned to adjust to racial and ethnic discrimination.
Overall, generational status played a large role in my Jamaican participants’ perceptions of ethnic discrimination. First-generation Jamaicans were more likely to be stereotyped based on generalizations of Jamaica and Jamaicans, some Jamaican participants perceived these generalizations as negative stereotypes, while others perceived these generalizations as an advantage. On the opposite end of the spectrum, second-generation Jamaicans were more likely to encounter ethnic invisibility, which consequently shielded them from ethnic discrimination. Arguably, 1.5-generation Jamaicans encountered the most challenging experiences with ethnic discrimination. These individuals came to America in the formative years of their lives and they were not warmly received by African Americans or other Black ethnic groups. Consequently, one could hypothesize that West Indians’ attempts to distance themselves from African Americans (as noted in Hintzen, 2001; Jones and Erving, 2015; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999) were learned responses from not being warmly received by African Americans.
“Some Nigerians have done fraudulent things that smells negatively on the good ones”: Ethnic discrimination for Nigerians
Unlike my Jamaican respondents, who were more likely to claim that they had not experienced ethnic discrimination, 22 out of my 27 Nigerian participants, had encountered ethnic discrimination. Not only were Nigerians more likely to experience ethnic discrimination, but they also described their encounters with ethnic discrimination in diverse ways. For example, some Nigerian respondents experienced discrimination for being Nigerian, other participants complained that they endured insults for being African and a few Nigerians encountered intra-ethnic discrimination from other Nigerians.
Several Nigerian respondents expressed their frustrations with Americans who assume that all Nigerians are associated with internet scams or extremist religious groups. In the following account, Mark explained why Nigerians are associated with internet scams. He revealed: There was a special on CNN and the reporter looked at a fraudulent email and it said something like, “Oh, I am an African prince and my money is stored away because of the civil unrest here. Please, send me some money so I can retrieve my wealth. Once, you help me retrieve my wealth than I will give you a percentage.” All of this was just fraud! You would be surprised with how many people fall for it. So, the CNN special traced the email all the way back to an internet café in Nigeria. There was a group of people operating the whole business. Now, the section of the law dedicated to fraud is 419, which is synonymous with Nigerian scamming (1.5-generation Nigerian Male, 32).
Other participants recalled how people associated them with fraudulent activities because they were Nigerian. Carol, a nurse, stated that one of her male patients accused her of trying to scam him. She recalled: Some Nigerians have done fraudulent things that smells negatively on the good ones. I remember I had an older White male patient and I was gonna order him a walker. So, I needed his information: his date of birth, birth certificate and everything. He said, “Oh I hope am not gonna get a bill that somebody used my name to do something else?” I looked at him (and thought) it’s not even worth my response (First-Generation Nigerian Female, 43).
In addition to being associated with fraudulent activities, a few participants, especially those with Muslim names described being directly impacted by the actions of the “Nigerian bomber” (as my participants described him). The Nigerian bomber was a young Muslim by the name of Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab. On Christmas Day 2009, Umar attempted and failed to set off a bomb on his plane in route to Detroit from Amsterdam. Because of his actions, several participants, who had Muslim names, had to endure extra security at the airport. In addition to extra security measures at the airport, one respondent described a negative encounter with a police officer who erroneously assumed that her family was associated with the Nigerian bomber. She explained:
Morgan’s experience shows the intersections of racial and ethnic discrimination. Morgan and her family’s appearance, accent, and name signaled to the police officer that they were Nigerian. While it is possible that Morgan and her family got initially pulled over because they were Black, it was their ethnic identity as Nigerian that caused the police officer to associate them with the Nigerian bomber. Ultimately, from the accounts above, it is evident that the actions of a few Nigerians can have a detrimental impact. Although Nigeria is the most populated country in Africa and Nigerians are one of the largest Black immigrant groups in the United States, Americans’ lack of knowledge of Nigeria often results in the negative stereotyping of all Nigerians.
In addition to experiencing ethnic discrimination for being Nigerian, several first-, 1.5-, and second-generation Nigerians also experienced discrimination for being African. Several Nigerian participants revealed that many Americans did not know much about Nigeria; thus, my respondents often identified and were labeled as African. Like the term Black, which is a universal identity, I would argue the term African functions similarly; it mutes national, racial, and cultural diversity inherent within the African continent. Nevertheless, this universal identity makes it easier for Americans to generalize a diverse group of people. While Nigerians are not the sole proprietors of African stereotypes, many felt that they were discriminated upon because of their accents and the negative perceptions of Africans as uncivilized. Numerous first- and 1.5-generation Nigerians revealed that they endured discrimination because of their accent. Sara described an accent hierarchy at her Historically Black college. She explained, “African accent un-cool. Black, Jamaican accent, very cool. Black, Black accent, super cool. Africans are not wanted” (1.5-Generation Nigerian Female, 21). From her perspective, both African American and Jamaican accents were deemed cool, while African accents were seen as un-cool and unwanted. Other participants also revealed their frustrations with Americans, who assume that they do not know English, because of their accents and British pronunciation of certain words. Isaac, a first-generation Nigerian male, exemplified this point in the following account: “Most people just look at me and be like, ‘He doesn’t understand our system here. He doesn’t understand our culture.’ Or the way I speak, they say, ‘You can’t understand him,’ but, if you listen to me, you understand. Don’t judge me before listening to me. People can be very judgmental. They don’t give you an opportunity. They just look at you and say, ‘Hmm, he is Black, from Africa. I don’t think I want to handle that!’” (First-Generation Nigerian Male, 55).
These accounts help to illustrate that accent discrimination does not impact all individuals of African descent in the same way. Unlike some of my first-generation Jamaican respondents, who described their accents as an advantage, my Nigerian participants were more likely to see their accent as a barrier. This finding is intriguing considering both Jamaica and Nigeria were colonized by the British and English is the official language in both countries. Nonetheless, one could argue that the acceptance of a Jamaican accent over a Nigerian accent could be linked to the popularity of Jamaican culture and Americans’ exposure to Jamaica as a vacation destination.
In addition to accent discrimination, many of the 1.5- and second-generation Nigerian respondents recalled being teased in elementary and middle school for being African. Like some of my Jamaican participants, African Americans were identified as the main perpetrator of these acts. One second-generation Nigerian, Victoria, vividly remembers being teased by African Americans. Victoria recounted, “Growing up I really felt bullied by African Americans, so I had this huge resentment toward them, like some African Americans would call me ‘African booty scratcher’ in elementary school” (Second-Generation Female, 25). Other 1.5- and second-generation Nigerians also described being bullied by African Americans for their accents, names, darker skin color, and their overall appearance. For some participants, these experiences scarred them and made them more skeptical of African Americans as adults, while other participants saw the teasing they endured as a natural process of growing up. Finally, while some of the Nigerian participants mentioned ethnic discrimination for being African or Nigerian, other participants mentioned being discriminated against by other Nigerians. Several of my respondents highlighted this tension in their accounts of ethnic discrimination. One first-generation Nigerian male felt like he was not as accepted in Nigeria because he was not from one of the three dominant ethnic groups (Igbo, Yoruba, and Hausa). Two participants, one first-generation and one 1.5-generation, described the difficulties they experienced marrying someone from a different tribal/ethnic group. One Nigerian male, Olufemi, explained this dynamic in the following statement: “Now in Nigeria, the Yoruba and Igbo are two different cultures. They speak two different languages. I had incidences whereby some of my family members have asked me, ‘Oh, why are you marrying her?’ Because I am Yoruba and she is Igbo, and so this is because we are two different cultures in the same country. So, there is still discrimination there” (First-Generation Nigerian Male, 32).
Overall, most Nigerians had experienced ethnic discrimination in some shape or form. Unlike my Jamaican participants, generational status did not play as large of a role in determining one’s susceptibility toward ethnic discrimination. In fact, all generations of my Nigerian sample recalled experiencing ethnic discrimination. Furthermore, Nigerians felt the sting of discrimination through multiple layers. Nigerians faced discrimination for either their national identity as Nigerian, their continental identity as African, or as a result of their specific Nigerian tribal ethnic identity. Finally, unlike a few first-generation Jamaicans, who saw their accent as an advantage, my Nigerian respondents were more likely to highlight the burden of having an accent.
Conclusion
The aim of this paper was to better understand the ways in which racial and ethnic discrimination shapes the lives of Black immigrants in the U.S. While several studies have explored Black immigrants’ experiences with racial discrimination (Arthur, 2000; Bobb & Clarke, 2001; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999), few studies have looked at how ethnic discrimination shapes the lives of Black immigrants. I found that while the pervasiveness of racial discrimination impacts all individuals of African descent in the U.S., ethnic discrimination reflects the diversity of experiences for Jamaican and Nigerian immigrants. Further, my Nigerian and Jamaican respondents’ experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination varied based on generational status.
Regarding racial discrimination, 80% of my respondents reported experiencing implicit and explicit acts of racism. These acts included a wide range of experiences, from being stereotyped as a good basketball player to being denied service in a hospital emergency room. Though most participants encountered racial discrimination, they varied in how they coped with these experiences. Two coping strategies were prevalent specifically among first-generation Jamaicans and 1.5- and second-generation Nigerians. I discovered that among first-generation Jamaican participants, minimizing experiences with racism was common. This cognitive strategy likely helped them reduce the distress associated with racism and focus on their socioeconomic goals in America. Additionally, I found that among 1.5- and second-generation Nigerians, several felt they could subvert racism through their educational status and by acting in a respectable manner. This strategy is very similar to middle-class African Americans, who learned to signal their class status through wearing certain clothes and using “proper” speech when talking with Whites (Lacy, 2007). Though these strategies may have helped these participants cope with racism, they did not shield them from encountering racist acts.
Notably, a small group of participants, the majority of which were first-generation Jamaican, said they had never experienced racism. These first-generation Jamaican participants likely represent a more extreme version of those who experienced racial discrimination and minimized it. Additionally, several of these Jamaican respondents resided in an all-Black community, which I would argue, helped insulate these participants from racial discrimination. Diverging from previous studies that found that first-generation West Indians who lived in ethnic enclaves were more likely to be shielded from racism (Bashi, 2007; Bobb & Clarke, 2001), I found a similar outcome for West Indians who attended HBCUs and lived within African American communities. Unlike racial discrimination, where most participants had similar experiences, ethnic discrimination reflected the diversity inherent among Jamaican and Nigerian participants. Nigerian respondents were more likely to report ethnic discrimination. These experiences ranged from being accused of internet scamming, being involved with religious extremist groups, or simply being teased for having African accents. Not only did Nigerian participants have more experiences with ethnic discrimination, but they classified their experiences in diverse ways based on being African broadly, Nigerian specifically, or for being Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, etc. Thus, their experiences with ethnic discrimination were layered and complex.
In contrast, Jamaican respondents were less likely than Nigerians to report ethnic discrimination. This was especially the case for first-generation Jamaicans who were more likely than 1.5- and second-generation Jamaicans to perceive their ethnic identity as an advantage and not a deficit. Although it is quite possible that first-generation Jamaican participants received preferential treatment from Whites, this finding must be critically examined, especially as some first-generation Jamaicans described being weary of ethnic stereotypes. Furthermore, this advantage is not sustainable as 1.5- and second-generation Jamaicans were far less likely to mention an ethnic advantage.
In sum, regardless of their ethnic identity, both Jamaican and Nigerian immigrants were subjected to the same anti-Black stereotypes that African Americans regularly endure. However, this paper demonstrates how Jamaicans’ and Nigerians’ responses to racial and ethnic discrimination varied between ethnic group and across generational status. Future research should further explore why certain accents are more stigmatized than others and whether the media plays a role in the celebration or stigmatization of certain Black immigrant groups. Furthermore, studies should also explore racial and ethnic discrimination for Black immigrant groups from the Francophone and Spanish-speaking Caribbean, who likely have a different experience with both racial and ethnic discrimination. Ultimately, such work will continue to move the field toward a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of how anti-Black racism is perpetuated across different Black ethnic groups and how it may therefore be dismantled.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
