The Cultural Adjustment of Saudi Women International Students

Abstract

The current study is a qualitative exploration of the adjustment experiences of Saudi women students in the United States, using quotes of the participants to demonstrate the variety and complexity of responses. Participants included 25 Saudi women international students who were attending colleges and universities across the United States. Grounded theory was used to explore the adjustment experience of these Saudi women international students. Participant responses were grouped into the following themes: expectations about the United States versus the reality, acculturative stress or cultural adjustment, cultural differences between the United States and Saudi Arabia, experiences of discrimination and/or curiosity, English language proficiency, relationships, social support and help-seeking behavior, and being a Saudi woman in the United States. The adjustment of Saudi women students was affected by their proficiency in English, their relationships and social support, and their ability to successfully navigate the cultural differences found in the United States, including public gender integration, increased mobility, greater acceptance of diversity, and more freedom and decision-making opportunities. Many of the Saudi women in this study reported being changed by their time of study in the United States, and reported increased confidence, independence, intellectual growth, and acceptance of others as some of the results of their academic sojourn.

Keywords

Saudi international students Saudi women cultural adjustment

In 2013, a record number of 819,644 international students studied in the United States, which is a 36% increase from the number of international students studying in the United States a decade ago (Institute of International Education [IIE], 2013). International students add ethnic diversity, opportunities for expansion of worldview, and the benefit of cross-cultural relationships, knowledge and awareness to universities in the United States, creating global communities by their very presence on campus. The fastest growing population of international students in the United States was Saudi Arabian students, whose numbers increased by more than 50% between 2011 and 2012 (IIE, 2013). Despite these growing numbers, little research has been done to examine the adjustment of Saudi Arabian students, and the few studies that have been carried out have focused almost exclusively on the adjustment of male students.

The focus of this current study is on Saudi women international students in the United States because female students have been largely absent or underrepresented in past research, whereas male Saudi international students have been both scholars of (e.g., authoring dissertations) and participants in several studies in the last few decades (Alfauzan, 1993; Al-Harethi, 1986; Al-Khedaire, 1978; Al-Qataee, 1984; Bin Manie, 1986; El-Banyan, 1975; Shabeeb, 1997). The absence of Saudi women students as research participants in the academic and psychological literature is understandable because men were the primary Saudi international student population available in the United States in significant numbers until very recently (Saudi Arabian Cultural Mission [SACM], 2012).

Before 2005, very few Saudi women were educated in the United States, and most of these were directly related to male Saudi international students (husbands or brothers). Until recently in Saudi Arabia, and in many other Muslim countries, women were expected to be “fully committed to her family and home,” and were rarely encouraged to study abroad (SACM, 2012). In Saudi Arabia, political and cultural developments in the past decade have created new opportunities for women to be educated internationally. In 2005, King Abdullah and President George Bush, Jr. agreed to increase the number of Saudi students coming to study in the in the United States, and Saudi Arabia began the King Abdullah Scholarship Program (KASP), which has allowed thousands of Saudi students, both male and female, to study overseas since that time (SACM, 2012). Because of these scholarships funded by the Saudi government, Saudi Arabia is now ranked No. 4 in the world for the total number of international students in the United States, surpassed only by China, India, and South Korea for total numbers of students (IIE, 2013).

There are some significant cultural differences between Saudi Arabia and the United States, which had an impact on the adjustment of Saudi women students who participated in this study. According to the Hofstede, Hofstede, and Michael (1991), Saudi Arabia is more collectivistic, whereas the United States is more individualistic. Saudi Arabians accept and expect that power is distributed unequally within the family, institutions, and culture, whereas Americans accept and expect more equal power distribution. Saudi Arabia is a Muslim nation, and enforces gender segregation in public, including the covering of women in public places. The United States, however, has separation of church and state, and genders are integrated in all areas of public life. The Saudi women in the current study reported various experiences of adjustment in the classroom, in public, and in private life, which were based on these cultural differences in the role and treatment of women between the two countries.

Although economic and political ties between the United States and Saudi Arabia have historically been strong, cultural ties and mutual respect and understanding on a social level have been more difficult. Saudi Arabia is 100% Muslim, extremely conservative, and largely gender segregated in public, and Saudi women usually wear either head coverings (hijab) or full body coverings (burqa). In the eyes of the American public, women in Saudi Arabia appear to be exploited, oppressed, passive, and unhappy, whereas in the eyes of the Saudi public, women in America appear to be exploited, unprotected, shallow, and immoral (Mishra, 2007). This was evident in a study which examined the representation of Saudi women in The Washington Post between the years 2001 and 2004, and the representation of American women in the Arab News during the same time period. The author found strong differences in cultural portrayals of women in these respected periodicals, each one focusing on the poor treatment of women in the other culture (Mishra, 2007). The political cartoon below is an artistic portrayal of this cultural divide (by Malcom Evans, Cruel Culture, January 6, 2011).

Saudi Women International Students

There are currently 17,117 Saudi women international students in the United States on government scholarships (KASP), and women comprise 22% of the total number of Saudi Arabian students in the United States (SACM, personal communication, November 3, 2012). Studying in the United States provides Saudi women with specific educational goals and allows them to receive more specialized training, such as advanced training in special education or neurology. Saudi women face significant cultural differences during their sojourn in the United States, such as taking classes taught by male professors, being in classrooms with male students, being able to drive a car, and having no gender segregation in public settings such as banks, hospitals, and offices. As differences in culture often contribute to adjustment difficulties or “culture shock,” more appropriately called “acculturation stress” (Berry & Ward, 2006; Sam & Berry, 2006; Ward, 2004), it might be likely that Saudi women could experience some acculturation stress when studying in the United States.

In a review of the psychological and academic literature on international student adjustment, very few studies that included Saudi students were found. There were, however, many studies on international student adjustment and mental health, including research on academic stress among international students (Misra & Castillo, 2004); bicultural self-efficacy (David, Okazaki, & Saw, 2009); culture, social, and academic shock (Brown & Holloway, 2008; Junzi, 2009; Sovic, 2007; Zhou, Jindal-Snape, Topping, & Todman, 2008); dealing with acculturative stress (Tavakoli et al., 2009); and cocultural group membership (Lee & Rice, 2007; Urban & Orbe, 2007). There were also studies on particular populations of international students, such as Asian international students (Brown, 2009; Iwamoto & Liu, 2010; Lin, 2005; Zhao, 2006) or African international students (Constantine et al., 2005). Finally, there were also helpful resources for counselors and college personnel working with international students (Jacob, 2001; Johnson & Sandhu, 2007; McClure, 2007; Miyazaki, Bodenhorn, Zalaquett, & Kok-Mun, 2008; Olivas & Li, 2006). Yet none of these studies directly mentioned Saudi students as participants or as a potential population.

Much current research on international student adjustment in the literature has a focus on adjustment difficulties, acculturation, and possible mental health issues. However, a few researchers noted the potential growth and life enrichment a cultural academic experience can have on an international student, and the potential gift that international students are to U.S. campuses (Brown & Brown, 2009; Brown & Graham, 2009; Chapdelaine & Alexitch, 2004; McLachlan & Justice, 2009). The experience of being an international student has “transformative potential,” offering an opportunity for greater personal freedom, self-discovery, and increased assertiveness, independence, confidence, and cultural awareness (Brown & Brown, 2009; Brown & Graham, 2009). Misra and Castillo (2004) even found (contrary to their hypothesis) that international students reported lower academic stress and fewer stress reactions than American students. The authors found that international students had less self-imposed stressors and fewer behavioral reactions to stress, whereas American students were higher in both areas. The authors added a caution, though, that international students may be underreporting stress, or transferring distress into somatic complaints rather than mental health concerns.

Although much of the literature on international students’ adjustment explored acculturation stress, adjustment difficulties, and the cultural adjustment experiences of specific populations of international students, including African and Asian students, Saudi women international students’ experiences were left unexplored. Their adjustment, if similar to other international students’, may include both “transformative potential” and acculturation stress, and social and family support may be important variables.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to investigate the cultural adjustment experiences of Saudi women international students in the United States using grounded theory methods (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). This study did not have a precedent as there was no current research that focused exclusively on the experiences of Saudi women studying in the United States. Qualitative methodologies such as grounded theory are well suited to multicultural and cross-cultural studies, where the goal is to explore the unique experiences of diverse individuals without making assumptions about their cultural realities (Morrow, 2007; Ponterotto, 2005). For example, McLachlan and Justice (2009) demonstrated the value of using grounded theory to discover new insights about international students’ experience. By understanding the unique experiences of Saudi women students in the United States, college personnel, international student services, student life professionals, and college counseling practitioners may be able to provide more effective outreach, orientation programs, mental health services and cultural sensitivity to better meet the needs of this specific population.

An additional gain that may arise from this study is greater awareness of the role that gender, faith, and family support provide to female, Muslim international students. The Saudi Cultural Mission to the United States and the Saudi government encourage female students to be accompanied by a male member of the family and, if possible, the entire family, as a part of the scholarship program (SACM, personal communication, November 3, 2012). Most Saudi women students, therefore, have come to the United States with family members and will most likely have a different experience than most international students, who usually travel alone and often face cultural adjustment without family support. As social isolation, loneliness, and lack of support are common maladies of international students, Saudi women may have a very different experience due to the presence of family support in their host country. The difficulties in adjusting to a new society and educational system may be lessened due to sharing the experience with familiar persons and having a social support system already in place.

Method

The study had two phases. The first phase consisted of interviews with Saudi women international students who were attending a large public university in the Midwest. During the second phase of the study, qualitative data from a broader population of Saudi women international students in the United States were collected via an online survey using the same open-ended questions that were used in the interview stage (see Appendix A). After using grounded theory methodology with a research team to analyze both stages of the research, data were combined due to consistency with questions, emerging themes, categories, and overall results.

Participants

Participants for Phase 1 of the study were five Saudi women international students currently attending a public university in the Midwest who were interviewed by the primary investigator. Participants were graduate students whose ages ranged from 25 to 32 years. Four of the five participants had been in the United States between 1 and 3 years, and one participant had been in the United States for more than 3 years. All participants were Muslim and all had family members with them in the United States. There were two single, and three married participants. Two of the participants had children. All of the interview participants planned to return to Saudi Arabia after graduation.

Participants for Phase 2 of the study were 20 Saudi female students enrolled in various college or universities in the United States. The number of participants surveyed for the second phase of the study was determined by grounded theory research methodology; the data were collected until a “saturation point” was reached or until no new information was discovered in the responses. The 20 participants were from 11 different states, including Florida, Washington, Delaware, Texas, California, Indiana, Kentucky, Arizona, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Connecticut. Participants’ ages ranged from 20 to 35 years, and 80% (16 participants) were in graduate school, while 20% (4 participants) were undergraduate students. Almost all of the participants had been in the United States between 1 and 3 years, with a few here 6 to 12 months or more than 3 years. Slightly more than half of the participants were married, 6 were single, and 2 were divorced. Only 1 participant was in the United States by herself; the others were here with family members, usually a brother or husband, sometimes children (5 participants), and occasionally cousins or other relatives.

Procedure

Phase 1: Qualitative interviews

The primary investigator worked closely with the director of international student services at a public university in the Midwest to develop a culturally appropriate sampling method to invite Saudi women students to be interviewed about their experiences. The primary investigator was given permission to send an email to all female Saudi students currently attending the university and to send a recruitment letter to the Saudi Student Association. Within 48 hours of the initial recruitment, five students volunteered to participate in the study, and interviews were set up in a place of the participants’ choosing for the following week. The primary investigator conducted the first phase of the study by interviewing these five Saudi women using a semistructured interview format to gather data about their adjustment experiences. All interviews were audiotaped and lasted between 50 and 65 min. All interviews were conducted by the primary investigator for the purpose of consistency. The qualitative interview questions were developed by the primary investigator based on the literature about international student adjustment (e.g., Jacob, 2001; Johnson & Sandhu, 2007; McClure, 2007; Miyazaki et al., 2008; Olivas & Li, 2006) and acculturative stress (Berry & Ward, 2006; Brown & Holloway, 2008; Junzi, 2009; Sam & Berry, 2006; Sovic, 2007; Ward, 2004; Yamaguchi & Wiseman, 2003; Zhou et al., 2008). The questions invited the Saudi women participants to share their expectations about coming to study in the United States, the reality of their experience in the United States as international students, and what they most and least enjoyed about studying and living in the United States. Questions were included about acculturative stress, cultural adjustment at different time periods (from arrival to 3 months in the United States, up to more than 3 years), differences in culture between their home and host country, English proficiency, social support, and communication/relationships with U.S. Americans. The interview also included a question about experiences of discrimination, stereotyping or harassment, and another question about personal growth. These questions covered areas of potential adjustment difficulties and also gave participants opportunities to share positive experiences. After each interview, the participant was given a Statement of Appreciation, with contact information for the primary investigator included. Each participant was also thanked verbally by the primary investigator.

Transcription and coding of the interviews was performed by a research team of graduate students trained by the primary investigator (using printed material and an in-person training session), and the primary investigator checked all transcripts against the audiotaped interviews for accuracy. The research team (including the primary investigator) identified domains, themes, patterns, and relationships found in the interview transcriptions. The research team included two women who had experiences in both Saudi Arabia and the United States in educational arenas, to add richness and diversity to the data analysis. Grounded theory was used as a guiding methodology for this process (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Data analysis and coding was emergent, reflexive, and continuous, to gain insight from multiple perspectives, and team dialogue was used as a tool for a more thorough and complex understanding of the data.

Phase 2: SACM survey

Following the first phase of the study, which helped to confirm the appropriateness of questions and adequacy of the examination of the adjustment experiences of Saudi women international students using a grounded theory team approach, the second phase of the study was initiated. A research survey link was posted on the social networking website of the SACM student page, inviting Saudi women international students to participate in a 20 to 30 minute research study on their adjustment experiences in the United States. The link directed participants to a survey, an online assessment instrument, where they were presented with an informed consent waiver. The SACM survey for Saudi women international students included 6 demographic questions and 14 open-ended qualitative questions, using the same wording as the interviews conducted in Phase 1 of the research (see Appendix A).

Data Analysis

Phase 1: Interview transcription

Data were analyzed using the guidelines of grounded theory (Charmaz, 2006; Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The first step in data analysis was the transcription of interviews, which was performed by a team of graduate student researchers and verified by the primary investigator. Each transcript was checked against the audio recording to ensure accuracy (Polkinghorne, 2005).

Interview coding and theoretical sampling

The research team was trained in the process of coding using grounded theory, and transcriptions were coded by team members, including the primary investigator. Data were analyzed using a grounded theory approach, so that coding involved three steps: initial coding, focused coding, and theoretical coding. During each stage of the coding process, continuous comparisons were made, which helped to ensure that the analysis process was happening concurrently with the data collection. Although the steps of the coding process were linear, the analysis, interpretation, and presentation of data constituted a continuous, interactive process (Morrow, 2005). The first step of coding, called initial coding, was a line-by-line coding of each transcription, to identify parts of the data that were interesting and applicable to the current research. Initial coding was active and focused on processing, attempting to examine the language of the participants for meaningful words and phrases. The second step was focused coding. During this step, initial codes that appeared and reappeared often were used to sort the data into categories. This phase of coding involved organizing codes within larger categories of participant meaning. This phase marked the beginning of the interpretative process. The final step was theoretical coding. At this point in the coding process, relationships between and among the categories developed during Step 2 were identified to clarify data and create a framework for understanding the experience being studied. Throughout the coding process, the research team members (including the primary investigator) kept a written record of their assumptions and thought process embedded within the coding. This involved keeping track of individual ideas regarding how the data fit together, and encouraged coders to engage with the data thoughtfully. This written process is sometimes called memo writing (Charmaz, 2000).

Phase 2: Survey data analysis

The primary investigator used the same coding process with the research team to analyze the data collected from the SACM survey. Qualitative survey responses were mined for themes, relationships, patterns, and concepts, using an inductive method to explore the experiences of participants. During coding, the research team discussed variables that may have influenced the participants responses, including the area in Saudi Arabia where the participant was raised, family attitudes toward Western ideas, previous exposure to other cultures outside of Saudi Arabia, and different geographical locations of participant’s study in the United States (see Appendix B for a master list of themes, categories, and ideas mined from participant responses, including how many participants endorsed each idea).

Criteria for Establishing Trustworthiness

Morrow (2005) developed a set of criteria for trustworthy qualitative research, which was used as a guideline for the current research.

Researcher reflexivity

It was important that the researchers be cognizant of any biases or assumptions that might influence the research process and “bracket” these biases by making them explicit. For qualitative researchers, this is not a one time event but a continual commitment to self-awareness. The researcher kept a reflexivity journal throughout the research process, where biases, assumptions, responses, reactions, ideas, and reflections were carefully recorded. The qualitative process was also documented in the primary investigator’s journal to keep account of all steps, processes, and decisions made throughout data collection and analysis. The research team was consulted periodically to share assumptions, thoughts, biases, and ideas, and also provide alternative viewpoints during the research process. The dialogue during research team coding also included discussions of differing attitudes, cultural experiences, and possible biases of research team members.

Adequacy of data

All interviews were semistructured for the purpose of yielding “thick” responses, and the primary researcher was open to changing or altering the research questions or design as needed to best reflect the emerging data. The primary researcher and research team were also alert to find disconfirming evidence to counteract the natural tendency to find confirmatory data. The goal of data collection in this qualitative research was to discover key categories and themes to accurately reflect participants’ experiences.

Adequacy of interpretation

Morrow (2005) included guidelines to ensure adequacy of data interpretation, including immersion in data, repeated reading of transcriptions, careful note-taking and journaling, and triangulation. Triangulation included not only getting data from several sources but also comparing research team coding and appreciating differences in thought between research team members. When qualitative data were presented at the end of the study, the words of the participants were used whenever possible to describe experiences, and member checking was used to ensure accuracy.

Results

After the interview and survey data were analyzed by the research team, seven primary themes emerged related to the adjustment of these 25 Saudi women international students: (a) expectations versus reality about the United States, (b) acculturative stress, (c) cultural differences between Saudi Arabia and the United States, (d) experiences of discrimination and/or curiosity, (e) English language issues, (f) relationships and help-seeking behavior, and (g) the experience of being a Saudi woman in the United States. Each of these themes was explored, using the quotes of Saudi women international students to demonstrate variations, agreement, and unique ideas in the thoughts, feelings, and experiences of the study participants. These themes illustrate the unique adjustment that is faced by Saudi women international students during their educational sojourn in the United States. The first of these themes actually originated before the adjustment process; it revealed the expectations that Saudi women students had about coming to the United States to study.

Expectations Versus Reality for International Study in the United States

Several Saudi women international students had expectations about the United States that came from movies, television, the Internet or other forms of media (see Table 1). An example of this type of response is, “I expect it to be like the movies. So I came—it’s not like a movie.” Some of these women thought the United States would be “dangerous” and “frightening,” a place where “it’s easy to kill, there’s a lot of very scary stuff.” One participant even reported that she was unsure she would make it back to her home country. She stated,

I had a scary idea about America. That I won’t find a safe place. I thought I need my brother with me all the time. I thought I might not go back to Saudi Arabia alive. . . . It was safe like 90% which I think is good. I am still scared of leaving home at night.

Table 1.

Expectations Versus Reality of Studying in the United States: Categories and Sample Quotes.

1. Expected the United States to be dangerous, frightening, unsafe (like in the movies)	Actually I was scared coming to the United States, because I thought, I know there is freedom here but, even from movies and stuff I looked and . . . it’s easy to kill, there’s a lot of very scary stuff . . . So, until I knew people and talk with them, they are friendly, not as in the movies. Interviewer: So you thought it would be violent like the movies? Yup. It was so scary for me.
2. Expected intolerance, discrimination toward Muslims, disrespect toward hijab (head covering)	I expected them to be less tolerant toward Muslims especially hijab.
3. Expected the United States to be nice, friendly, easy, fun place to live, with more freedom	But they told us before we came, our government told us, that they are kind people and very friendly, don’t be scared. And when we came here we got scared, but we saw people smile, and they say hi, and we felt safe, and we liked it very much . . . People are very kind and friendly.
4. Expected it to be very different from Saudi Arabia, culturally	Of course there were some fear and hesitation about new culture and rules which totally different than Saudi Arabia.
5. Knew what to expect, thanks to previous visits, friends and family, accurate media	In fact, the first time I visited the US when I was 15 years old. So, when I came here for the next time in 2010, I didn’t shock, because I already had an idea about this country.
	We know how it would look like. The U.S. culture and ideologies are widespread. Besides, thanks to the Internet we can form solid expectations.
6. Expected greater freedom in the United States, including being able to drive and be independent	Um, one of the things I expect was freedom; anyone can do whatever he wants, I mean no one is going to care about others whether they are going to say about him. Like in Saudi Arabia, everyone cares about what I should do this because people are going to say it’s bad or whatever. You understand what I mean? Here, I feel that most people don’t care, just do whatever they want. Being crazy or being normal. . . .
	The only thing that was in my mind about the U.S. was a freedom country.
7. Expectations about professors and being an international student	Actually, I thought that all professors are nice and kind, but the reality is different. Most of my professors are mean.
	Professors are so nice, helpful and respectful with international students.
8. Did not expect U.S. Americans to be culturally ignorant and have wrong ideas about Saudis	Well, US citizens’ expectations and attitudes are what I didn’t expect. They think we’re barbarians and always shocked to find out I’m Saudi. . . . Well, people ask me, “are you a princess?” (I’m not). They say, “wow you’re not covering your hair or face.” Or “wow you can talk.”
	When I tell them I’m from Saudi and they usually ask questions about our life there and I enjoy answering them and showing them that most of the time their idea of Saudi is wrong.

A few participants also expected discrimination in the United States, including having difficulty at the airports with check-in and security. Other participants expected intolerance toward Muslims, especially due to the traditional Muslim dress for women, which includes head covering (hijab). One participant stated,

Because I wear the hijab, I thought they deal with me without respect but what I thought is different. They respect my religion and what I believe.

Another participant mentioned the expectation that studying in the United States would be really hard, and she had some “fear and hesitation” about the “new culture and rules which are totally different than Saudi Arabia.”

More than half of the participants expected the United States to be (using the words of the Saudi women) “friendly,” “happy,” “nice,” or “easy” place to live, with “greater freedom,” “organization,” and “entertainment”: An example of this type of response is as follows:

So, I expected friendly people with some exceptions, of course, I expected lots of places to visit, overall I expected my time here were be full of happiness and enjoyment.

Some of the women expected greater freedom of movement, including the ability to drive, which is currently not allowed in Saudi Arabia. For example, a participant stated,

Freedom . . . because in Saudi Arabia, we can’t drive, and here there are buses, so I can take the bus and go whenever I want, or wherever I want. I can go to school by myself. In Saudi Arabia, nope, I have to take the bus, or my brother or someone will give me a ride . . . But the most thing I like is that I can go anywhere, anytime I want.

Several of the participants had very realistic expectations, based on their own experience of visiting other countries, or because they knew someone who had been to the United States and told them what it was like. One participant even mentioned being educated by the Saudi government on what to expect:

Well, because of movies, and we saw a lot of movies. . . . So, we think it’s very dangerous to come here and stay. And the people aren’t friendly, that’s what media tells to us. Yeah it’s very different. Big, huge difference. And I always tell my family it’s not dangerous here, it’s very safe. As I am in my country. But they told us before we came, our government told us, that they are kind people and very friendly, don’t be scared. And when we came here we got scared, but we saw people smile, and they say hi, and we felt safe, and we liked it very much. . . . People are very kind and friendly.

The majority of the Saudi women expressed how different the United States was from what they expected. The most common responses included less unfriendly and dangerous than expected, less like the movies, and more friendly, accepting and tolerant of religion. For those who had expectations based on movies and media, some of these differences were even slightly ironic. One participant stated,

I have [no experience] with the emergency room but all my friend who went there they say treat with them as slow waiting . . . I don’t know why. We don’t have that—we don’t have that in my home country. If you go to emergency room—that’s emergency! And I contact [connect] that with E.R . . . I don’t know . . . the TV show? They are so fast!

“Culture Shock” (Acculturative Stress), Reverse “Culture Shock,” and Adjustment

The majority of Saudi women international students who were interviewed or surveyed did not experience “culture shock” or acculturative stress when they came to the United States. Many of these participants gave reasons for why they did not experience acculturation stress (see Table 2). The most common explanations included the following: They had traveled before, they grew up in a way similar to U.S. Americans, or they already knew about the culture in the United States through other sources, such as family and friends, the media, or Internet. However, three participants mentioned being lonely or homesick when they first came to the United States, but they did not classify this as acculturative stress. For instance, one participant said,

I came here by myself at Ramadan, and I just was crying about that. And I didn’t get used to be by myself, to sleep by myself. . . . You know, I was so close with my mom, so that’s why. I’m the baby, so . . . (laughter) Yeah, lonely more than, I think, more than, yeah, more than “culture shock.” I think I’m used to, for example . . . to remove my abaya, it was easy for me. The food, it’s okay. But, because I am lonely I was crying here.

Table 2.

“Culture Shock” (Acculturative Stress), Reverse “Culture Shock,” and Adjustment: Categories and Sample Quotes.

1. Did not experience acculturative stress	Uh, yeah, maybe it’s not like it’s a shock, but it’s something, uh, maybe surprise, in a positive way. So, there is many things that is routine for American people, but I like it, and when I travel to my country after I came here 2 times, and yeah, I was talking about the things that was surprising me. And, so it’s like nice things, but it’s not like shock. But it’s like good, I like it.
	Not really. Felt homesick though but that’s a different issue.
	I haven’t had this problem, because from the first month I had started talking with people and being friend, and from the first month I had friends from a lot of countries: America, Taiwan, China, so I didn’t feel that I had much of a culture shock, just homesick (laughs).
2. Experienced acculturative stress	It was after I came 2 months, I was so sad and I feel difficult to talk and people did not understand me and I don’t understand them. I feel weird, food change that was hard for me and my family too.
	Even though I lived a rather difficult life in Saudi, I feel that because of the isolation that I face here, I am unable to properly handle a lot of the hardships that I face here, which has made my adjustment all the more difficult. You don’t realize how alone you are until you are half a world away from everything and everyone that you’ve ever known. . . I didn’t anticipate that I would be so isolated and treated so differently once I got here.
3. Reverse acculturative stress (experienced on returning to Saudi Arabia after living in the United States)	I have this one [pointing on the paper to reverse acculturative stress] every time I go. I—I like the idea how people, here, they don’t ask you about personal things. Over there they just ask . . . details. I don’t like that. The weather—it’s so terrible. (laughter) It’s hot and humid. It’s the worse time here in summer. We have that time too, over there. (laughter) Um, I don’t have my car, which makes me feel bad. I don’t drive over there. I have to be dependent to other; brother or father . . . If I want to go, for example, mall, I have to tell my brother, “Do you have this time tonight to drive me tomorrow?”
	I do experience the culture shock every time I go back to Riyadh.
4. When having adjustment difficulties, asks for help (counseling, family, friends)	Usually, I will go to my brother or counseling center, or my American friend.
	Talk to my American grandparents and my mother.
5. Adjustment is easier if person is open-minded, exposed to other cultures, meets U.S. Americans	Part of my family, my mother family is from Iraq. She is so open-minded, and we visit, part of them in United Arab Emirates, and my husband’s family is so open . . . and even if I go to United Arab Emirates I wear like this, I don’t wear my abaya . . . So when I come here I feel like I adjust with that so easily.
	If Saudis learnt to accept others and instead of hanging with other Saudis tried to meet Americans, or any other non-Arab nationality their life will be much easier. They have to adjust their lives to the American life as long as they are here, not do the other way around. So sleep early, exercise regularly, and be open-minded.

For most of the participants, the most difficult period of adjustment was the first 3 months in the United States, although there were some who struggled with adjustment most between 3 to 6 months or 6 months to a year. Only one woman said that her most difficult adjustment period was 1 to 2 years; she reported that her first year was a time period that was “exciting,” when everything was new and she was “eager to see what it was like.” Often, for participants, initial excitement gave way to some difficulties although most participants did not consider these adjustment difficulties serious enough to label them “acculturative stress.” Several participants reported that they experienced some form of acculturative stress. A couple of participants said there was no difficult period of adjustment for them when coming to the United States; one even reported just the opposite; she “felt excellent, enjoyed it, and met a lot of people.”

For some of the Saudi women, adjustment to the United States was complicated by difficult personal or educational circumstances. For instance, one participant came to the United States to study for a few months, went home to Saudi Arabia during an academic break to get married, and was planning to come back to the United States with her husband. However, her husband was unable to get a visa, so she had to make the difficult choice of whether or not to come back to the United States without her husband. She chose to return to the United States and had to live away from him for the rest of the academic year. Another participant felt intense pressure to learn English quickly to succeed in the United States, which caused some anxiety during her adjustment. When asked how she felt between 3 and 6 months into her stay, she said,

A little bit stressed with studying and foreign language . . . Maybe mixed. . . . Yeah, I’m not stable; maybe I could come back [to Saudi Arabia], because of my language. . . . Yeah, it was like a competition; if I don’t get English quickly, in a limited time, I would go back to my country and fail.

Even those who experienced acculturative stress or mild difficulties reported that they were doing “good” or “excellent” by the end of their first year in the United States. Several participants mentioned that this was partly because their English was much improved, so that communication, academics, and relationships in the United States became easier.

Cultural Differences Between Saudi Arabia and the United States

In their adjustment to the United States, the Saudi women in this study reported that some of the main cultural differences were the treatment of women, social mores, and attitudes toward religion and morality, laws, privacy, time, and family closeness (see Table 3). One participant summarized many of these:

There are lots of differences between the two cultures, and then there are also lots of similarities. Some differences would be such things as gender separation and segregations, family ties and bonds, religious morality and strength of beliefs. The amount of respect people have for elders. Hospitality, generosity, importance of money. Importance and sanctity of family and relationships. Family name and reputation. Gender roles. Importance of religion and how morality is dictated and governed by religion. Dress codes. Courtship.

Table 3.

Cultural Differences Between Saudi Arabia and the United States: Categories and Sample Quotes.

1. Treatment of women, segregation in public places	Women are able to do more here than they can in Saudi, obviously. Women are usually considered second class citizens there and men don’t expect that they can handle most things, whereas here women at least are given the opportunity to try things and decide for themselves whether or not they want to do something or not. The biggest difference is that here, women are given the choice to decide how they feel about something and there, it has been decided for them. They aren’t given a choice. That sums up one of the biggest differences between the two cultures, specifically when it comes to gender equality.
	Even in my country I like how to [they] protect a woman. It’s part of me, this cover, I’m supposed to be covered. I can’t drop something there, so this is how the men treat us: we have to be covered, to protect us . . . Some women call it discrimination, but I didn’t; I understand their point of view. Even in other things, I don’t think of it as discrimination, but about how to protect the woman. Sometimes the way is wrong, but the goal is good.
2. Treatment of elders, strangers, friendliness vs. friendship, formality of relationships	People are friendly here, but not easy to become friends with, whereas people in Saudi are less friendly and less inviting, but it’s easier to build friendships with them.My kids really respect me. When I say something . . . we have, in our religion—it’s based on religion, our culture—all the kids are raised to respect all people, including their parents. Here, when I see my daughter’s friends yelling at their moms—I was in shock, surprised—“What?”! We did not have this thing in my country at all. I like some things American—I like many things. But sometimes, on respect—no.
3. Importance of family	Family is very important in Saudi and it’s mostly in a forceful way. Although I love the idea of freedom I still feel that family should stay in touch with one another and get together at least once or twice a month. I don’t see that here.
4. Diversity of culture and religion	Exposure to different people from different cultures and even different religions and learning to be more tolerant and respecting their beliefs as they respect yours.
	Most of Saudi Arabian people believe in Islam, and we have a lot of culture things we are still conservative about. However, In America, there is no kind of discrimination here, or may be but it is not clear for me so far. Most of people here believe in Christianity but also I found many other different beliefs.
5. Food, money, time, nightlife, laws, social manners, organization	I believe that some of the “not so good” things about the States is that people value money more than they value other people, which in turn affects relationships and family ties. I grew up in a society where people are so generous that it’s in their nature and in their religion to give money to those in need. Saudis are some of the most hospitable people you will ever meet and generosity runs through their blood.
	Everything is organized [in the US]. When someone says something you pretty much know that it will happen exactly at the time that it was said it would be done and how it would be done.
6. Education system	In the U.S., the education system is too much better than my country.
	I like their teaching style. In Saudi Arabia they encourage the students to memorize, but in the United States they encourage the students to look for the answer by searching.
7. Freedom and independence, equality, ease of mobility	I love having my own freedom, driving my own car, doing my own stuff, buy the groceries. Being able to do something by myself.I enjoy the freedom of being able to be myself a lot more than I could in Saudi Arabia. I think the most valuable privilege any person can appreciate about living in the United States is that you matter as an individual and you have the right to have an opinion, whereas in a collectivist society, you are always part of a group.

Another participant tried to explain the tension between generations over one of the most salient differences between Saudi and U.S. culture the treatment and segregation of women, which was discussed by the majority of the study participants. She told this story about her niece:

My niece is from American mother, she said, “I don’t like how you treat female here in Saudi Arabia.” Well for me, I don’t feel any different . . . but for her—she just open my eye for something because she, for example, is different. She’s very close with her dad. And when, anytime we have meeting with other families, we have separate room for female and male. She said, “Why would—why do you have that?” But this, I think part of our religion. If you understand my religion—our religion tell us don’t have contact too much with male . . . but she feel that’s . . . it’s like degrading for female why they’re not included with all the men. It’s just in Saudi. So, I don’t know if they consider it as part of religion, or culture. I think it’s culture more than religion because . . . because even if you contact with male, and besides your husband nothing is going to happen, so . . . I don’t know.

Experiences of Discrimination and/or Curiosity in the United States

The Saudi women students were asked if they had experienced any form of discrimination in the United States, or if they had ever been treated differently because they were Saudi. In the literature, there is some evidence of discrimination against Arabs and Muslims in the United States, both before and after September 11, 2001 (Akram, 2002). A little less than half of the women said they had experienced discrimination, and the same number said they had not experienced any negative forms of treatment or discrimination. The remaining Saudi women students spoke about interest and curiosity from people, and positive treatment rather than negative experiences (see Table 4). Often, both discrimination and curiosity had to do with the Saudi woman’s hijab, or head covering. Even those participants who had experienced discrimination often emphasized that it was very uncommon, and most people were kind, accepting, and interested, while only a few people were unkind to them.

Table 4.

Experiences of Discrimination and/or Curiosity in the United States: Categories and Sample Quotes.

1. Experiences of discrimination in the United States	Yes, one example is I was at the subway talking to friends in Arabic and one man gave me the finger. Also, I don’t wear hijab but my friend does they did a “random inspection” at the station and of course they chose to search my friend wearing hijab which demonstrates racial profiling. Also, I applied for so many internships but none contacted me, I’m starting to think it’s because I’m Saudi, but I could be wrong.
	Yes, I have. Few people treated me differently because of my clothes and my language. It happens to me 3 times while I am out in the mall, driving the car and Wal-Mart. Someone told me once “go home” another one told me “fuck you, get out of here!” the third one told me, “you are ugly.” I am sorry about bad word but I want to be honest. Discriminate some people about my clothes and hijab, sometimes my language!
2. Have not experienced discrimination in the United States	Not at all, I never felt any difference with native students.
	No, I haven’t experience any discrimination. If anything I was treated better because I’m Saudi, they always curious and have a lot of questions about Saudi.
3. Positive encounters of being treated differently: Curiosity	I met many old people who say very, very nice about Islam, when they ask me about things they said, “Oh, that’s great, we didn’t know about this before,” uh, “I’m very happy for you that that is your religion.” Like many, many people.
	They always seem curious when I tell them I’m I’m from Saudi and they usually ask questions about our life there and I enjoy answering them . . .
4. Reactions to the Saudi head covering	One time a teenager made a comment about my hijab but other people told her she did a wrong thing and they were apologizing to me.
	The fact people stare at me because I’m wearing hijab, and I can see that want to ask me about it. Thus I start to smile & some have the courage and ask while other turn away and walk away.
5. Not discrimination, just ignorance	If I have experienced any kind of discrimination I have surely blocked it out of my memory because I don’t remember the situations since they would only be minor comments about Saudis or Muslims in general and they were mostly “ignorant” comments that people would bluntly say that were just disrespectful or insensitive.
6. Depends on the city	My friends in the California, they, no, they don’t have this. But in New York, they have the discrimination, a lot.

One participant, who did report an experience of discrimination against her, conveyed the positive attitude toward these encounters that was expressed by many participants:

And for me, I didn’t care about what happened, because when I compare how many people are, were friendly with me, the bad people everywhere, or the bad idea about me is here, like I have to deal with it. . . .

But at the same time I met many old people who say very, very nice about Islam, when they ask me about things they said, “Oh, that’s great, we didn’t know about this before,” uh, “I’m very happy for you that that is your religion.” Like many, many people.

Interviewer: So you’ve had lots of positive experiences and only a few negative ones.

Yeah, two, specifically two. I have been here for 2 years now, and two is not that big.

English Proficiency or Barrier

For almost all of the Saudi women interviewed and surveyed, the English language was a major part of their adjustment to the United States. Almost half of the students mentioned having good or excellent English language skills, being “fluent,” and feeling “confident” in their conversation and studies. About a third of the participants expressed the opposite about their proficiency in the English language; communication was difficult, studying in another language was challenging, and the English language felt like a barrier to their successful adjustment. For the Saudi women, the English language could be either a help or barrier, depending on the situation, whether slang was being used, and if there were cultural misunderstandings involved (see Table 5). For instance, one participant said, “My English is fine but sometimes it would be embarrassing when I pronounce something the wrong way or use a word in the wrong context,but most of them understand.” Another participant told a story about being invited to a holiday party with a gift exchange (possibly a “white elephant” party), and wrapping up a pair of women’s jeans to exchange. A friend told her on the way that it had to be a gift for either a male or female, and the participant was embarrassed and uncomfortable for misunderstanding what was required. Other Saudi women mentioned being able to understand English but having trouble writing, spelling, or expressing themselves through the language, which complicated adjustment for them.

Table 5.

English Language Proficiency or Barrier: Categories and Sample Quotes.

1. Good communication in English, with U.S. Americans	Fluent. I don’t have any communication problems with Americans. I have been speaking English for half of my life . . . When I came first to United States, the fact I’m being fluent in the language helped me a lot. That’s why it did not take me a lot to adjust.
	I’m bilingual. I speak English and Arabic fluently.
2. Difficulties with English language	I still think my English is not good. I am not able to express my ideas very clearly as I want. I would say my level is intermediate.
	I didn’t know very much English . . . the only expectation for me: I want to learn English, in order to study, in order to live, in order to adjust to this society. So my own goal was to learn English, and to teach it for my kids, because they had no word in English. . . . So the language, in my opinion, was a huge obstacle for me. And then I can’t express my feeling, I can’t express my ideas, even when I have ideas, I can’t explore it with them.
3. Felt misunderstood (language and cultural issues)	Something is embarrassed when I feel people do not want to talk to me because I am international, and I won’t be able to understand easily.
	My English is fine but sometimes it would be embarrassing when I pronounce something the wrong way or use a word in the wrong context but most of them understand.

Social Support, Relationships With U.S. Americans, and Help-Seeking Behavior

Saudi women international students are unique in their experience of study in a foreign country because they often travel overseas with other family members, usually a male companion such as a husband or brother. In past studies on international students, a common difficulty is isolation and loneliness, which is sometimes a result of not having someone from their family in the country with them during their academic sojourn (McLachlan & Justice, 2009). Because Saudi women are encouraged to come to the United States with a male family member, all but one of the current study participants were in the United States with other family members. Over half of the women in the study were married, and almost all of the married students were here with their husbands. A third of the women had children with them in the United States, and almost half of the students were here with a brother. Most of the Saudi women came to the United States with several family members, rather than just one companion. Only a few had just one companion with them; most listed multiple family members, including one Saudi woman who was here with “three sisters, one brother-in-law, multiple cousins both male and female, and an aunt.”

How did this unique international student dynamic (the presence of family members in the host country with them) affect adjustment to the United States for Saudi women? For most of the women, their closest relationships and social support were found in their Saudi family and friends. For a little less than half, their closest relationships were with U.S. American or international friends, and some of these mentioned neighbors, teachers, their “American family” and other U.S. Americans as their support system in the United States.

For those Saudi women who did have acquaintances with U.S. Americans, some mentioned that these friendships were “limited” or “not that deep,” because these relationships were lacking “cultural and religious dimensions,” or because interactions with U.S. Americans were “weird and awkward,” “friendly but not friendships,” or the participant found some U.S. Americans to be “clueless about other cultures, beliefs, etc.” However, some of those who were closest to Saudi friends and family still felt supported by Americans, as classmates, neighbors, and limited friends. One participant, who was married and had children, explained the welcome she received when she came to the United States as one of the reasons she felt close to U.S. Americans:

I have a lot of friends from the neighborhood. I really live in a lovely place; it’s in the village. All my neighbors, when I moved there, when I came, everyday someone knock my door and bring cookies, or cakes or flowers. They’d say, “We saw you came!” Flowers, even tomatoes, someone plant something. They, they let me feel like my home, my country. Yeah, very welcome. Even my neighbor, because they have class from 2 to 3, and my daughter, I have to get her from school at 2:30, she offered to take her every day. They are very good friendly, very friendly.

Another participant described the friendliness of Americans, but also the tension she felt with not being able to develop closer friendships with her neighbors:

Yeah, I have Americans, but not very close. . . . We gather in parties, they invite us, we invite them, we go to restaurants together. . . . just in parties we meet, like, once in a month, or like my “American family” just once every 2 months.

When we, once, I made cake and I bring it to my neighborhood, and they just take it and I, I want friendship but they are busy and something, so, I kind of, don’t do that again. . . . Yeah, I don’t know how is the right way to make friends. And they are very good people, they say “hi” a lot, and they help us sometimes, if we have a problem with our car or something, they help me a lot. But they didn’t be close with us. But that’s good, because sometimes I don’t have time, and I don’t want to be friends so that’s fine.

Social and emotional support, for many of the women interviewed, came primarily from friends and family (see Table 6). A few not only discussed counseling but also acknowledged that counseling was often seen by Saudis as a place to go only if the issue was very serious, medical (like anxiety or depression), or if someone was unable to cope. One participant said about counseling, “It’s available in Saudi Arabia, but the person who goes there, we usually call him crazy. . . . Yeah, so usually if someone is going, usually he will not say that to anyone.” This same participant, after asking again if her interview was confidential, acknowledged that she was currently in counseling at her university, and had been going there for almost a year. Another participant had this to say:

And, uh, one of my friends has problem, like, they get stress—what do you call it—depression? And they speak to my husband, as a friend, they speak to him. But they feel like he has a lot of things he needs . . . He goes to counseling, that’s a very good choice. I have something like that when I feel culture shock after I come back from my country. When I come back I spend, like, 4 months? I feel terrible. I can’t live. I just think of my country; I come back, I don’t want to come back. And I think to go—I thought it’s really good to go to a counselor, but with kids it’s hard, I feel better and I forgot.

Table 6.

Social Support, Relationships With Americans, and Help-Seeking Behavior: Categories and Sample Quotes.

1. Closest relationships/support in the United States: Saudi family and friends	My primary support groups are: SACM “our government” Saudi Students Club at my university, MSA: Muslim Students Association. My closest relationships friends are from Masjed and Muslim students.
	I have international support group, friends from everywhere. However, the closest are Saudis.
	My brother and my sister are closest to me. I have good friends, but I’m one of the people who want to do everything by myself. I don’t want to be . . . like even my sister and brother, I like to do things for them. Uh, I’m very independent
2. Closest relationships/support in the United States: Americans and other international students	Yes. I have a lot of American friends and American family that I see all the time.
	I have a lot of friends from the neighborhood. All of my American friends they always ask me, “We want to do something good for you,” like sometimes because I don’t have a car, they say, “if you want to go to the grocery, just ask us,” or “we can give you a ride,” or they’re always asking to do something good for me. . . . Yeah, I feel like I’m so lucky!I have couple families, they are like my family.
3. Not much support in the United States: No relationships with Americans	So for the most part, no I don’t have many relationships with Americans and if I do, they aren’t as strong as I would like them to be.
	Unfortunately, no, because I am shy person.
4. Relationships with Americans limited; classmates and/or acquaintances	It is limited relationships. It doesn’t go far, because it doesn’t have cultural and religious dimension.
	I do know Americans, my neighbors and at school. It’s a friendly relationship not a friendship though, but I guess that will change once I get to know them more.
5. Try to stay away from Saudis to form other relationships	My husband and I like to stay away from Saudis as much as we can.
6. Help-seeking relationships; Saudi view of counseling	To be honest, there aren’t many places for me to turn to and although I have visited to counseling center, I honestly have not found a place or resource to help me with some of the problems or issues I have been dealing with.
	Maybe the reason of this is not just that the people have a bad idea about going to counseling, but, we have strong relationships, and I think each person has good people, or wisdom people, in his life or her life. So, when we have something that we feel we can’t handle it or deal with it, we ask those people. . . . when someone is very worried about something, they will have pressure, so they went to both doctors for medical things and for psychological things like for counseling, to get some medicine to help them calm down or something.

Note. SACM = Saudi Arabian Cultural Mission.

The Experience of Being a Saudi Woman in the United States

For many of the Saudi women, studying in the United States was a life-changing experience. Almost all of the participants talked at length about the ways they had changed by becoming an international student, including increased independence, confidence, and openness to other cultures. Only one participant said she had not changed since being in the United States, and was “still the same” (see Table 7). Most of the women talked about learning to live more independently, due to cultural differences, which at times made life not only more difficult but also rewarding:

I think I have to learn how to live independent, because—I don’t know if you know, we have a maid in Saudi Arabia. Each house have maid, and driver. I expect to live alone, to live with no one with me, without my family, without support. I expect, during the time, I’m going to have friend, I’m going to have different life, I’m going to improve myself.

Table 7.

The Experience of Being a Saudi Woman in the United States: Categories and Sample Quotes.

1. Increased independence, confidence, freedom, mobility (being able to drive a car)	I think I change a lot. Because when I was in Saudi Arabia, I was afraid of anything, people, of . . . Because when I was in Saudi Arabia, I didn’t have enough confidence to do whatever I want. Here, I think I’m more confident. I feel I’m doing whatever I want. If I agree about this I will do it, if I don’t, I’m not going to do it, even if people are doing this. I feel that here I am more independent than in Saudi Arabia.
	I became really independent. Before, like in our country, we always ask our father or mother to do things for us, and now I’m care about all things, and not just me, my brother and sister also.
2. Liked being an ambassador for Saudi Arabia and Muslim religion	I like being here in the US because a lot of Americans know us better and know about our religion. I like when misconception is corrected among some educational students who get to know more about us. It is important to know that what we do and practice is not always religion. It is culturally things most of the time, a lot of people mix that and we got misconception.
	One time I was sitting in a coffee shop with my classmates and a Muslim American lady passed by and said “al-Salaam alaikum” and they asked me “do you know her?” And I said “no, but she greeted me because she saw my hijab and knew I was Muslim” and they were amazed at that kind of Muslim interrelationship.
3. Gained tolerance, respect for other people, other cultures, and religions	I feel I am open-minded now, I understand the differences between people, not like when I was in my country I just see one religion, one culture, even though I was traveling a lot, but not when I lived here.
	Started being more tolerant to other people and respectful of their beliefs. Treating a person based on the way they treat me and not based on a presumption. Learning how to disagree with people while still being on good terms with them.
4. Increased education, knowledge	I know many things about other culture, other people, that make me change from the inside, deep in my heart, many things, new ideas. Also my view to my future changed. Like before I came here even though I knew about the American life, my goal was just to continue my education and have fun with others, I didn’t think that I will have many new ideas for my life. Like one of them, we, in our country, we give the husband, like, more controlling things. Now even, sometimes, I know it’s shared; I have to work on it, but I like to control things. I want to be sharing everything, not to ask others, this is not something that I was thinking about.
	I look at things different than I used to.
5. More independent but missed having help; lives simply	I am more independent, yet that is not always a good thing since I still miss having someone to clean my room and clean the dishes (sadly my hands are ruined from all the bottle washing I do), or a driver to bring me coffee when I’m not in the mood to go out.
	I live simply. I wear the same clothes and bag every day.
6. Personality has changed since coming to the United States	I am different. My personality is completely different when I am with my American friend or Saudi friend. With my American friend, I will be talkative, funny, excited. With my Saudi friend, I will be just quiet, sweet, some fun.
	Even when I visit my family, when I go back last summer . . . you know, my family say, “You’re not _____ [her name], but a different person!” You know, feeling, living alone, having all of these responsibilities, all this experience, change my personality.
7. Being a Saudi woman international student is having “the best of both worlds”; very beneficial	I wish there was a land where the best of KSA [Kingdom of Saudi Arabia] and the best of USA were applied. That would be the best place to live.
	Just we have to be proud of our self and culture. We have the power, knowledge and strength to be productive and get benefit from being Saudi women international student.
8. Did not change	I didn’t change still the same.

Some women expressed being more “open-minded,” “tolerant” of other people, and “respectful” of different beliefs and learning how to “disagree with people while still being on good terms with them.” One participant said, “I believe now that I can deal with anything and everyone. Meeting people from all over the world open my eyes and my mind to every idea or possibility.”

Several Saudi women also discussed their role as an ambassador for Saudi Arabia during their time in the United States because there were sometimes wrong perceptions between the two countries. One woman described the relational purpose of her educational visit:

Actually, like when we came here, like the reason for us as the students is that we want to complete our education. But, one of the reasons that the king, King Abdullah, made this program for students is not just to let us continue our education. There is, like, there is many reasons beside this. You know, in the last years . . . the media plays a big role to give a picture of Saudi people, and many people thinks that we are, like, bad people. So one of the reasons that the king sent us is to make others know us. We’re normal people. When we come back to our country, like, as now, we have many friends. And now many students know many Americans, and they will know, like, the real people, the real Islam, not what the media tell them.

An observation by one participant was particularly powerful: “I wish there was a land where the best of KSA [Kingdom of Saudi Arabia] and the best of United States were applied. That would be the best place to live.” Another participant, who was of both Saudi and American parentage, but grew up in Saudi Arabia, said that her experience was “the best of both worlds,” due to a rich family, religious and cultural heritage from Saudi Arabia, and the freedom, openness to diversity, and independence gained in the United States. One student, who was also a mother, wanted to encourage other Saudi women to study internationally, for the good of future generations:

I would like to say I want to every women in KSA to study abroad that good for her and their children in future; if the women study, they learn for her and they learn her children to be more great people that a good investment in my country. I really like your survey and I know this not the answer but I wish every woman have the same opportunity we are having.

Discussion

The women interviewed in this study had varied experiences of cultural adjustment, and they discussed issues such as their expectations about the United States prior to coming over to study, their competency with the English language, social support in the United States, cultural differences, and experiences of discrimination and/or curiosity from Americans as important factors in their adjustment process. For many of the Saudi women, the most difficult period of adjustment to the United States was the first few months of their stay, although only about a third of participants reported experiencing acculturative stress. For those who did experience acculturative stress, contributing factors included difficulties with the English language and communication, missing family and Saudi Arabia, and cultural differences.

For the most part, adjustment to the United States was an interesting and often positive experience for Saudi women even for those who faced some difficulties along the way. Many of the participants mentioned the issue of gender, the treatment of women, and the adjustment process as a woman as a salient component of their adjustment process. Some of the participants who adjusted successfully came from a more modernized area in Saudi Arabia and felt able to communicate well in English. A few of the Saudi women missed family members at home and felt some “loneliness” when they first came to the United States. However, all but one of the study participants came to the United States with other family members, which may have lessened their vulnerability toward the isolation international students often experience when studying in the United States.

For instance, in a grounded theory qualitative study on international student well-being by McLachlan and Justice (2009), homesickness and isolation were experienced by 95% of the participants, with many international students lamenting how difficult it was to be alone in a foreign country. For Saudi women students, family members were with them during their academic sojourn, and more than half of the study participants reported that their closest relationships were with Saudi family and friends in the United States. They did not report significant loneliness or isolation, and the majority did experience significant culture shock. Because Saudi women were not alone in facing their academic sojourn in the United States, the negative effects of cultural adjustment may have been ameliorated. They were still in contact with some of the familiarity of home, through their relationships with family members.

One repeating idea expressed by several participants in the study was that Americans often seem culturally ignorant, and may especially have wrong ideas about Saudi Arabia. For instance, Mishra (2007) found that many Americans consider Arab women “mistreated and in need of liberation,” due to dress regulations and gender segregation. Saudi women, however, have a cultural understanding that dress regulations and gender segregation in public are about purity and protection for women, rather than oppression. The Saudi women students in this study reported many experiences of kindness, curiosity, and genuine interest in their culture from Americans, which sometimes surprised them. Several women mentioned enjoying the acceptance of diversity in the United States, where discussions and playful debates about politics, religion, and lifestyle were allowed and common among friends and students.

For Saudi women international students in the United States, English proficiency was a key factor in adjustment. Those who felt confident in their communication in English and were able to interact in meaningful ways both socially and academically felt much more confident about their relationships and schoolwork. Most of the Saudi women students who participated in this research had attended at least a few months of language school, which was typical for students just entering the United States. In fact, according to 2013 statistics from the IIE, almost 40% of the Saudi students currently in the United States were not yet undergraduate or graduate students but were involved with English language training.

Saudi women international students reported being both challenged and changed by their academic studies in the United States. Participants reported increased independence, confidence, freedom, mobility (most really enjoyed having a car and/or being able to drive), and intellectual growth as ways they had changed during their international program of study. Saudi women international students often enjoyed their roles in the United States as ambassadors of their country, their culture, and their religion. Many told stories about being able to explain Islam, their head covering, and their culture to others who expressed curiosity and interest. As representatives of Saudi Arabia, they wanted to dispel the myths that they were oppressed, forced to cover themselves, and unequal to men. Most also wanted to share the true tenets of Islam, which are peaceful and honor relationships, as some Americans still equate the religion with extremist views and terrorist acts.

The findings from the present study contribute to existing literature on international students in a number of important ways. First, few qualitative studies have been conducted that have explored the adjustment process of international students, and those that do exist often focus on problems, negative experiences, and acculturative stress. Second, existing studies on international students have focused on international students in general (using a mixed sample from many different countries), or have focused primarily on Asian students. This study focused specifically on the experiences of an underrepresented population, with a sample of a particular gender (female) from a particular country (Saudi Arabia). The study also produced rich, complex, and in-depth information about the adjustment experiences of Saudi women international students who have, until now, been a “muted group” in the psychological literature (Wood, 2005).

Implications for practice

Understanding the unique adjustment experiences of Saudi women international students can inform service delivery in several ways, particularly for counseling psychologists and university personnel, including international student services, student life professionals, and college counseling practitioners in academic settings. Saudi Arabian students are the fastest growing population of international students in the United States, and increasing awareness, sensitivity, and understanding of the issues discussed in this study can be a valuable tool for intervention, service, and outreach to Saudi students at colleges and universities. Understanding these unique experiences of female Saudi students can also allow for empowerment of a previously muted and segregated group, and might also help to decrease stereotypes of Americans toward Saudi women.

Help-seeking behavior, for most of the Saudi women international students, was still stigmatized in Saudi culture; a last resort for those who were suffering from severe medical and psychological issues (such as anxiety or depression) or, quite bluntly, for those who are “crazy.” These attitudes toward counseling differed between participants; some had sought out counseling services at their university or college, and a few were in counseling at the time they were interviewed. However, for the most part, Saudi women tend to rely on themselves, close friends or family, or “wisdom people” in their lives for advice, help, or simply a listening ear. One participant mentioned that counseling was starting to become more accepted among students, especially among those social networks where Saudi students had a positive experience seeking help at the university counseling center. Providing psychoeducational opportunities and outreach services for Saudi women international students may help to build a bridge of acceptance toward counseling in the future, and international student services might work closely with university counseling centers to encourage Saudi students in help seeking as a part of the adjustment process.

Although Saudi women may not experience accultuative stress as often as international students who come to the United States alone (without family members), there were still several students in this study who had difficulty with adjustment and might benefit from outreach and support services. As English language proficiency was an important theme in adjustment, perhaps programs could be developed that would match Saudi women students with another female English speaking student during the early months of her education in the United States. Cultural preparation and training might also be provided through student life departments or international student services, and alternatives to counseling such as group experiences, informal mentoring, and adopted families could be options to help those students who may be struggling with cultural adjustment difficulties.

Study Limitations and Strengths

As an exploratory qualitative study, this research has both strengths and limitations.

Strengths

One strength of the methodology used in the current study is that grounded theory is particularly well suited to multicultural and international research inquiry. Qualitative methods, including grounded study, are appropriate for research that aims to understand and explain participants’ experiences by focusing on their own perceptions and meaning of those experiences. The current study attempted to focus on the words and ideas of Saudi women international students to explore their cultural adjustment, their individual thoughts and feelings, and the impact of their education in the United States. The data were saturated for the study, meaning that by the last few participants no new repeating ideas, categories, or themes were discovered in the interviews and surveys of the sample.

The demographics of the participants in this study were fairly representative of the range of Saudi female students in the United States, with a diversity of age (age 20-35 years), year in school (freshman in college to graduate student), home region in Saudi Arabia, and location in the United States. The sample of Saudi women who participated were attending colleges and universities in 11 different states, and there was also a diversity of relationship status (single, married, or divorced). Therefore, the data gathered included thoughts and opinions from Saudi students in different locations (in the United States), from diverse backgrounds (in Saudi Arabia), and with varying current circumstances, allowing for a wealth of views and experiences.

Limitations

Although the information gathered from participants was rich, complex, and compelling, it was also limited in scope (25 participants), and susceptible to human bias, through the opinions of both participants and researchers. To balance possible bias among the researchers, a team was recruited with a wide range of prior exposure to the Saudi culture; two research team members had lived in Saudi Arabia and were very familiar with the culture, whereas the other two team members had no prior experience with Saudi women or the Saudi culture. This created a rich and fascinating dialogue during the coding and organization of the data and helped to provide a multifaceted lens through which to understand the words of the study participants.

Although the Saudi women international students who participated in this study were varied in age, home region in Saudi Arabia, and location in the United States, they were mostly graduate students (84%) and most had been the United States for 1 to 3 years at the time they were interviewed or surveyed. The majority of the participants reported that the first 3 months in the United States was the most difficult, yet because they were looking back on that time period, it is possible that they were not able to recall the intensity of their initial adjustment in hindsight. A study that interviewed Saudi women during their first few months may be needed for more accurate results.

The participants in the study were recruited either through email or social media sites and may have differed significantly from Saudi women international students who may not have responded to these invitations to participate in research. Those who volunteered for the study may have been those students who have had an easier time adjusting to study in the United States or, conversely, may have been those students who wanted a chance to voice their opinions about the difficulties with adjustment. Either way, the study participants who volunteered may differ qualitatively from those who did not volunteer for the research.

During the coding process for the interviews, a concern voiced by the research team was the possibility of the participants “glossing over” difficult experiences and discrimination, due to the desire to be a positive ambassador for Saudi Arabia, and speak well of their host country. However, the interview and the survey participants shared both positive and negative feelings, thoughts, and opinions, which seems to imply that they felt comfortable being honest about their experiences. The survey participants may have been slightly more honest and open about negative experiences, perhaps because of the distance gained through the survey tool.

Directions for Future Research

In future research studies, quantitative research methods might be used to survey a larger population of Saudi students and to examine possible differences in adjustment between genders as only women were included in this study. Also, several of the women in the present study mentioned experiencing reverse acculturative stress when they returned to Saudi Arabia to visit, which may be an important area for future research. As all of the Saudi women plan to return to their home country upon completion of their studies in the United States, preparation for this reverse acculturative stress and coping skills to mediate the adjustment back to Saudi Arabia may be helpful to the graduates.

Another important area for future research may be an exploration of the help-seeking behavior of Saudi women international students. Several participants mentioned that counseling was still stigmatized in Saudi Arabia, and students were reluctant to seek help unless their difficulties were medical or very serious. Yet some of these same participants had previously or were currently accessing services at a university counseling center. Exploring these attitudes and behaviors of Saudi students with regard to help seeking, and perhaps inquiring as to what alternatives to traditional counseling could be acceptable with this population, may be a fruitful area of future research.

Conclusion

Saudi women international students in the United States face a very unique and complex process of cultural adjustment. Most participants from this study seemed to navigate this adjustment with few serious difficulties. Almost all Saudi women who travel internationally are accompanied by a male family member, most often by a husband or a brother. Thus, Saudi women international students bring at least one significant other with them from their home country who can serve as a relational support system during their time in the United States. There are also more Saudi students on college campuses in recent years, which could be another supportive factor as it provides the opportunity to have peer support from other Saudi women international students. The number of Saudi Arabian students studying in the United States has increased dramatically over the last decade from just more than 5,000 Saudi students in the 2001-2002 academic year to just more than 34,000 students during the 2011-2012 academic year, making Saudi Arabia the fourth leading place of origin for students coming to the United States (IIE, 2013). Saudi student organizations, Saudi relatives, and Saudi friends in the United States create a strong social support for Saudi women students. In this way, they may avoid the distress of social isolation, intense loneliness, and homesickness experienced by many international students during their cultural adjustment.

The current study was qualitative in naturein order to explore subjective descriptions of the adjustment experiences of Saudi women students in the United States, and the quotes of the participants were used to show the variety and complexity of responses. Participant responses were grouped into the following themes: expectations about the United States versus the reality, cultural adjustment, cultural differences between the United States and Saudi Arabia, experiences of discrimination and/or curiosity, English language proficiency, relationships, social support and help-seeking behavior, and being a Saudi woman in the United States. The adjustment of Saudi women students was affected by their proficiency in English, their relationships and social support, and their ability to successfully navigate the cultural differences found in the United States, including public gender integration, increased mobility, greater acceptance of diversity, and more freedom and decision-making opportunities. Almost all of the Saudi women in this study reported being changed by their time of study in the United States and reported increased confidence, independence, intellectual growth, and acceptance of others as some of the results of their academic sojourn.

Footnotes

Appendix A

Appendix B

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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