Indigenizing,and Developing Africa: The Role of Indigenous Cultural Norms and Values

Abstract

The determinants of development of nation states are mostly skewed toward political serenity, abundance of natural resources, and the intellectual and managerial prowess of the human resource. However, the culture of a people and their values are very significant in the development of nation states even if they are yet to be nationalized in the polities of the African state. This article presents the empirical data that was obtained through interviews with traditional healers and herbalists within the Kasena-Nankana Municipality of Navrongo, and the Volta region, using the qualitative research method and a purposive sampling technique in order to explore the link between culture and development with particular focus in preserving and sustaining some natural resources such as fauna and flora species. It offers the emic insights of traditional healers and herbalists on how the increasing threat to cultural institutions affects the use of traditional medicine in Africa in general, and the aforementioned region in particular.

Keywords

culture empirical emic indigenous serenity

Introduction

All over the world, the life of a people is dependent on values, norms, and conventions, which can have a significant influence in their economic and political development. Africa is a continent, which is rich in different forms of indigenous cultural expressions and values. This article examines how an appreciation of Africa’s indigenous cultural elements can lead to economic and political development. In this study, we examine the concepts of culture and development within the frameworks of indigenous Africa’s traditional institutions by demonstrating also, how an appreciation of indigenous norms and values lead to development. The paper is further straddled with examples of African cultures, spirituality and knowledge by elaborating with examples from the communities of study, how upholding Africa’s spirituality promotes growth and development. We equally investigated the challenges of African herbal and spiritual healing processes along the lines of preservation and protection of the cultural environment.

Conceptualization of the Study

To situate the place of indigenous cultural values in Africa’s development; questions were posed to indigenous healers also deemed as repositories of knowledge regarding cultural values in these communities. Since it is anticipated that the healers and herbalists rely heavily on plant and tree species, thematic areas interrogating how long participants have been herbalists or traditional healers, the forms of indigenous taboos or sacred rituals that they observe when practicing their craft, materials used for treatment, and how they access these materials is discussed. In line with core objective of evaluating the economic, health, and development value of indigenous knowledge system, the study further examined the benefits of using indigenous African materials, and challenges in accessing tree and plant species.

Literature Review

Examining Culture and Development

Culture in which most indigenous norms and values are rooted is very polysemous. Both development and culture are contentious and elusive concepts (Grimson, 2010; James, 2016; Tylor, 1871). The definitions to be cited for the two concepts, that is, culture and development will be situated within a framework that addresses the needs of the question. Culture as defined by UNESCO (2001) is a culture as the set of distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual, and emotional features of society or a social group, that encompasses, not only art and literature, but lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems, traditions, and beliefs. Similarly, in the words of Prah (2001), cultural elements like “religion, language, beliefs, customs and values are intangible, but are often more instrumental in the guidance of behaviour than the more recognizable material products of culture” (pp. 96–97.

Culture is continually evolving. At certain instances too, and depending on the exigencies of the time, culture is transformed or invented mostly through enculturation and technological innovations. Even in these pervasive tendencies and attributes of culture, most indigenous African institutions are still able to expressively sustain some elements of their cultural norms and values through the judicious processes of socialization, maintenance of Traditional African Religious (TAR) practices and with it, sacred preservation of their environments.

When the term development, is mentioned what comes to mind easily is the economic growth of societies. In his definition of development Emas (2015) cites the Brundtland Commission of 1987 which in examining what development is, rather defined sustainable development as: “Development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (p. 1). Most of the global discourses on development focus more on how politics, natural resources, external aid, peace, and security can provide both sustainable economic and political development (Ake, 1993b; Bräutigam, 2011). From these discussions, one would notice that the place of culture in development is always mentioned in passing. Other contending discourses have even attributed the “backwardness” of Africa to its culture arguing that, embedded in culture are taboos and superstitions among others that impede development (Ayittey, 2006b, p. 11). Economist and politicians have given ample evidence which supports the claim that with all the interventions aimed at developing the continent, the development gap remains wide (Fukuyama, 2018, Sigman, & Lindberg, 2017). This is because components of culture such as Ubuntu (Matolino & Kwindingwi, 2013), Consciencism (Dompere, 2020; Mazama, 2002)) Molefe Asante’s Afrocentricity (Rodgers, 2017), and Mbongi—an indigenous African “parliamentary” system are yet to fully permeate the national polities of most African states (Fu-Kiau, 2007). Most of those proposing the solutions for Africa’s development often do so through the lens of their own cultures, sometimes comparing the incomparable, overlooking the historical narratives of communities, and concluding that Africa is just a community with a homogenous culture. A reason why Ake (1993a) advises, “Building on the indigenous is the necessary condition for the self-reliant development to which there is now no alternative” (p.19). While it is important to mention that Ubuntu, Mbongi, and Afrocentricity are important in Africa’s development, these are yet to be fully “nationalized” into the polities of most African states. It has been clearly demonstrated that:

No plan or amount of money can develop an economy if it leaves out culture, which governs the attitudes and the way of thinking of the people who would be managing the proposed development strategies and programs. (Rabie, 2006, p. 7).

Rabie further reveals development was regarded as the quantitative growth of economic indexes in the 1950s and 1960s, and less attention was paid to the qualitative growth of the people.

The quality of humans, how they assert truth, eschew corruption, and extol good values could be a sign of cultural development, which can further lead to more growth and economic development. In Africa, the pursuit of development has seen political leaders and elite urban dwellers aspire to attain quantitative development. The result is they resort to various means, which are alien to African values (Fu-Kiau, 1985).

As a result of the loss of these values, one would see that physical development of infrastructure exists alongside flea-infested towns and stench air in the cities and towns. It could easily be noticed, some African elites are not in a hurry to imbibe some forms of local cultural values to solve their basic needs but rather aspire to advance “quantitatively” like the rest of the world.

Appreciation of Indigenous Norms and Values and Development

While it is right to state the effects of the abstract forms of culture on economics and development, it may not be easily measurable unless there in a curios gauge of the numerous value chain of, which culture plays a pivotal role. Most people cannot resist the temptation of seeing culture merely through the lens of music and dance as embedded in the rites of passage and religious ceremonies. Thus, the temptation to rate tourism and national image creation and identity culture has often assumed central focus. However, adhering to sacred values, rituals, and norms has often yielded rewarding ends. Some communities who do not safe guard some of their material culture often have their resources exploited. In some indigenous communities across the world “outsider” exploitation of Intellectual Property (IP) is not new phenomenon. For instance, they have been fewer instances where “Kuuku I’yu elders who took part in research activities initiated by ‘outsiders’, and shared their language and traditional ecological knowledge with them are recognised” (Claudie et al., 2012, p. 36). Clearly, if one does not know the link between cultural values and its linkage with development theirs would certainly be exploited. Respect of deities, for which water bodies are not polluted through mining, virtues of truth, and honesty at homes and work places as well as ensuring the perpetual protection of plant and animal species for both healing and nourishment cannot be overlooked. It is no longer a debatable matter to say the least that indigenous knowledge forms satiate the increasing appetite of Euro-America pharmaceutical industry. As Kuruk (2015) affirms, “Within the pharmaceutical industry, indigenous people’s knowledge and experiences of the medicinal properties of plants have played a pivotal role in the development of drugs” (p. 4). The worrisome aspect of development deficits due to fading of cultural values is correctly escalated in the words of Breidlid (2009) who demonstrates:

The lack of respect for local or indigenous knowledge and the assumption by many Western scientists about the superiority of Western epistemology and scientific discourse is a serious obstacle to sustainable development in light of their apparent failure to meet human development needs and, at the same time, to protect nature and the eco-system. (p. 142).

Before examining indigenous culture and values as a means of linking them with development, it is incumbent to share who an indigenous people are. It is also right and proper to submit, the notion of indigenous people as defined here is largely the case of our respective communities of study

Thus, Breidlid (2009) explains that:

Indigenous peoples have a special attachment to land and territories.

They have a sense of shared ancestry and a right to self-determination.

They have their own languages, cultures, spirituality, and knowledge.

They have their own political, social, and cultural institutions; these include customary law, consensual decision-making process, community life, and collective sharing

Their land and territories, as well as cultural institutions, are violated by states and global forces through acts of domination (p. 247).

The communities of study have special attachments to their lands and exude some level of religious and sacerdotal rites and sacredness to it. Historically and for a sustained period too, Ewes and Kasenas are known healers, herbalist, and most of them too, committed devotees of African Traditional Religion whose services other known religious groups do not entirely despise.

Methodology

Through the purposive sampling technique, eight indigenous healers within the age range of 43 and 76 years with profound knowledge in indigenous herbal and healing practices participated in the study. Apart from participant observation, an open-ended questionnaire guide was administered and responses recorded and later transcribed as primary data. What initially started as gathering information from these primary subjects with an aim to helping develop institutional structures within our respective traditional enclaves compelled us to engage with these participants five of whom are from the Navrongo Municipality in the Upper East Region, and three participants from parts of the Volta Region of Ghana. According to Etikan et al. (2016), “the purposive sampling technique, also called judgment sampling, is the deliberate choice of a participant due to the qualities the participant possesses” (p. 2). Characteristically, our choice was largely informed by the number of years participants had practiced. The chosen participants wield an enviable reputation and experience of practicing their profession for close to 20 and 50 years. Ethical wise, easy access to communities and participants most of whom are members of our communities coupled with the initial understanding that participants did not require to practically, demonstrate anything that could be injurious to their lives/others (researchers and their communities) we did not see the need for ethical clearance. Our participants, however, assented to the use of their locations, and areas of expertise after the researchers had explicated the intention to them.

Discussions

The remaining sections of the article deals with the findings of the study, as gathered from the eight (8) participants. Thematically, the discussions fall under the following subthemes: African cultures, spirituality, and knowledge, upholding Africa’s spirituality of development, the challenges of African herbal and spiritual healing, reservation and protection of the land, apprenticeship, and development of the indigenous healing sector.

African Cultures, Spirituality, and Knowledge

It emerged strongly from the participants that, adhering to African indigenous spirituality and knowledge systems is vital for development. In the words of Participant 8 (2022):

The African in general or for us the Ewes, God is nature and nature is God. As a spiritualist in pursuit for herbs, you do not just go and uproot the herbs. As a spiritualist, you go to the herb and ask permission from it. You say to it, I am coming to pick you. I know you are the one who can do this and can do that. There is a special ritual called¹Adzadodo (Paying homage to the herb). This in essence means you are not looking at the herb like an inanimate entity so you just pluck it home as others without spiritual attachments to herbs do. Therefore, you go with cowries, corn flour, and coins. When you go with some corn flour, you mix it with water and pour libation (adzadodo). After sometime, ants would benefit as they guzzle it. As the ants munch it, nature is being fed even if the plants would not instantaneously benefit directly from it. These cowries and coins are monies, which could be used by passers-by and wayfarers to sustain themselves in their most distress moment.

Scientifically, ants and other centipedes are burrowing insects whose activities create aeration as they feed on the flour after the ritual of Adzadodo. Similarly, their mucks fertile the land. Paying homage to the medicinal plants before asking for their permission to use them for treatment is a ritual no Boko (healer) worth their salt within the Volta region will ignore (Participant 2, 2022; Participant 3, 2022; Participant 7 2022; Participant 8, 2022).

In every community, including the Kasena-Nankana of Navrongo and parts of the Volta region, the existence of knowledge systems are co-relational and anchored under the fundamental belief that nature gives to humanity what humanity gives to nature. These beliefs inform how they preserve the water, trees, and how to relate with each other. The philosophical process of preserving nature may look fetish. A preservation of these may appear insignificant in the discourse of development. However, African beliefs regarding the sanctity of forests and groves continue to sustain and preserve some endangered plant species through which there is frequent provision of naturopathic and allopathic medicines to cater for the needs of its respective indigenous communities. These indigenous traditions in our areas of study are not in any way different from the Māori of New Zealand whose interconnectedness with Mother Earth informs their lives and conduct. As the Māori would express, Our Mother Earth and our plant and animal relatives are respected sovereign living beings with rights of their own in addition to playing an essential role in our survival (Collins & Esterling, 2019, p. 10).

Traditionally, most indigenous cultural institutions including those in the Ewe and Kasena-Nankana speaking areas abhor the harming of certain plants due to their medicinal prowess. According to Participant 1 (2022) and Participant 6 (2022), the African forests detest “dirt” and so are the plants. One cannot get the plants if they are dirty. The forest, its spirits would not communicate to a dirty herbalist (Participant 1, 2022; Participant 4, 2022; Participant 5, 2022). When the participants were asked to deconstruct the concept of dirt within their respective indigenous enclaves they enlightened, one does not go to the forest with a hand-stained in blood (one that has killed, maimed, or involved in corrupt deals). When looking for herbs to heal, it is forbidden to “sleep” with a woman.² Other forms of spirituality are a means of sustaining the forest (Participant 1, 2022; Participant 4, 2022; Participant 5, 2022). For instance, in some cultures in the Upper East and Northern regions of the Republic of Ghana, it is a taboo to cut the African bamboo. It is stated this typical bamboo plant is used for making bows and its leaves, for treating bilharzia. One of the traditions and values guiding its growth and existence is found in the cultural belief that these plants are not planted but grow in clusters through the divine actions of the gods of the land. Cutting down these plants require the offender to be cleansed spiritually and some rituals performed to appease the affronted gods. There is a whole interconnected philosophy, spirituality, and self-effacing worth in the life of the herbalist/healer, and nature. This notwithstanding, the challenges of time, dosage, self-discipline, and adherence to strict ancestral taboos, the payoff (healing of a client) is what guarantees an indigenous healer their worth—As Claudie et al. (2012) who executed some insightful studies on Traditional Medicines among the Kuuku I’yu of the Northern Kaanju families observe: The way the plant material is harvested and prepared for extraction, and the actual water used to prepare the extract, are seen by Kuuku I’yu researchers as essential in ensuring the medicine has the desired effect when tested in the project. (p. 42).

Totemic animals cannot be isolated and revered while their place of abode desecrated. In most Kasena-Nankana communities, the crocodile is totem and hence water bodies are not waded needlessly. The same is applied to the Kasena-Nankana communities whose totems are squirrels, iguanas, and baboon. These are not killed, harmed, or their abodes encroached in anyway. Ways of appeasing the gods by offending parties has often been cumbersome and no sane person would want to deliberately incur the wrath of the gods in such a manner. The devaluation of traditional norms through acts of sheer disregard, enculturation has only merited unrewarding gains. For instance, diagnosis into the alarming and tragically unacceptable death rates among some indigenous aborigines of Australia has in its roots in the intrusion of European culture whose apparent lack of understanding of the aborigines’ cultural notion of human’s-nature interdependence resulted in the total disregard for the indigenous culture. According to Claudie et al. (2012) the, “Disruption of traditional law and governance systems, disempowerment, denial of land rights and forced removal of people from their traditional country or homelands are recognised as important factors contributing to poor health and welfare outcomes for indigenous peoples” (p. 29). It is important to also mention that in the traditional healing processes, knowledge of herbs, and indigenous values dictating its usage and access is largely seen as acts orthe “doings” of the gods to only the chosen worthy. On this worthiness, Participant 1 (2022), explicated that his medicinal plants and herbs are divinely given. These categories of plants continue to grow solely on his farmlands so long as he continues to uphold the cultural and spiritual tradition he is been instructed to follow by the gods and ancestral spirits. Having stated this, Participant 1 could not hide his displeasure at the way modern day self-proclaimed herbalist are “killing” the forest. He said:

You see, my son, these people contaminate the forest with their filth. They do not observe the rules of the forest. When you need a root elixir from a live tree, there is a way of denuding the tree and removing the vitals parts of the roots. These people cut all the roots of the trees. Finally, the tree or plant dies. Soon, there will be no forest and hence no healing for us to do (Participant 1, 2022).

In some other jurisdictions where national law fails to protect the fauna and flora, communal, and native laws have in most instances proven to be the sustaining protector of tradition. In some indigenous communities including the Tiv, Batachi, Alake of Abeokuta, and the indigenous Māori peoples of New Zealand both native and communal legislature play complementary roles in the sustenance of indigenous knowledge forms (Collins & Esterling, 2019; Kuruk, 2004). Economic wise,when the forest can no longer offer any roots for treatment, the only convenient means left is to buy from the market but this comes with its own cost. This cost is explained by Participant 5 (2022) a prominent bone-setter. He states: “When I could no longer find the desired herbs in the forest I have been frequenting since my youth, I buy from the market. I, however, realised very sadly that these herbs are always ‘contaminated’” (Participant 5). Participant 7 (2022), indicates, he has to plant some of the herbs in his compound. From the participants (Participant 1, 2022; Participant 3, 2022; Participant 4, 2022; Participant 5, 2022; Participant 6, 2022) contamination means: mixing the herbs with other plant or tree species, touching the herbs when the seller had had intercourse when going to extract them or when taking them to the market. In this regard, these modern-day herbalists do not have any spiritual essence attached to the herbs either than money. They have no interest in curbing this menace, which would eventually result in the extinction of herbal plants. To curb some of these threats to the indigenous healing/herbal institutions “customary law courts” and conventions were one of the means of surviving Australia’s indigenous institutions (Kuruk, 2004, p. 7).

Generally, the healers or herbalist concluded that the power to heal is in the trees or plants, the spirits, the rituals, self-restrain, and sacerdotal rites to Mother Earth (Katiga³), and all its totemic animals.

Upholding Africa’s Spirituality for Development

In Paga, a town in the Upper East Region of Ghana, which reveres crocodiles as its totem, preservation of the tradition has maintained the town as a tourist center. People are employed to man the ponds and revenue is generated through this ecotourism system. The belief regarding the crocodile pond is hinged on the tradition that the crocodiles that dwell in the ponds are the souls of the people (Atanga, 2019; Siakwah, 2018; Tiimub et al., 2020), and all the people be they Muslims or Christians are compelled by tradition to adhere to this taboo. Thus, African Traditionalists are compelled by the existing taboos to examine these sacred totems with the deepest devoutness. Were it the case that the values regarding the sacredness of the crocodiles were lost, these reptiles would have been non-existent and so will be the revenue that is generated via tourism. The sanctity with which some societies have held the forests has been lost and as a result, people are not able to find common root herbs for treatment. The result is the over-reliance on foreign pharmaceutical companies to provide African medicine to cater for simple ailments. These challenges have had a heavy burden on some struggling economies in Africa. The healers from these communities who participated in the study stated it is becoming increasingly difficult to cure some basic ailments. The worse-hit are the destitute who cannot afford the rising cost of the Whiteman’s “medicine” (Participant 1, 2022; Participant 4, 2022). Beyond the personal taboos and expectations from national legislators to outlaw the damage done to priceless fauna and flora, communal conventions’ and bye-laws in the category of the “Chuulangun Aboriginal Corporation under the Commonwealth Aboriginal Councils and Associations Act 1976” (Claudie et al., 2012, p. 32) could be a welcoming phenomenon in some indigenous communities in the Upper East and Volta regions of Ghana. For instance, some root herbs were guided by the taboo that burning of the bushes was one of the causes of blindness. Having realized this is not true, people now resort to cruel ways of hunting and preparing the land. They simply burn the grass and most of the herbal plants die in the process. In affirmation to the above, Kumari (2003) observes:

The gradual erosion of traditional knowledge has serious repercussions on the subsistence patterns, that is, it reduces the self-sufficiency of indigenous people by making them depend on urban societies. (p. 10).

Subsequently, many people now have to spend huge sums of money treating sicknesses, which hitherto were easily treated with some basic herbs from their immediate environments. An affirmation of the rising cost of accessing the orthodox medicine is to be found in the words of Eyong when he stated that countries like the Central African Republic, Congo Brazzaville, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Cameroon in Central Africa are home to millions of trees and medicinal plants which are sustained by the traditional values of the native Ba’Aka people who are found in the interior of the forest regions. It is startling to discover, “the global annual world market profits of medicines derived from plants are estimated at over 43 billion US dollars but sadly enough, indigenous people receive only 0.001 percent of this amount” (Eyong, 2007, p. 125). These plants are often extracted from indigenous African tribes, in Amazonian jungles’ and other obscured societies whose spiritual values, taboos, and totems preserve the forest. Sadly, due recognition is not given to indigenes as knowledge keepers of the medicines and as preservers of the plant and animal species. These forms of neo-colonization or broad daylight thievery of Intellectual Property (IP) is conveniently called bio-piracy of which Kuruk (2015) defines as, “the appropriation of the knowledge and genetic resources of farming and indigenous communities by individuals or institutions that seek exclusive monopoly control over the resources and knowledge usually through the acquisition of patents or other intellectual property rights” (p. 8). Notwithstanding these grievous depravation, is the needless scorn of African traditional healers even within their respective communities. In affirmation, Participant 1 (2022), Participant 5 (2022), Participant 7 (2022), and Participant 2 (2022), alluded to challenges of illiteracy, stigma associated with African Traditional Medicine, and non-documentation as one of the troubling reasons why most governments are reluctant to develop the African Traditional Medicine sector, which could solve health needs and rake in income. Hammering on the stigma, Participant 8 (2022), shares:

A woman was brought to me almost half dead. When I communed with the gods, they told me what to do. I mixed the right herbs, bathe her and she regained full strength shortly after. I asked them to go home and come back and complete the process. When she woke up and went home, her husband did not like the idea of coming back to complete the process. Rather, they took her to a church. Later, she died.

One of the reasons for the seeming unenticing nature of indigenous African medicine processes as exemplified above is the ill-informed conception that the practice is fetish. Nevertheless, these indigenous knowledge forms are exploited by local governments and foreign nationals to the detriment of the indigenes. The Korup of Cameroon whose great knowledge on herbs provided bio institutions with HIV/AIDS virus are not credited as, “publications of this discovery make no mention of the input of local healers” (Eyong, 2007, p. 130).

There cannot be a greater form of knowledge exploitation than denying a people a stake of what is not only theirs but what they labour to preserve for generations. Evidentially, due to these exploitations, Claudie et al. (2012) state, “indigenous peoples of Australia have suffered from the effects of chronic social, political and economic disadvantage” (p. 29). What is right to point out in the case of the Korup in Cameroon, is the apparent unwillingness of its government to demonstrate a sense of intellectual homage to the people, and devising cultural policies and legislations to safeguard the cultural heritage of the people. Given these troubling happenings, “the regulatory environment for traditional knowledge have often turned to “the World Intellectual Property Organization” (WIPO) as a more appropriate forum for solutions given its jurisdiction on matters of international intellectual property policy” (Kuruk, 2015, p. 7).

In the words of Participant 1 (2022), “sometime in the past, some trees and plants were seen as economic trees, mostly because they provided not only nuts for consumption and export but they were seen to possess healing powers. Hence cutting them was like committing murder. This has changed dramatically.” Participant 4 (2022) supports this when he mentioned that, “there are only a few herbal medicines, which do not desire shea-butter to complete the healing accoutrement. Therefore, when this tree fails to exist, then these healings processes will suffer major set-backs.” Even though there is a huge cry for a holistic adoption of African cultural values in the national polities (Ayittey, 2006a; Hountondji, 1996; Onebunne, 2020), the lack of a clear and practical national cultural policy in some countries suggests that some Africans have not fully realized the connection between cultural values, preservation of natural resource and the link it has to develop them economically. It seems some African governments are comfortable seeing foreign pharmaceutical companies’ milk their countries dry when they have it in their power to develop the sector. The need for technological intervention to reach a wider global market scale is an increasing challenge for most indigenous knowledge producers (Kuruk, 1999, p. 31).

Hinting on the challenge of which we feel indigenous government and modern scientists could intervene, Participant 6 (2022) laments:

We need to perfect our act as a people. Dosage is a challenge as it is sometimes not easy to measure which volume to ingest and what bustle of smoke to inhale. Some of the medication needs to be drank hot others cold. Preservation of these herbal medicines for a longer period like the white-man’s is still my major challenge.

Other countries are increasingly becoming aware of the need to utilize these indigenous values and knowledge for development. In India, for example, Kumari (2003) explains the country has gained prominence in its attempts at the developing its pharmaceutical industries through broader research and collaboration. According to Kumari (2003):

The local Kani tribe in Kerala is given recognition as discoverer and knowledge holders of the medicinal plant, Trichopus zeylanicus travancoricius, which gives the drug called Jeevani, by the Tropical Botanical Garden and Research Institute (TBGRI). After giving license to a local drug manufacturer, the TBGRI shared fifty percent of the license fee and royalty on the drug with the Kani tribe. (p. 11).

Closely related to this is the exploitation of traditional knowledge systems by foreigners, and natives who front for these foreigners. This trend of foreign exploitation manifested itself in our own study. Participant 5 (2022), could not hide his displeasure when he indicated he was invited to a seminar in Burkina-Faso by some white men who wanted to understudy his African traditional healing processes involving fractures. He has since not heard anything (in terms of outcome) of the seminar. “My son,” he asked,” “medical doctors refer complications to me. I have been invited to Burkina-Faso by some whites from France yet in Ghana, because I do not have the means to set up a facility for myself, I continue to live this way (Participant 5, 2022). Similarly, as Kuruk (1999) correctly observes:

In many cases where traditional art or knowledge is exploited, the communities derive either no economic benefits, or if they do gain something, such benefits often pale in comparison to the huge profits made by the exploiters. In addition, traditional communities are harmed by forms of exploitation, which can lead to the permanent loss of irreplaceable property. (p. 7).

From these foregoing observations one can correctly say some indigenous Africans have failed to see the link between cultural values, the people who practiced them, and how such knowledge could be tapped for economic gains. Senanayake (2006) endorses this view when he maintains, “The local traditions in a country reveals the methods by which the cultural and ecological balance is maintained” (p. 89). People who destroy the forest in the bid to mine, and construct estates are sometimes not able to measure the damage done precisely because, they do not see the importance of the forest or they rather underestimate the value of the ecosystem.

The key culprit accounting for the less patronage of some of the indigenous African institutions whose values sustain healing processes, and plant species remains the governments of some African states (Claudie et al., 2012; Kuruk, 2015). For these reasons African communities have lost some huge amount of money and resources to foreign nationals. These siphoned monies could have built schools, hospitals, and even proceeds could be used to refurnish some of Africa’s forests with endangered. In his own view, Kumari (2003) states:

In addition, the communities tend to lose vast amounts of unrecorded traditional knowledge because of the ageing of the elders and maintenance of secrecy about medicinal plants and forest products. There is an urgent need to collect, document and preserve this medicinal knowledge keeping in view of the future generations and this needs to be done immediately with the help of individuals, government agencies, and non-governmental organisations. (p. 10).

Most of these factors could be remedied if African governments practically demonstrate and appreciate the norms and values undergirding pockets of indigenous cultures. Rather, the pressure for land has forced policy makers into conceding to making instantaneous cash and thus, are quick to relocate people for “development.” For instance, if one were to relocate the Ba’Aka people in the forest regions to a different place because their place has been found suitable for estate development, they may leave the place cognisant of their abstract cultural values but the reality is that their new environment (the physical/tangible space) may not have the plant and animal species they hold sacred.

Practically, if the government of Ghana ask the people of Paga to leave their spiritual homes, which have ponds and dams to relocate to Tengzug, a rocky area in Tongo of the Upper East Region of Ghana where there are hardly ponds or dams. Then chances are very high that one will never encounter a crocodile to say nothing of revering it. It is only a few spiritual healers who, no matter where they go, their plants, tree species, and animals move with them. Participant 1 (2022), Participant 3 (2022), and Participant 4 (2022) fall into this category. They indicate, wherever they migrate to on earth, so long as they revere Mother Earth, and keep the healing traditions as given them by their gods and ancestors, the plants⁴ and healing power will continue to go along with them.

The Challenges of African Herbal and Spiritual Healing

One of the most pressing challenges suffocating indigenous African cultural medicinal practices has to do with secrecy and documentation (Mutola et al., 2021; Ozioma, 2019); Also, for fear that their sacred information may be “stolen” by “strangers,” sacred traditions and practices are passed down from generation to generation and to close kindred, secretly. African herbalist within our respective cultures are guided by some line of healers, and by the sacred words of their ancestors. For these reasons, all the research participants would not divulge the recipe of medicinal plants they use to cure all the ailments they mentioned to us. The reasons why these are kept secret as shared by the research participants and affirmed by Ignatov (2017), is, the African ancestors will, “Withdraw their protection for the living” (pp. 66–67). They treat the process as sacred as they would their bodies. Since the healers derive the living from these.

Reservation and Protection of the Land

The respondents argue that land reservation is a current challenge. Participant 1 (2022) laments: “nobody taboos bush burning anymore.” Per our own meek and modest assessment, if we continue to destroy the forest and other plant species then African Traditional Healing (ATM), will suffer a major setback. We can only reap the benefits of the environment if we adhere to the social and ethical principles guiding their sustenance. For these reasons, it is right to agree with Ignatov when he submits: “What the earth gives humans are affected by what humans give to the earth. A give-and-take relationship with the earth acknowledges human interdependence with natural processes” (pp. 66–67). There is the need therefore to treat the environment and its natural resources with utter-most affection as humans would treat themselves. The Māori in their own cultural and philosophical view regarding water within their natural environment would say, “Ko au te Awa, ko te Awa ko au: I am the River and the River is me” (Collins & Esterling, 2019, p. 11). In the same dignifying manner the Māori would treat their own bodies and spirituality, so would they treat their rivers. To the Māori, “Water is central to identity, life, the economy and spirituality.” (pp. 12–14)

Apprenticeship, and Development of the Indigenous Healing Sector

As a result of the largely undocumented knowledge and belief systems, the acquisition of indigenous culture, healing knowledge of herbs, and spirituality is largely through apprenticeship, and a calling from the gods and ancestors (Participant 1, 2022; Participant 2, 2022; Participant 4, 2022; Participant 7, 2022). However, the process of apprenticeship is suffering a major setback due to non-commitment, and lack of personal discipline. Participant 1 indicated: “I do not smoke, drink, or cohabitate. I do not eat food or drink water outside. I do not collect money for my healings. My son, my only son drinks alcohol and smokes. For this, I have to keep the spiritual and healing prowess secret from him, else he harms himself and others.” While Participant 5 indicated: “my son has joined the church. He has refused to perform any sacerdotal rites associated with the healing process.” Participant 4 indicated: “This is tedious work. Our gods instruct us to heal people even if they do not have the Poosah⁵ (Nankani) or the Wara (Kasem). Now clients take us for granted. They offer us nothing for our services. This makes the work unenticing.”

One major setback highlighted by the participants is that African traditional medicine is largely seen as demonic by most Non-African Traditional Worshippers. This is because, some of them always employ divination, sacrifices, and African mysticism to heal. Participant 8 (2022), disclosed:

A woman who lost one of her fallopian tubes and hence could not conceive for a very long time came here in tears. She was married for a very long time and really loved her husband. Her husband had had a child out of wedlock. When I did the divination, I was told she could conceive. She gave birth and next she had twins. Sometimes these people are Christians. They never come back to say ‘thank you’ (show gratitude or appreciation). They rather go to the church to thank God. But who is God? Does he only stay in the church? Instead of coming to where they got their help from, they rather go to the public churches.

From our own encounter with the healers their notion of god do not parallel that of Christianity or Islam. These healers hold the firm belief that the Supreme Being that Christians worship in church is the same divinity whose knowledge surpasses all mysticism that offer healing to their clients. Without the Supreme Being the secrets of the herbs and healing processes would remain bleak to humans. They therefore find it strange if not preposterous the attempts to equate their practices to the worship of evil.

Conclusion

The appreciation of cultural values is key to economic development. One can state from the foregoing discussion that the culture of a people is their wealth. The culture sustains the forest and hence the institution of African Traditional Medicine. Some indigenous African communities including those in the Upper and Volta regions have forms of values, norms, and traditions that can sustain their ecosystem, their traditional, political, and religious structures. The problem is the inability to appreciate and appropriate these values into national and regional policies The swift decay of some of the institutions, coupled with the non-commitment nature of the kindred of the healers, and the disregard for the sacerdotal rites of the African traditional healing institution remains one of the challenges affecting the growth and development of the institutions. This has proven to have adverse effects on human-nature harmony. This apparent lack of disregard, has not only bred chaos in some circumstances but affects development. By way of recommendation, it would be important to, as part of our Ghanaian language and cultural instruction, ensure that herbs and plants from our localities are documented rather than selling the knowledge to European companies who will modify just a bit of it and turn around to sell to Africans at higher prices. There is need for proper reorientation on the irreplaceable role of indigenous healing/herbal center on development. Equally important is the need to have communal laws and conventions to safeguard the most priced fauna and flora.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Joseph Aketema

Notes

Author Biographies

Joseph Aketema (M.Phil. M.A, BFA, DIP) taught Research Methods, Documentary Filmmaking, and Africa and Diaspora Film at the University of Ghana, Legon. He is currently teaching Science Communication, Screenwriting, and Research Methods at the University of Media Arts and Communication UniMAC—National Film and Television Institute (NAFT-Branch), Ghana. His research interest is in media and cultural studies. Joseph Aketema has made presentations at both the local and international levels on themes of Afrocentricity, history, media, and culture.

Yao Joseph Ladzekpo (M.A, P.G.D, BFA) is a PhD candidate in the Theatre Arts Department (Media Arts option) of the University of Ghana, Legon. He has over two decades of experience in digital photography. As a heritage scholar, Yao combines teaching photography in UniMAC—NAFTI with work on the field as a photographer and in most cases as a consultant for both local and international projects.

Interviews:

Participant 1. (2022, 11th January). Personal interview.

Participant 2. (2022, 7th January). Personal interview.

Participant 3. (2022, 13th January). Personal interview.

Participant 4. (2022, 8th January). Personal interview.

Participant 5. (2022, 8th January). Personal interview.

Participant 6. (2022, 11th January). Personal interview.

Participant 7. (2022, 8th January). Personal interview.

Participant 8. (2022, 8th January). Personal interview.

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