Understanding Exclusionary Reactions Toward a Foreign Culture

Abstract

Recent research has begun to examine the impact of cultural mixing on human psychology. We conducted four experiments to examine the influence of intrusive cultural mixing on implicit intergroup attitudes. Our results indicated that (a) intrusive cultural mixing augmented implicit prejudice toward the intruding foreign cultural group (Study 1), (b) heightened implicit prejudice partially mediated boycotting behavior provoked by intrusive cultural mixing (Study 2), and (c) both cultural identification (Study 3) and multicultural orientation (Study 4) moderated the influence of intrusive cultural mixing on implicit prejudice so that only individuals who highly identified with their heritage culture or those who exhibited a weak multicultural orientation manifested enhanced implicit prejudice. These findings extend our understanding of the influence of cultural mixing.

Keywords

cultural mixing implicit attitude cultural identification multicultural orientation exclusionary reactions

Introduction

Along with globalization, it is increasingly common that two or more cultures, or cultural elements, appear simultaneously. This occurrence is referred to as cultural mixing. Emerging research has started to uncover the unique psychological effects of cultural mixing (Leung & Chiu, 2010; Torelli, Chiu, Tam, Au, & Keh, 2011). In our research, we investigated the impact of cultural mixing on implicit intergroup attitude, an implicit manifestation of exclusionary reactions toward the intruding culture or cultural group.

Cultural Mixing and Exclusionary Reactions to Foreign Cultures

Cultural mixing refers to the presence of elements from two distinct cultures occupying the same space at the same time (for a detailed introduction, see Hao, Li, Peng, Peng, & Torelli, 2016). Cultural mixing may have beneficial effects such as the facilitation of creativity (Leung & Chiu, 2010). However, it may also provoke exclusionary reactions, which are described as “emotional, reflexive responses evoked by perceived threats to the integrity and vitality of one’s heritage culture” (Chiu, Gries, Torelli, & Cheng, 2011). Several factors can strengthen exclusionary reactions. For instance, people are more likely to exhibit exclusionary reactions when they have heightened concerns about the erosion of their local culture (Cheng, 2010), when they are high in national narcissism (Gries, Sanders, Stroup, & Cai, 2015), or when their mortality is highly salient (Torelli et al., 2011).

Exclusionary reactions are also particularly likely to happen when an icon of a foreign culture is perceived to intrude a sacred space of a local community, which is so called intrusive cultural mixing (Yang, 2011). For instance, in 2007, when a new Starbucks was opened in the Forbidden City, a sacred space in Chinese culture, Chinese people launched an online boycotting campaign eventually causing the Starbucks in that location to be closed (“Protest-Hit Starbucks ‘May Close,’” 2007). Two important aspects of intrusive cultural mixing are that the foreign icon is perceived as threat and that the intrusion is interpreted within a cultural frame (i.e., by highlighting the cultural meaning of the foreign icon). In this context, Yang (2011) demonstrated various negative effects of intrusive cultural mixing on self-reported behavioral, cognitive, and affective responses toward specific intruders. Moreover, these effects emerged independent of one’s cultural identification, political orientation, and perception of intercultural conflicts.

Implicit Responses to Intrusive Cultural Mixing

Although exclusionary reactions to cultural mixing are described as reflexive responses (Chiu et al., 2011), it is noteworthy that such reactions have been documented using mainly self-reported measures. Implicit measures should be particularly useful for assessing exclusionary reactions primed by intrusive cultural mixing. Cultural priming usually occurs automatically (Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martinez, 2000), and cultural influences on judgments and behaviors are stronger when people process information in an automatic and spontaneous manner, rather than through more deliberate thought processes (Briley & Aaker, 2006). Besides, exclusionary reactions are very likely to be undesirable and interfered with by deliberate thinking (Torelli et al., 2011). Hence, an implicit measure that is sensitive to automatic processing but resistant to social desirability should be helpful in assessing the negative impacts of intrusive cultural mixing.

According to self-identity theory, group membership is important in defining one’s identity so that people are motivated to protect and enhance the positivity of their group and ultimately of themselves (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Once cherished in-group values are threatened, people may respond by exhibiting in-group favoritism or out-group derogation (Rudman, Dohn, & Fairchild, 2007). Because intrusive cultural mixing can pose a threat to the local culture (Yang, 2011), we expected such cultural threat could strengthen negative implicit attitudes toward the out-group above and beyond negative explicit attitudes (Aberson & Gaffney, 2009). Thus, we proposed the following:

Hypothesis 1: Intrusive cultural mixing would negatively affect the implicit attitudes toward the intruding cultural group.

Prior research has demonstrated that negative implicit attitudes toward an out-group can provoke inter-group conflict. In turn, this can manifest itself in antagonistic behaviors toward foreign entities. For example, the British company Unilever’s cross-border acquisition of the Chinese national company Zhonghua Toothpaste caused pronounced deterioration of implicit attitudes toward the British, which partially accounted for the intensified intention to boycott Unilever (Yang, Shi, Luo, Shi, & Cai, 2014). We then predicted the following:

Hypothesis 2: The increased implicit prejudice toward a foreign group provoked by intrusive cultural mixing would drive exclusionary responses toward the foreign intruder.

The Moderating Role of Cultural Identification and Multicultural Orientation

People who strongly identified with their culture tend to be more sensitive to threats from foreign cultures (Riek, Mania, & Gaertner, 2006). Given this, in the case of intrusive cultural mixing, we expected the following:

Hypothesis 3: Individuals who highly identify with their heritage culture should experience a greater increase in the negativity of implicit attitudes toward intrusive cultural groups.

Beyond examining an individual’s identification with a local culture, we also investigated another culture-relevant variable, known as multicultural orientation. People with high multicultural orientation acknowledge the distinctiveness of each culture and the value of cultural diversity on the one hand; on the other hand, they value the importance of learning knowledge about other cultures (Rosenthal & Levy, 2012). Thus, they are likely to transcend their indigenous culture and develop a multicultural identity (Adler, 1977). As a result, they exhibit a higher degree of cultural openness (Shankarmahesh, 2006), more positive intergroup attitudes (Ryan, Casas, & Thompson, 2010), and more comfort with diversity and willingness for intergroup contacts (Rosenthal & Levy, 2012). Given these, we expected the following:

Hypothesis 4: People with high multicultural orientation would exhibit less implicit prejudice against an intrusive foreign culture.

Overview

We examined the impact of intrusive cultural mixing on implicit prejudice against the intruding cultural group among Chinese participants. We adopted stimuli from prior research (Yang, 2011; for details and a pilot study, see online appendix). In the intrusive cultural mixing condition, participants saw an ad in which a McDonald’s logo (a symbol of American culture) is superimposed onto an image of the Great Wall of China (a sacred space of Chinese culture), accompanied by a slogan that highlights the cultural meaning of the foreign icon. In the control conditions, we presented the same stimuli accompanied by a non-cultural slogan or no ad. We used the Brief Implicit Association Test (BIAT) to measure implicit attitude toward America (Sriram & Greenwald, 2009). Study 1 tested Hypothesis 1 by examining whether intrusive cultural mixing exacerbates implicit prejudice against America. Study 2 tested Hypothesis 2 by investigating whether a more negative implicit attitude toward America explains the increase in intention to boycott McDonald’s. In Studies 3 and 4, we tested Hypotheses 3 and 4 by investigating whether cultural identification and multicultural orientation moderate the influence of intrusive cultural mixing on implicit prejudice against America.

Study 1

Method

Participants, measures, and procedure

A total of 90 Chinese university students in Beijing (65 females) participated in this study. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three conditions. After viewing either the culturally intrusive McDonald’s ad (n = 30; 23 females), the non-intrusive McDonald’s ad (n = 30; 21 females), or no ad (n = 30; 21 females), participants completed the BIAT as well as an explicit attitude measure.

Implicit attitude

The China–America attitude BIAT comprised two combined blocks: China + pleasant (vs. America + unpleasant) and America + pleasant (vs. China + unpleasant; for details, see online appendix). In doing this task, the participants were asked to respond as rapidly and accurately as possible. To form an index of the implicit attitude, we calculated a D score by dividing the difference in mean reaction time between the two blocks (China + pleasant minus America + pleasant) by a pooled reaction time standard deviation (Greenwald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003). The more negative the D score, the higher the implicit prejudice against America relative to China.

Explicit attitude

The participants were also asked to report their general feeling (warm or cold) toward America and China, respectively, on a thermometer ranging from 1 (very cold) to 10 (very warm). To make the explicit attitude comparable with the relative implicit attitude based on Brief Implicit Association Test (BIAT), following the previous procedure (Greenwald et al., 2003), a difference score (America minus China) was formulated so that a more negative score indicated higher prejudice against America.

Results and Discussion

Implicit attitudes measure

Table 1 displays the descriptive information. The overall BIAT effect, as well as effects across all three conditions, was significantly negative, all ts < −5.01, all ps < .001, suggesting that the Chinese participants possessed negative implicit attitudes toward America. A one-way ANOVA showed that the implicit attitude toward America significantly differed across the three conditions, F(2, 87) = 7.61, p < .001, η_p² = .149. The post hoc tests indicated that the implicit attitude toward America was more negative under the intrusive cultural mixing condition than the non-intrusive cultural mixing condition, t(58) = 3.43, p = .001, d = 0.88, and the no cultural mixing condition, t(58) = 3.23, p = .002, d = 0.84. Hypothesis 1 was thus confirmed. No difference was found between the non-intrusive cultural mixing condition and the no cultural mixing condition, t(58) = −.38, p = .702, d = 0.09, suggesting that mere presentation of cultural mixing did not influence implicit attitude toward America.

Table 1.

Means and Standard Deviations of the Surveyed Variables in Study 1 (N = 90).

	Overall		Intrusive cultural mixing		Non-intrusive cultural mixing		No cultural mixing
	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD
Feeling thermometer
1. China	7.54	1.65	7.80	1.49	7.23	1.89	7.60	1.54
2. America	5.63	1.74	5.37	1.50	5.33	1.52	6.20	2.06
3. Relative^a	−1.91	2.30	−2.43	2.28	−1.90	2.20	−1.40	2.36
BIAT (D score)	−0.42	0.35	−0.61	0.34	−0.31	0.34	−0.34	0.30

Note. BIAT = Brief Implicit Association Test.

Relative = America – China.

Explicit attitudes measure

We conducted a one-way ANOVA on relative explicit attitudes toward America. Results showed that the difference across the three conditions was not significant, F(2, 87) = 1.54, p = .221, η_p² = .034, suggesting that exclusionary responses did not manifest in explicit attitudes toward America relative to China. Next, we performed two similar one-way ANOVAs on absolute explicit attitude toward China and America separately and found no significant group differences in both tests, F(2, 87)s < 2.47, ps >.050.

Study 2

Method

Participants, measures, and procedures

One hundred sixty-seven university students in Beijing (114 females) took part in this study.

The participants were randomly assigned to one of two conditions: intrusive cultural mixing (n = 83; 61 females) and no cultural mixing (no ad, n = 84; 63 females). Again, the same BIAT as used in Study 1 was used as an outcome variable, and D score was used as a measure of implicit attitude toward America relative to China. To assess the inclination to boycott, after the BIAT was completed, the participants were also required to indicate (a) how likely they would be to participate in an online petition in favor of boycotting the McDonald’s branch, (b) how likely they would be to reject eating in this McDonald’s, and (c) how likely they would be to reject an internship provided by McDonald’s (1 = definitely not, 9 = definitely yes). An average score was used as the index for behavioral exclusionary reactions.

Results and Discussion

The descriptive statistics for the data are listed in Table 2. Similar to Study 1, the overall BIAT effect and effects (D score) under both the intrusive cultural mixing condition and the control condition were considerably negative, all ts < −9.41, all ps < .001, suggesting that the Chinese participants possessed negative attitudes toward America at an implicit level. Two t tests revealed that participants under the intrusive cultural mixing condition exhibited a stronger implicit bias against America than those under the control condition, t(165) = 2.48, p = .014, d = 0.39; they also appeared to harbor a higher intention to boycott McDonald’s, t(165) = 4.14, p < .001, d = 0.77.

Table 2.

Means and Standard Deviations of the Surveyed Variables in Studies 2, 3 and 4.

	Overall		Intrusive cultural mixing		Control condition
	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD
Study 2 (N = 167)
Implicit Attitude Toward America	−0.45	0.34	−0.52	0.28	−0.39	0.38
Boycotting Intention Toward McDonald’s	5.55	1.65	6.06	1.76	5.04	1.37
Study 3 (N = 198)
Chinese Cultural Identification	5.71	1.00	5.72	0.98	5.69	1.01
Implicit Attitude Toward America	−0.47	0.35	−0.54	0.33	−0.40	0.34
Study 4 (N = 140)
Multicultural Orientation	5.83	0.74	5.89	0.74	5.78	0.75
Implicit Attitude Toward America	−0.45	0.37	−0.52	0.33	−0.39	0.41

To test whether implicit attitudes toward America mediated the influence of intrusive cultural priming on exclusionary behaviors (Figure 1), we conducted mediation analysis using bootstrapping. We used a 95% confidence interval with 5,000 bootstrap re-samples (Preacher & Hayes, 2008). Results showed that the effect of intrusive cultural priming (β = .28, p < .001) was smaller as compared with the initial one (β = .31, p < .001), after taking implicit attitude into account as a mediator (β = 0.16, p = .038). The 95% bias-corrected confidence interval of the mediating effect was [0.01, 0.26], suggesting that it was significant. Consistent with Hypothesis 2, these findings indicate that the change of implicit attitudes toward America partially mediates the influence of intrusive cultural priming on the intention to boycott MacDonald’s.

Figure 1.

Mediating role of implicit attitude toward America (Study 2).

Some may notice that intrusive cultural mixing influenced explicit outcomes in Study 2 but not in Study 1. This may be because (a) the measured target in Study 2 was not America in general but a specific McDonald’s restaurant at the Great Wall of China, (b) participants in Study 2 reported specific behavioral intention rather than a general attitude (in Study 1).

Study 3

Method

Participants, measures, and procedures

A total of 198 undergraduate students (132 females) situated in Beijing took part in this experiment.

Participants first completed a five-item Cultural Identification Scale adapted from a previous study (e.g., “Chinese culture is important to my identity,” Wan et al., 2007; α = .87).

After completing the scale, the participants were randomly assigned to one of the two conditions: the intrusive cultural mixing condition (n = 101; 72 females) and the control condition (n = 97; 60 females). The manipulations for each of these two conditions were identical to the corresponding ones in Study 2. The outcome variable was also measured by the BIAT, using the D measure as an index of the implicit attitude toward America relative to China. A more negative D score indicates higher prejudice.

Results and Discussion

The descriptive statistics are listed in Table 2. As in past studies, the overall BIAT effect, as well as the effects (D score) for both the intrusive cultural mixing condition and the control condition, was significantly negative, all ts < −11.41, all ps < .001. We then performed regression analysis with the experimental condition (1 = intrusive cultural mixing condition, 0 = control condition), mean-centered Chinese cultural identification, and their interaction as the predictors, and implicit attitudes toward America as the outcome variable. The main effect of the experimental condition was significant, β = −.21, t = −3.02, p = .003. More importantly, cultural identification qualified this main effect, as indicated by the significant interaction, β = −.21, t = 2.18, p = .030. To further probe the interaction, we ran simple slope tests, regressing the outcome on the predictor at a high value of the moderator (1 SD above the mean) and at a low value of the moderator (1 SD below the mean), respectively. Consistent with Hypothesis 3, results showed that participants with high cultural identification manifested significantly more negative implicit attitudes toward America under the intrusive cultural mixing condition than under the control condition, β = − .36, t = − 3.68, p < .001. For those with low cultural identification, however, implicit attitudes toward America did not differ significantly between the two conditions, β = − .06, t = − 0.58, p = .561 (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Moderating role of cultural identification (Study 3).

Study 4

Method

Participants, measures, and procedures

One-hundred forty undergraduate students in Beijing (90 females) participated in this study.

The procedure was identical to Study 3 with the exception that at the outset participants completed a scale assessing multicultural orientation rather than cultural identification. There were 71 participants (49 females) placed under the intrusive cultural mixing condition, while 69 (41 females) were assigned to the control condition.

We assessed multicultural orientation by using a 13-item Multicultural Acquisition Scale (e.g., “I am proud of being able to speak more than one language,” Chen et al., 2016; α = .87)

Results and Discussion

The descriptive statistics are presented in Table 2. We conducted regression analysis using the experimental condition (1 = intrusive cultural mixing condition, 0 = control condition), mean-centered multicultural orientation, and their product as predictors and implicit attitudes toward America as the outcome variable. The main effect of the experimental conditions was significant, β = − .18, t = −2.19, p = .030. More importantly, multicultural orientation qualified this main effect, as indicated by the significant interaction between multicultural orientation and experimental condition, β = .47, t = 4.09, p < .001. Consistent with Hypothesis 4, simple slopes test showed that for participants with high multicultural orientation (1 SD above the mean), no significant difference in their implicit attitudes toward America was detected between the experimental condition and control condition, β = 0.15, t = 1.35, p = .180. In contrast, for those with low multicultural orientation (1 SD below the mean), participants in the intrusive cultural mixing condition demonstrated more negative attitudes toward America than those in the control condition, β = − 0.50, t = − 4.42, p < .001 (Figure 3).

Figure 3.

Moderating role of multicultural orientation (Study 4).

General Discussion

Along with increasing globalization, cultural mixing is growing more and more prevalent. An accumulation of studies has shown that cultural mixing can exert extensive influence on social cognition and even cause exclusionary reactions in some circumstances. In four studies, we found that intrusive cultural mixing exaggerates implicit derogation toward the intruding culture group, which in turn provokes behavioral intentions to boycott such foreign cultural group. Importantly, this effect manifests only among people with high cultural identification and those with low multicultural orientation.

Our findings contribute to research about cultural mixing in several ways. First, past research on exclusionary reactions driven by cultural mixing has exclusively relied on explicit measures. We demonstrate that intrusive cultural mixing may produce pronounced influence on implicit prejudice against an intruding culture group. This observed implicit resistance is consistent with the account that stimuli construal may influence implicit attitude (Seibt, Hafner, & Deutsch, 2007).

Second, past research has mostly focused on exclusionary reactions toward specific intruders rather than intruding culture or nation itself (Cheng, 2010; Torelli et al., 2011; Y.-j. Yang, 2011). For the first time, we zero in on the intruding cultural group and consistently find that Chinese participants exhibit pronounced implicit resistance toward America. This finding suggests that exclusionary reactions driven by cultural mixing can target beyond specific intruders and manifest on broad cultural levels.

Third, we demonstrate the roles of cultural identification and multicultural orientation in moderating implicit responses to intrusive cultural mixing. Previous studies have failed to detect a moderating role of cultural identification on the effects of cultural mixing on explicit measures (e.g., Yang, 2011). Our findings suggest that the moderating role of cultural orientation may be more apparent when using implicit measures. In addition, the finding that multicultural orientation moderates the influence of intrusive cultural mixing is consistent with previous research (e.g., Rosenthal & Levy, 2012; Ryan et al., 2010) and suggests the importance of openness and cultural learning in mitigating the negative effect of intrusive cultural mixing.

Overall, our studies provide novel supporting evidence for the newly conceived symbolic exclusionism theory (Yang, 2011), which proposes that local people tend to exhibit more negative reactions toward a foreign culture or cultural group when (a) the foreign stimulus is perceived to be symbolic or representative of a foreign culture, (b) the spread of the foreign culture in the local cultural space is perceived to be a threat to the integrity or vitality of the local culture, (c) local people have high personal motivation to preserve the integrity or vitality of the local culture, and (d) local people are not open to change with the influx of a foreign culture. While our findings about differential influences of intrusive and non-intrusive cultural mixing support the first two points (Study 1), our findings on the moderating role of cultural identification and multicultural orientation verify the last two points (Study 3 and Study 4).

Despite the significance of our findings, some limitations are worth noting. First, we conducted these studies in China and only used Chinese student samples. Second, we used only a single paradigm, the McDonald’s logo imposed on an image of the Great Wall of China. Third, we relied on only a single implicit measure, a variant of the Implicit Association Test (IAT), a relative measure that does not allow us to assess the absolute implicit attitude toward a foreign culture or cultural group. With these considerations in mind, future research may replicate the current findings in different cultures using different bicultural stimuli and implicit measures. Finally, we did not include the non-intrusive cultural mixing condition in Studies 2, 3, and 4. Although the findings from our Study 1 suggest that non-intrusive cultural mixing produces no threat and exerts no influences on our implicit outcome, including it as a contrast would be more desirable.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

This paper is based on Jing Shi’s dissertation. H. C. conceived the idea. H. C., J. S., and Y. L. L. designed the research; J. S. and Y. S. conducted the experiments; J. S., Y. S. and H. C. analyzed data; H. C., Y.S., J. S., and Y. L. L. contributed to the write-up of the manuscript. We thank Daniel Yang for helping us with cultural mixing stimuli. We also thank Chi-Yue Chiu, Carlos J. Torelli, and Yiming Jing for their insightful comments.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [31571148].

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