Abstract
This article examines curriculum conceptualization, development, and implementation in the Ethiopian education system against the perspectives of notable progressive curriculum theories. To this end, the Ethiopian education policy and curriculum documents were reviewed against progressive curriculum orientations stemmed from Beauchamp, Pinar, and McNeil’s curriculum theories. The conceptualization of curriculum has suffered much from dizziness and blurred classifications of theories by different scholars. Despite the naming differences, value-oriented, child-centered, constructivists, re-conceptualists, social reconstructionist, and humanist theories were regarded as progressive curriculum orientations. Based on thorough reading of the literature, we came to believe that all these theories emphasize on considering learners’ interests, needs, and backgrounds either as an individual or as a group as a centerpiece in the curriculum development and implementation processes. Thus, the article analyzes the manifestations of value-oriented, child-centered, constructivists, re-conceptualists, social reconstructionists, and humanists’ theories in the whole education system of Ethiopia. On the basis of the discussions made on progressive curriculum theorists’ curriculum conceptualization, development, and implementation in the educational context of Ethiopia, relevant recommendations were forwarded.
Keywords
Introduction
The varied classifications of curriculum theories by different scholars seem to create a blurred landscape for conceptualizing the curriculum field. Despite terminological disputes, Pinar’s re-conceptualist theories, Beauchamp’s value-oriented theories, and McNeil’s social reconstructionist theories coincide in conceptualizing curriculum, their approach toward curriculum development and implementation. Hence, social reconstructionists and value-oriented theorists’ curriculum basically aims at raising critical consciousness among children and youth so that they become aware of the values inherent both in the hidden and the stated curricula, the forms of ills that society has and become motivated to learn how to alleviate them (Eisner, 1985; Glatthorn, 2005). In this regard, as Eisner and Glatthorn noted, these critical theorists are often labeled as re-conceptualists.
In the same vein, child-centered approach, constructivists, re-conceptualists, social reconstructionists, and humanists are congruent as they all focus on and recognize the learners’ interest, experience, and background while conceptualizing, developing, and implementing a curriculum. Accordingly, we consider these curriculum theories as progressive education orientations. As Ellis (2004) argues, progressive curriculum conceptualizations emphasize on the individuals’ attempt at self-realization, and on the group and its attempts to make a better world. Likewise, humanist curriculum as learner-centered curriculum orientation emphasizes self-realization or self-actualization of an individual learner as the main goal of a curriculum (Ellis, 2004; McNeil, 2009). Given the fact that the individuality is a central focus in humanistic curricula, this theory shares much in common with constructivist theory as cooperative learning and group work are also featured as ways to nurture social and emotional needs and to teach students the importance of working together while accepting differences of opinion, background, and experiences (McNeil, 2009). Hence, we believe that the aforementioned curriculum theories in one way or another share common conceptualizations of progressive educational orientation. This article, therefore, presents reflections on the manifestations of humanistic, constructivist, child-centered, social reconstructionist, value-oriented, and re-conceptualists’ curriculum conceptualizations within the entire educational policy, curriculum documents of Ethiopia, and the researchers’ long years of professional experiences in the Ethiopian educational system.
Manifestations of the Humanistic Curriculum Theory in the Ethiopian Education System
Through a thorough reading, the researchers came to understand that McNeil’s (1996) humanistic curriculum conceptualization and Beauchamp’s (1968) open education as a child-centered curriculum theories share common positions. Humanists believe that the function of the curriculum is to provide each learner with intrinsically rewarding experiences that contribute to personal liberation and development (McNeil, 1996). In accordance with this curriculum conceptualization, the Ethiopian curriculum envisions holistic development of the learners by enabling them to acquire knowledge, skills, expertise, and attitudes needed to exploit their individual potential and talents for a desirable and sustainable quality of life (Ministry of Education [MoE], 2006).
Humanist theory posits a natural desire of individuals to learning (Cunningham et al., 2007). Unlike this conceptualization, we have experienced in the Ethiopian primary schools that there is a “back to school campaign” every semester to bring dropouts back to school. We believe that such an approach rejects the humanists’ notion that asserts human beings are innately driven to learn and motivation to learning is intrinsic but not extrinsic (Cunningham et al., 2007). Given this reality, it seems fallible to infer that students in Ethiopia come to school because of their natural desire to learn and their intrinsic motive for learning. To the researchers’ best experiences, most of the primary school students, especially in rural areas, come to school through protracted campaigns due to existing policy pressures to ensure Education for All (hereafter EFA) goals and government’s educational aim to achieve equity and equality in access for quality education among its people.
The Ethiopian Education and Training Policy (ETP) envisages bringing-up citizens endowed with humane outlooks, countrywide responsibility, and democratic values having developed the necessary productive, creative, and appreciative capacity to participate fruitfully in the development and utilization of resources and the environment at large (Federal Democratic Republic Government of Ethiopia [FDRGE], 1994). As a statement, this aim seems to be congruent with humanists’ educational goal of individuals’ self-actualization. However, we believe that the real educational practices of the Ethiopian schools are based on the assumption of “cook all them together” that confine all students in rigid classrooms bounded by four walls (Melesse, 2019; Tadesse, 2018). We strongly argue that in the absence of established educational system for “gifted or talented” students, it is a nightmare to envision individuals’ self-actualization.
Humanists conceive curriculum as currere that emphasizes individualism and assumes that a curriculum is like running of a race (Shubert, 1986). Cognizant of this notion, the Ethiopian government has introduced curriculum differentiation as educational approach through the process of adapting and modifying the curriculum according to the different ability levels of the learners in the classroom (MoE, 2012b). Accordingly, the Federal MoE has developed a guideline for curriculum differentiation and individual educational program (MoE, 2012b). However, this guideline focuses only in developing individual education program (hereafter IEP) for learners with special education needs (MoE, 2012b).
The essence of humanists’ confluent curriculum is the integration of an affective domain (emotions, attitudes, values) with the cognitive domain (intellectual knowledge and abilities) (McNeil, 1996). In this regard, the Ethiopian curriculum documents depict the aims, goals, and objectives that integrate cognitive, affective, and psychomotor domains (FDRGE, 1994; Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia [FDRE], 2009; MoE, 2006). However, the actual implementation of the curriculum in Ethiopia highly focuses on the cognitive domain (intellectual knowledge and abilities) by deemphasizing the affective and psychomotor domains. As noted by McNeil (1996), the confluent education proponents’ goal is to provide students with more alternatives to choose from in terms of their own lives, to take responsibility for appreciating the choices available, and to realize that the learners can indeed make choices. This implies that it is up to the learners to choose what to learn (subject matter or content), how to learn (learning strategies), when to learn, and how they should be assessed. Hence, the learners are considered as free choosers of their own curriculum, and as a result, they are responsible and accountable for their own learning success or failure. Such a humanistic notion seems untouchable in the Ethiopian education system. To the contrary, students in Ethiopia are forced to join the natural science stream at Grade 11 because of the 70:30 ratio policy pressures, regardless of their ability, interest, and backgrounds. The same is true at Higher Education Institutions (hereafter HEIs) of Ethiopia.
Curriculum flexibility is the distinguishing feature of humanistic education. Accordingly, open education and distance education characterize humanistic approach to education. These curriculum approaches are characterized by physical openness (observable in the buildings and rooms), there is an openness in the choices of students, and an openness of self on the part of both students and teachers (Bishaw & Melesse, 2017). This conceptualization seems to guide distance education and the farmers’ integrated functional adult literacy (hereafter IFAL) programs in Ethiopia (FDRE, 2015). The learners or trainees join such programs by their free will and they can learn being at their workplace.
In general, humanistic theory emphasizes on learner-centered education, freedom to learner, and learning is considered as a function of curiosity to know (Cunningham et al., 2007). It views learning from the perception of human experience, potential for growth, and development by focusing on the total enhancement, dignity, freedom, and growth of the human personality. Students are encouraged to drive their own learning and to take responsibility for their own learning (Cunningham et al., 2007). In congruence with this, modularization in the Ethiopian HEIs has an opportunity to cater for individual differences in learning and develop learners’ autonomy (MoE, 2012a). This is due to the fact that the modules are self-paced; they do cater to an extent for individual differences in the learner abilities, interests, and degrees of application (MoE, 2012a). Notably, modular curricula encourage students to take responsibility for their own learning as it supports the shift of focus from the traditional teacher-centered teaching to the modern teaching approach–student-centered learning (MoE, 2012a). To this end, we believe that the humanistic curriculum perspective is loosely adopted in the Ethiopian curriculum conceptualization, development, and implementation process.
Manifestations of the Constructivist Curriculum Theory in the Ethiopian Education System
The constructivist theory developed by Piaget and Vygotsky explains learning as active construction of knowledge. In this theory, Piaget’s cognitive constructivism explains that the individual constructs knowledge by using mental or cognitive structures, resulted from experience and interaction with the environment (Mulengeki et al., 2013). Constructivist theory argues that curriculum development and implementation should be based on the learner’s experience, interest, need, ability, and levels of cognitive development. This notion of constructivist theory is reflected in the current Ethiopian ETP (FDRGE, 1994), which envisions the pursuit of development in physical and mental potential, and the problem-solving capacity of individuals, bringing up citizens who can take care of and utilize resources wisely, who are trained in various skills, and cultivating the cognitive, creative, productive, and appreciative potential of citizens. In general, in line with the main principles of constructivism, we believe that the Ethiopian education policy documents and strategies encourage learner autonomy and personal involvement in learning, look to learners as incumbents of significant roles and as agents exercising will and purpose, foster learners’ natural curiosity, and also take account of learners’ affect, in terms of their beliefs, attitudes, and motivation (FDRE, 2009; MoE, 2012a).
According to Vygotsky’s social constructivism, a child can learn through interaction with society and more knowledgeable others, and thus, language plays irreplaceable role in this learning process. By recognizing psychological and pedagogical advantages of using mother tongue language as a medium of instruction, Ethiopia has introduced mother tongue as medium of instruction with the assumption that the students’ can better learn science, mathematics, arts, and language skills through language they are familiar with that is believed to be in line with the theory (FDRE, 2009; FDRGE, 1994), let alone the political fallacy and its misfortunate implementation.
Constructivism calls for the elimination of a standardized curriculum, promotes using curricula customized to the students’ prior knowledge, and emphasizes hands-on problem-solving (Mulengeki et al., 2013). Problem-solving purpose of constructivist’s education is clearly underscored on policy documents as the prime aim of education in Ethiopia (FDRE, 2009; FDRGE, 1994; MoE, 2012a), though the reality is far-off. In connection to this, Education Sector Development Program V (hereafter ESDP V) briefs that the Ethiopian education sector respects the varied needs and expectations in our diverse society and we must continue to strive for a system that strengthens the individual’s and society’s problem-solving capacity, ability, and culture starting from basic education and at all educational levels. To reduce poverty, which is a critical problem in the current Ethiopia (its criticality is exacerbated due to the coming of the pandemic Novel Corona Virus-COVID 19), Technical and Vocational Education and Training (hereafter TVET) program aims to produce a lower- and middle-level, competent, motivated, adaptable, and innovative workforce (FDRE, 2015).
In general, we believe that constructivism is dominantly elicited in the Ethiopian educational system, especially on policy and curriculum documents. Constructive alignment is an approach to curriculum design that maximizes the conditions for quality learning by ensuring alignment throughout the process, from the formulation of learning outcomes, to the choice of teaching methods to assessment. Within the constructivist paradigm, the highest emphasis is on the learner rather than the teacher. It is the learner who interacts with his or her environment and thus gains an understanding of its features and characteristics. The learner constructs his or her own conceptualizations and finds his or her own solutions to problems, mastering autonomy, and independence. These distinguishing features of constructivist theory are prominently demonstrated in and shaped the current competency-based education system and curriculum development approach of Ethiopia. Currently, the Ethiopian TVET education and modularized approach of instruction at HEIs of Ethiopia can be exemplified by constructivist theory.
Teaching and learning at all educational levels of Ethiopia attends to student-centered approach (FDRE, 2009, 2015; FDRGE, 1994; MoE, 2012a). This exemplifies the influence of constructivism on the Ethiopian education system. Constructivist approach gives a freedom to students to construct their own knowledge and learn further by themselves. Hence, we can understand that constructivist theory has become the foundation for the Ethiopian education system.
According to constructivism, learning is the result of individual mental construction whereby the learner learns by dint of matching new against given information and establishing meaningful connections, rather than by internalizing mere facts to be regurgitated later on. This is what our educational system evokes irrespective of the educational level. Such notions of constructivism are merely stated on the Ethiopian education policy documents, guidelines, and strategies. However, the actual practice of the theory of constructivism in the Ethiopian schools seems to be upside down. When we see the instructional process in the Ethiopian classrooms, it is highly dominated by traditional approaches that advocates minimal or no involvement of the students in the instructional process.
In constructivist thinking, learning is inescapably affected by the context and the beliefs and attitudes of the learner. Here, learners are given more latitude in becoming effective problem solvers, identifying and evaluating problems, as well as deciphering ways in which to transfer their learning to these problems. Congruent with these thoughts, the Ethiopian competency-based curriculum is based on the assumption of addressing the problems perceived in realities of life (FDRE, 2009; MoE, 2012a). Hence, competency-based curriculum seeks to develop specific sets of competencies focused on specific skill outcomes that intend to solve the real-life problems of individuals and society. However, competency-based approach of education believes in standards (threshold performance levels) while developing, implementing, and evaluating a curriculum. This curriculum conceptualization, we believe, emanates from behaviorist learning theory rather than constructivism.
Similarly, the constructivists’ problem-centered curriculum conceptualization is reflected in the Ethiopian education policy that documented developing the problem-solving capacity of individuals by expanding education in general and by providing basic education for all as major objective in particular (FDRGE, 1994). However, the current Ethiopian education system’s capacity to realize such an educational objective is found to be questionable. Pedagogical approaches of constructivism are practice-centered, and thus, students are expected to be immersed into the environment (Mulengeki et al., 2013). Consistently, the education policy of Ethiopian TVET underscores that the 80% instructional process should be practice-oriented, whereas 20% should be theory-oriented. Likewise, field trips, practicum, project works, and active learning strategies are said to be prominent practice-oriented methodologies employed in the Ethiopian education system though their effectiveness is still doubted by the researchers as educational practitioners in the Ethiopian schools.
Constructivism believes that education is inherently interdisciplinary and emphasizes teaching an integrated curriculum where all areas of learning are taught together (Mulengeki et al., 2013). Cognizant of constructivists’ conceptualization, integrating subjects thematically is a common trend in the Ethiopian education system. To be specific, this conceptualization has molded the kindergarten and primary education curriculum development and implementation in Ethiopia (FDRE, 2009). For instance, the integrated kindergarten curriculum consists of the following learning areas in the Ethiopian educational system:
Adopted from FDRE (2009, p. 11).
Similarly, the Arts are taught in combination with Physical Education as some branches of the arts, such as dance, are related to the way in which we use our bodies in Grades 1 to 4 (FDRE, 2009). Likewise, natural sciences are taught in an integrated form with the social sciences and this is collectively called Environmental Science in Grades 1 to 4 (FDRE, 2009). On the contrary, the natural sciences are taught as integrated science, in which Biology, Chemistry, and Physics are brought together in Grades 5 and 6 (FDRE, 2009). In the same vein, in the Ethiopian school program, social studies is provided as an integrated subject and a systematic study drawing elements from disciplines including geography, history, economics, business, law, political science, sociology, and appropriate content from the natural sciences (FDRE, 2009). Accordingly, the social sciences are taught as social studies, a subject that combines geography and history and elements of other disciplines such as environment, anthropology, sociology, and economics in Grades 5 to 8 (FDRE, 2009).
According to constructivist theory, the only valuable way to measure learning is to make the assessment part of the learning process and ensuring it provides students with information on the quality of their learning (Mulengeki et al., 2013). Cognizant of this conceptualization, the Ethiopian education policy has documented continuous assessment as prominent measurement and evaluation approach to be used by schools, colleges, and universities and recognizes its value to ascertain the formation of all round profile of students at all levels (FDRGE, 1994). Likewise, in connection with the introduction of competence-based education, HEIs in Ethiopia are strongly advised to implement continuous assessment beyond any other time so as to integrate assessment with learning (MoE, 2012a). Accordingly, every teacher is expected to carry out regular checks on the progress of all students in each subject through continuous assessment. However, based on the researchers’ observation, almost all teachers employ continuous assessment only for marking or grading purpose (i.e., assessment of learning). The actual practice tells us that the teachers fail to use formative assessments and formative feedback to serve its purpose of assessment for learning and assessment as learning. The researchers discussion sessions with instructors as a Higher Diploma Leader/Tutor and teachers at all educational levels during community service provisions confirmed that large class size, breadth of subject matter contents, and teachers’ malpractice as good reasons for their failure to practice such kinds of assessment during instruction.
Manifestations of Child-Centered Curriculum Theories in the Ethiopian Education System
The theories that focus on learner’s interests, experiences, abilities, backgrounds, and the like are considered as student/child-centered theories. Throughout our reading, the researchers have found that the re-conceptualists, constructivists, social reconstructionists, humanists, cognitive theorists, value-oriented theorists, and the like as theorists that are based on child-centered approach. Child-centered curriculum theorists argue that the child is the beginning point and the determiner of the curriculum (McKernan, 2008; Mulengeki et al., 2013; Omoifo, 2012). In this regard, the Ethiopian education system advocates student-centered approach in curriculum planning, implementation, and evaluation (FDRE, 2009; FDRGE, 1994; MoE, 2012a). Since the early introduction of the current ETP and lately with the introduction of competency-based education and modularization in HEIs, Ethiopia has made a paradigm shift by moving the emphasis from teaching to learning and a more student-centered curriculum (FDRE, 2009; FDRGE, 1994; MoE, 2012a). However, student-centered approach is yet loosely practiced in the Ethiopian schools and HEIs. That is, the teaching and learning process in the Ethiopian schools is mostly dominated with teacher-centered approaches, with minimal application of the student-centered approaches that encourage students to take responsibility for their own learning.
According to Mulengeki et al. (2013), learner-centered curriculum can also be outcome-based, integrated, or standard-based curriculum. Learner-centered curriculum is outcome-based if it specifies the outcomes that students are expected to achieve in a specific subject or learning area by the end of a specific stage of schooling (Mulengeki et al., 2013). In this regard, the Ethiopian competency-based education can also be understood as outcome-based instruction, which is adaptive to the changing needs of the students, teachers, and the community (MoE, 2012a). Hence, the terms such as learning outcomes, or outcomes-based education, are often used synonymously with competency-based education, which is rooted in student-centered approach. Moreover, the guideline for modularization at HEIs of Ethiopia depicts graduate profiles as expected outcomes the students should demonstrate after graduation in a particular program. Child-centered curriculum is also viewed as integrated curriculum. Regarding curriculum integration in Ethiopia, we have discussed in detail under constructivists’ curriculum theory how subjects are delivered in an integrated approach. In addition, as documented in ESDP V action plan, the Ethiopian education system depicts the full integration of cross-cutting issues, namely, gender, special needs and inclusive education, HIV/AIDS, education in emergencies, school health and nutrition, drug and substance abuse prevention, and water, sanitation, and hygiene (FDRE, 2015).
Mulengeki et al. (2013) argue that learner-centered curriculum can also be standard-based curriculum. This conceptualization has shaped the Ethiopian competency-based curriculum. Hence, competency is defined as the ability of learners to do a particular activity to a prescribed standard emphasizing what people can do rather than what they know (MoE, 2012a). Therefore, a standard (the actual threshold or level of performance) is internally tied to the judgment that someone is competent, that is, has reached an acceptable level of performance on a designated competency (MoE, 2012a). Child-centered curriculum is standard-based curriculum if student performance is measured against the defined standard rather than performance of other students and militate the use of criterion referenced assessments (Mulengeki et al., 2013). In this regard, the Ethiopian education system has adopted and employed standardized approach in the early grades literacy/reading and mathematics assessments (hereafter EGRA, EGMA), formal regional standardized assessments that take place in Grade 8, followed by standardized national examinations in Grades 10 and 12 (FDRE, 2015). In addition, during ESDP V Ethiopia envisions entering into standard-based regional and international assessments of educational performance (FDRE, 2015). Moreover, the Ethiopian education system has established process for National Learning Assessments (NLAs), conducted every 4 years for Grades 4, 8, 10, and 12 (FDRE, 2015). To this end, in connection with the shift from traditional teacher-centered approach to student-centered approach and introduction of modularized approach, the assessment and evaluation system for HEIs of Ethiopia has shifted from norm-referenced grading system to criteria-referenced grading system (MoE, 2012a).
To make curriculum more student-centered and flexible, the Ethiopian HEIs have introduced modularized curriculum development approach (MoE, 2012a). In principle, students’ presumably learn based on their interest and pace under the Ethiopian competency-based education system, and thus, elective courses are incorporated in the curriculum. Competency-based education, rooted in child-centered curriculum theory, integrates theory and practice, caters for individual differences in learning, and encourages facilitation role of the teacher (MoE, 2012a). As modules inherently are student-centered and self-paced, they do cater individual differences in the learner abilities, interests and degrees of application, and the teachers’ role is limited to facilitation of students’ learning. Likewise, student-centered instructional methods such as field trips, project, problem-solving, cooperative learning, discovery, and team teaching are commonly used in Ethiopia, especially at HEIs. These methods are evidently delineated in the Ethiopia education system regardless of their effectiveness in practice. In this regard, it is common among university students to travel to different areas (supposed to be relevant for practical learning) and come back with reports upon certain affairs from field trips. Likewise, students (especially from engineering and technology) are expected to do sample projects for a number of courses. Moreover, cooperative learning (currently misnamed as 1 to 5 group arrangement) is predominantly used at all levels of education, despite its political misnaming and malpractice.
The Ethiopian competency-based education is an institutional process that moves education from focusing on what academics believe graduates need to know (teacher-focused) to what students need to know and be able to do in varying and complex situations (student and/or workplace focused; MoE, 2012a). Accordingly, modularization at HEIs of Ethiopia provides the students freedom to choose among the modules and flexibility to organize a combination of them according to their own needs or professional preferences. This implies that modularized approach introduced in Ethiopian HEIs is arguably based on student-centered curriculum theory. The concept of European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS) introduced in line with modularization is a student-centered system based on the students’ workload required to achieve the objectives of a program, objectives preferably specified in terms of the learning outcomes, and competences to be acquired (MoE, 2012a). As modules are largely self-paced and learners’ proceed in small steps, it is possible to support each step in practical work by appropriate theoretical explanations.
As long as it is based on child-centered approaches, the Ethiopian education system recognizes the role of age, physical, and mental development while developing and implementing the curriculum. Hence, children at the age of 4 to 6 years are expected to attend pre-primary school (kindergarten), 7 to 14 years primary school, and at the age of 18 years, the students are expected to complete secondary school education regardless of some exceptions of late entrants and early leavers in the Ethiopian education system.
Child-centered curriculum conceptualization is reflected in Ethiopian education policy which intends to enable both the handicapped and the gifted learn in accordance with their potential and needs (FDRGE, 1994). Hence, the goal of education is the growth of individuals, each in harmony with his or her own unique intellectual, social, emotional, and physical attributes. Although Ethiopia has evoked learner-centered approaches of education, the actual practice deviates from the guiding principles of learner-centered curriculum. If we see the classroom instruction, the real experience in the Ethiopian schools, colleges, and universities shows that the instruction is mostly teacher-centered. Likewise, at policy level there is 70:30 ratios that force majority of learners to join Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (hereafter STEM) courses regardless of their interest and ability.
Affective education, as one of the movements in child-centered curriculum theories, emphasized the feelings and values of the child. In this regard, it is confirmed that the Ethiopian curricula, irrespective of education level, devaluate the affective part of the learning taxonomy (Solomon, 2007). Nonetheless, at all educational levels Civic and Ethical Education subject/course is delivered with the assumption of addressing the learning related to student values, feelings, attitudes, and beliefs.
The student-centered curriculum places students’ at the heart of every educational process and considers them as active learners and constructors of knowledge rather than passive recipients of information. This perspective is reflected in the Ethiopian education’s pedagogical approach that advocates active learning as instructional approach and student-centered curriculum development, implementation, and evaluation process, as stated in the policy document, despite its dead-end implementation (FDRE, 2009; FDRGE, 1994). In student-centered approach, the students are considered as key role players during the instructional process, and the teacher takes the role of a facilitator, guider, and supporter. However, the observable reality is that in the classroom the teacher is a dominant actor, while students are relatively passive receivers with insignificant and minimal involvement in the instructional process.
Manifestation of the Social Reconstructionist Curriculum Theory in the Ethiopian Education System
Social reconstructionists view curriculum from a social perspective. They assume that the current society is unhealthy and its very survival is threatened (Omoifo, 2012). Social re-constructionism envisions developing a vision of a society that is better than the existing one, a society in which its problems and conflicts are resolved, and assumes that action must be directed toward reconstructing society along the lines suggested by its vision (Omoifo, 2012).
Social reconstructionists are interested in the relationship between curriculum and the social, political, and economic development of a given society. In accordance with this, the ETP in Ethiopia envisions developing competent citizens who contribute to social, economic, political, and cultural development through the creation and transfer of knowledge and technology (FDRE, 2015). Therefore, the primary purpose of the social reconstructionists’ curriculum is to confront the learner with the severe social problems that human kind faces. Hence, social reconstructionists envision education as a tool to resolve the prevailing societal crisis or problems such as injustice, inequality, racism, sexism, oppression, and inequity (McNeil, 1996). In the same vein, social reconstructionists are conscious of the problems of our society and the injustices done to its members, such as those originating from racial, gender, social, and economic inequalities.
In congruence with the above-mentioned social reconstructionists’ thought, the equity and equality issues are the key pillars in the Ethiopian education system. In this regard, the Ethiopian education system in general and its curriculum development in particular recognize the needs of the most disadvantaged children as a priority area throughout the ESDP V (FDRE, 2015). By doing so, the MoE intends to narrow the inequities that exist in the current provisions of education, both in relation to gender, abilities (physical and mental), geographic location, and family characteristics (FDRE, 2015). To ensure equity and equality in education, the Ethiopian government has launched a special support program for the four emerging regions, namely, Afar, Somali, Gambella, and Benishangul-Gumuz to go through with the ESDP V (FDRE, 2015). These four regional states are known as Emerging National Regional States because they have low levels of development relative to the national average. Even if national progress toward universal primary education is promising, regional variations in enrollment—particularly among these emerging regional states—reveal a disadvantage in relation to access and participation (FDRE, 2015). The Ethiopian government acknowledges that these across- and within-region inequalities are closely linked to social and economic inequalities, rural–urban differences, ethnicity, livelihoods, and language (FDRE, 2015), and thus, strive to ensure equality among these societal groups.
When we see the legal frameworks, the FDRE constitution clearly stipulates the rights of every citizen to equal access to publicly funded social services and support shall be given to accommodate the needs of persons with disabilities (Article 41; FDRE, 2012). Likewise, the 1994 ETP of the country states that all learners including those with Special Educational Needs (SEN) learn in accordance with their full potentials and needs (FDRGE, 1994). We believe that such legal documents are based on social reconstructionists conceptualization, despite their feasibility and actual practice.
The Ethiopian government has designed a strategy for inclusive education with a belief that it enhances its recipient’s quality of life, enabling them to become independent, productive citizens with a sense of dignity and self-worth, and it has an economic benefit, both for individuals and for society (FDRE, 2012). Likewise, the Ethiopian MoE believes that inclusive education contributes for having a just and democratic society, the elimination of discrimination, and the promotion of social equity, and promotes the achievement of universal primary education and education for all (FDRE, 2012). The Ethiopian education policy and strategies regarding pupil with disabilities and inclusion are molded by social reconstructionists’ curriculum conceptualization. To the best knowledge of the researchers, however, transforming what is stated on inclusive education strategy into practice seems extremely problematic in the Ethiopian schools due to problems such as large class size, resource limitation, lack of teacher competency, negative attitude of peer groups toward disabilities, and what have you. In this regard, we have also observed extreme shortage of trained teachers, lack of teachers’ pedagogical skill, lack of instructional materials, and absence of conducive classrooms, to list very few, as critical challenges of inclusive education implementation in the Ethiopian primary schools.
The social re-constructionsts curriculum perspective is manifested even at a policy objective level. In this regard, the Ethiopian education policy envisions “bringing up citizens who respect human rights, stand for the well-being of people, as well as for equality, justice and peace, endowed with democratic culture and discipline” (FDRGE, 1994, p. 7). Cognizant of the social reconstructionists’ curriculum conceptualization, the prevailing education system of Ethiopia strives to provide education that promotes democratic culture, tolerance, and peaceful resolutions of differences and that raises the sense of discharging societal responsibility, and to provide education that can produce citizens who stand for democratic unity, liberty, equality, dignity, and justice, and who are endowed with moral values (FDRGE, 1994). In our view, these objectives remain on policy document and the researchers’ long years of professional experience in the Ethiopian schools proved that the nation has failed to implement those policy intentions. To recognize the rights of nations and nationalities, mother tongue language is used as a medium of instruction in Ethiopia (FDRGE, 1994). Accordingly, the students who learn in their mother tongue can develop self-reliance and psychological motivation and retain social and cultural values, and they can have the advantage of promoting their cultures and retain self-identity (FDRE, 2009).
Hence, multicultural education and mother tongue language as medium of instruction are the key elements in the Ethiopian education system that could possibly address the interest and needs of minority groups. Furthermore, social reconstructionist curriculum focuses on contemporary societal problems. In accordance with this, ESDP V depicts that educational programs at all levels in Ethiopia should integrate with contemporary cross-cutting issues, namely, gender, special needs and inclusive education, HIV/AIDS, education in emergencies, school health and nutrition, drug and substance abuse prevention, and water, sanitation, and hygiene. These cross-cutting issues are considered as prevailing societal deficiencies and problems.
Guided by social reconstructionists’ perspective, the Ethiopian government has made literacy campaign to transform society through functional adult literacy program (hereafter FAL; FDRE, 2015). As a priority program under ESDP V, Ethiopia aims to create a learning society by providing FAL education linked to lifelong learning opportunities that meets the diverse learning needs of all and which contributes to personal, societal, and economic development (FDRE, 2015). This action is congruent with optimistic social reconstructionists’ perspective that education can effect social change through literacy campaigns (Omoifo, 2012).
Reflection of the Re-Conceptualists and Value-Oriented Theorists’ Curriculum Conceptualization, Development, and Implementation in the Ethiopian Education System
The literature showed that the re-conceptualists are value-oriented curriculum theorists (Chaitanya, 2017; Glatthorn et al., 2006 as cited in Pinar, 2012). Hence, this section discusses the manifestation of re-conceptualists’ and value-oriented theorists’ curriculum conceptualization, development, and implementation in the Ethiopian education system.
By rejecting the bureaucratic, managerial, and technical approach to curriculum, re-conceptualists showed a shift in their understanding of the curriculum as the living experience of students in and outside a school (Pinar, 2004). Advocates of the re-conceptualists associate the traditional curriculum field with an administrative concern for control and with an unwitting loyalty to the reproduction of the existing social order and all of its injustices and inequities. Hence, re-conceptualists envision schooling which terminates all inequity, explores every unexplored concept, and digs deep into schooling and the curriculum (Pinar, 2012). Cognizant of this curriculum conceptualization, the Ethiopian MoE has underscored providing equal opportunity and respecting cultural heritage and diversity as underpinning principles that guide schools in whole-school planning, curriculum development, and implementation (FDRE, 2009). Accordingly, the Ethiopian education system envisions providing all young people, no matter what their religion, gender, ethnic group, or physical and mental ability could be, with equal opportunities within the curriculum (by emphasizing on value elements that cross those mentioned borders, like for example, respecting the elderly, helping poor people, valuing time management principles, honesty, kindness, and the like) to fulfill their potential (FDRE, 2009). Likewise, young people will be educated in a way that respects this diversity while unifying them into one country as Ethiopia has diverse cultures. To this end, opportunities of value elements within a specific group and the national common values need to be kept a reasonable balance in the policy documents, curricula, and instruction.
Re-conceptualists view curriculum as experience (Shubert, 1986) and as currere (a lifelong journey; Pinar, 2004). This metaphor assumes that the curriculum should be based on means-ends continuum. To the researchers’ best knowledge, curriculum as personal experience and growth is extremely flexible. In accordance with this, Ethiopia has introduced competency-based education to address the changing needs of students, teachers, and the community by emphasizing life skills and evaluating mastery of those skills according to actual learner performance (MoE, 2012a). Hence, the curriculum is presumably student-centered that recognizes the experience, needs, interests, and abilities of the learner (FDRE, 2009; MoE, 2012a).
To the researchers’ best knowledge, the Ethiopian education system is not capable of providing individual learner with opportunities to realize his or her potential. As we all know, the placement of students for higher education is carried out in comparison with other students’ academic performance. For instance, a student who chose to join Business and Economics College may be placed into Humanities or Social Science Colleges because of low academic performance. Such students are forced to join a program they are assigned to regardless of their ability and interest. Likewise, Grade 11 students (at preparatory schools) are forced to join natural science stream due to the 70:30 ratio policy although they have a strong ability and interest to join the social science stream. Regardless of the students’ ability and need, 70% of Grade 11 students are enforced to fall in natural science stream, whereas only 30% of the students are allowed to join the social science stream in the current Ethiopian education system. Given these realities, it seems fallible to infer that the Ethiopian curriculum is congruent with re-conceptualists’ view of curriculum as currere which deals with the autobiographical experiences of learners and entail both inward and outward reflection.
According to re-conceptualists, the students are encouraged to re-conceptualize their individual differences and set a goal for themselves based upon their past and present experiences (Ornstein & Hunkins, 2018 as cited in Pinar, 2004). The Ethiopian students at the primary, secondary, and tertiary educational levels are expected to set their goals for each subject or course at the beginning of the academic year. At the end of the academic year, the performance level of each student is measured vis-à-vis his or her goal for each subject or course. Even, at Primary Schools 1 to 5, learning groups are supposed to set a goal for each subject and their achievement level is determined against their goal. However, the actual practice in this regard is below the expectation. In our view, it is worth considering that letting students set their goal, and run their race on their own may develop a sense of accomplishments, and a feeling of self-respect. However, the reality in the Ethiopian education system is by far different. That is, the trend of the students’ goal setting attempt is not purposeful and is not based on their actual ability and past experience rather it is based on the interest of the respective classroom teacher or subject teacher. School principals push every classroom teacher to make sure that all the students have had a learning achievement goal for each subject. On the contrary, setting goals for each subject is also a key parameter to evaluate and determine the rank order of each school compared with other schools. Most of the students cannot remember what their goal was for each subject when education experts and cluster supervisors ask them to tell their achievement against their predetermined goals. Hence, we infer that the practice of students’ goal setting serves the purpose of mere reporting at the cost of the students’ true learning.
One approach to values education is inculcating or transmitting a set of values which often come from societal or religious rules or cultural ethics, whereas others see it as a type of Socratic dialogue where people are gradually brought to their own realization of what is good behavior for themselves and their community (Chaitanya, 2017). Guided by this approach, Ethiopia has introduced the subject called Civic and Ethical education to produce citizens with wisdom of goodness, discipline, order, tolerance, patriotism, industriousness, and self-control despite the existing gaps (FDRE, 2009; FDRGE, 1994). Accordingly, the curriculum of the Ethiopian schools should encourage students to value their national and international heritage, diversity within unity of their country, respect for themselves and for others, equality between all sections of society, valuing the efforts of all people working within their society (FDRE, 2009).
In addition, students should develop and refer their own set of beneficial values, understand the value of their culture and their heritage, respect the values of other people and other cultures, understand the values of education as a means of progressing both as an individual and as a nation being engaged through their learning experiences (FDRE, 2009). However, our experience as classroom teachers helped us to realize that the Ethiopian curriculum has neglected the learning domains related to values, feelings, beliefs, attitudes, and moral issues. We believe that value-related learning objectives and contents are addressed merely in civic and ethical education curriculum of Ethiopia but the reality that students are exposed to in their walk of life (the larger picture) is basically unethical.
The goal of value-oriented curriculum is to realize social and citizenship skills education, growth of interpersonal sympathy and empathy, development of virtues and outstanding individual attributes, improvement and upgrading of the social capital, respect for human dignity, increase in self-sufficiency, development of spirituality, facilitating the formation of value-oriented system, development of reasoning and ethical judgment (Yazdani et al., 2015). Concurringly, the Ethiopian education policy aims to develop citizens who can differentiate harmful practices from useful ones, who seek and stand for truth, appreciate aesthetics, and show positive attitude toward the development and dissemination of science and technology in society (FDRGE, 1994). Likewise, the Ethiopian Civics and Ethical Education curriculum envisions developing personality traits that create informed, responsible, competent, and committed citizens, contributing to the development of intellectual powers including observation, understanding, critical and logical thinking, reasoning, judgment and decision making, fostering positive attitudes and dispositions including self-education, right-duty consciousness, cooperation and tolerance, equipping each learner with participatory skills in political, community, and school participation, self-governance, negotiation and compromise. (FDRE, 2009, p. 32)
However, the realization of the above-mentioned aims of the education policy and Civics and Ethical education curriculum is seemingly fallible to the researchers’ best experience. One basic reason could be the repeated ethnic-based voices heard by the youngsters in the different Ethiopian HEIs (very recently educational levels from KG to Grade 12 have been managed by the MoE, and tertiary education by the Ministry of Sciences and Higher Education in Ethiopia. But, in this article, MoE refers to both) The Ethiopian MoE has also officially recognized the presence of many problems such as social and economic inequalities, rural–urban differences, ethnicity, livelihoods and language problems, religious-based noises, and the like that obstruct the realization of the above-mentioned aims of the education policy and Civics and Ethical education curriculum.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Despite the policy documents and curriculum materials that depict the views of various curriculum theories that advocate child-centered approach such as re-conceptualists, constructivists, social reconstructionists, humanists, and value-oriented theorists, the real practice in the Ethiopian education system, as to the researchers’ professional experiences and empirical findings, is pertained to traditional curriculum orientation concerned with prediction, control, management, and efficiency. As the Ethiopian education system follows a competency-based approach in education, the standardized strategy has become the center of emphasis in curriculum evaluation. Principally, child-centered theories focus on learner’s interests, experiences, abilities, backgrounds, and the like. Although the Ethiopian ETP gives due emphasis to child-centered approach to education, the actual curriculum practice seems to depart from the guiding principles of child-centered curriculum. Although the problem-solving purpose of constructivist’s curriculum is delineated in the Ethiopian education policy document, problem-solving skills which promote critical and livelihood skills are given less attention within the curriculum (MoE, 2018). So, we suggest that educators and practitioners who participate in the curriculum development process shall give due emphasis to developing curriculum that enhances students’ problem-solving skill development.
Congruent with the social re-contructionists’ conceptualization, the Ethiopia curriculum attempts to resolve social ills such as inequity, inequality, injustice, sexism, and ethnocentrism. It is also true that our contemporary age is an age of great confusion and turmoil. Wars and conflicts continue unabatedly, and innumerable alarming and tragic phenomena, including pandemic/epidemic/endemic diseases, terrorism, destruction, arson, kidnapping, murder, drug abuse, alcoholism, sexual immorality, family breakdown, injustice, corruption, oppression, conspiracy, and slander, are occurring here and there both in Ethiopia and at the global world. At the center of this turmoil, humankind’s most valuable assets are now almost obliterated. We mean there is loss of personal human dignity, time-honored traditions, and the dignity of life, mutual trust among people, the authority of parents and teachers, and what you name. In this context, it is high time that education play the role of inculcating the values (such as truth, beauty, and goodness) and transmitting from one generation to another through its different programs. However, the humanistic curriculum conceptualization seems to be loosely practiced in the Ethiopian education system. In this regard, although humanists’ emphasis is on individual learners as free choosers of what, how, and when to learn, and the curriculum is highly flexible, the real educational practice of the Ethiopian schools is based on the “cook all them together” or “one size fits all” approach that confine all students in rigid classrooms. Even, there is no established educational system and special curriculum for the “gifted or talented” students in Ethiopia.
In connection with value-oriented curriculum theory, the Ethiopian education system highly advocates teaching Civic and Ethical Education to develop learners with national values, positive feelings, beliefs, attitudes, and moral aspects. Regardless of this effort, Civics and Ethical education taught at all educational levels of the Ethiopian schools has contributed little to the socialization of students’ behavior, their value and moral development, and do not strongly advocate the value of diversity within unity (MoE, 2018). Thus, we suggest that the above-mentioned curriculum theorists worthy conceptions delineated within the policy and curriculum documents need to be realized through a strong theory and practice integration as long as the whole education system advocates student-centered approach of education.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
