Do Korean Immigrant Adolescents Experience Stress-Related Growth During Stressful Intergroup Contact and Acculturation?

Abstract

Asian immigrant adolescents have a difficult time adapting to unfamiliar customs and cultural values as well as interacting with other ethnic groups. During intergroup contacts and acculturation, Asian immigrant adolescents have negative experiences such as discrimination experiences, intergroup anxiety, interracial tension, and limited social support. In spite of such stressful and negative life experiences, some research has shown that individuals may develop the ability to thrive or grow from stressful life events. Using grounded theory, we explored the characteristics of positive psychological changes that occurred as the result of stressful intergroup contacts and acculturation from the perspective of Korean immigrant adolescents. We captured three main themes related to stress-related growth: (a) psychological thriving, (b) cultural and ethnic understandings, and (c) culturally attuned relationships. This finding implies that stressful intergroup contacts and acculturation provide an opportunity in which Korean immigrant adolescents develop coping abilities and enhance a sense of personal growth.

Keywords

acculturation intergroup contact personal growth

What happens to immigrant adolescents when they enter a new society? Some individuals find it easy to embrace aspects of a new culture, such as language, custom, values, and social norms and, as such, interact well with other ethnic groups. Others find it challenging to immerse themselves in a new social environment and, as such, have difficulty obtaining positive intergroup contact with other ethnic groups. An intergroup contact may require immigrant adolescents to negotiate and modify their behaviors, attitudes, beliefs, and/or cultures. This acculturation process may allow immigrant adolescents to develop new coping skills and increase their ability to interact with other ethnic groups; however, it also leads to negative consequences, such as intergroup anxiety, interracial tensions, intergroup stress, and interpersonal conflict (Unger et al., 2002).

Previous research has provided evidence that interracial interactions create stressful situations and challenges that hinder the establishment and/or development of friendships because of ethnic and cultural differences (Mallett, Wilson, & Gilbert, 2008; Plant, 2004; Richeson, Dovidio, Shelton, & Hebl, 2007). Social psychologists use the term intergroup contact to explain social interactions between in-groups (similar to self) and out-groups (dissimilar to self) based on race, ethnicity, and culture. Although intergroup contact creates rich opportunities for immigrant adolescents to expand their worldviews and develop cultural and ethnic understandings, they still experience negative aspects, such as intergroup anxiety, group threats, intergroup stress, and fear (Mendes, Blascovich, Lickel, & Hunter, 2002; Olsson, Ebert, Banaji, & Phelps, 2005; Richeson & Shelton, 2003). In particular, individuals who exhibit greater racial bias are more likely to express negative reactions to certain ethnic groups and perceive stress than those individuals with more egalitarian racial attitudes (Mendes, Gray, Mendoza-Denton, Major, & Epel, 2007; Phelps et al., 2000). Such findings indicate that immigrant adolescents may deal with negative experiences when they interact with individuals who exhibit racial bias.

In addition, prior research has suggested that adaptation to a new society is often stressful and difficult for immigrant adolescents, which leads to negative psychological symptoms, such as depression, social isolation, loneliness, and intergroup anxiety and tension (Ayers et al., 2009; Fischer, 2010; Stephan & Stephan, 1985; Yeh, 2003; Yeh et al., 2005). In a family setting, Liebkind (1996) found that, even though immigrant adolescents are more acculturated to the new society than their parents, they reported experiencing more anxiety and depression symptoms than their parents. These additional symptoms tend to create family conflicts and family exclusiveness, especially because of the lack of acculturation on the behalf of the adults.

Among immigrant adolescents, East Asian immigrant adolescents experience more serious acculturative stress than other ethnic groups because of limited social interactions, communication barriers, discrimination experiences, and cultural and ethnic differences (Y. Kim, 1988; Lin & Yi, 1997; Yeh, 2003; Yeh & Inose, 2002). For example, using a qualitative research method, Li (2009) explored the cross-cultural experiences of Chinese immigrant adolescents and found that the cultural discord between Chinese values and those of the hosting country gives rise to various tensions in their families and schools. Such cultural differences generate acculturative stress and negatively affect their interpersonal relationships with other ethnic groups.

In addition, East Asian immigrant adolescents reported higher levels of social isolation, depression, and anxiety symptoms when compared with their Caucasian counterparts (Lorenzo, Pakiz, Reinherz, & Frost, 1995). In a school setting, East Asian immigrant adolescents reported having discrimination experiences and challenging cultural adaptations during intergroup contacts (Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; R. M. Lee, 2003; Yoo & Lee, 2005). These studies demonstrate that discrimination experiences result in high levels of depression and psychological distress among East Asian immigrant adolescents.

In spite of previous stressful and negative experiences associated with intergroup contacts and the acculturation process, a growing body of literature provides evidence that individuals put more value on life, are closer to their families and friends, and learn more important life lessons and coping strategies as a result of negative and stressful experiences (Davis, Nolen-Hoeksema, & Larson, 1998; Lehman et al., 1993; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995). Such positive changes associated with stress have been labeled “stress-related growth,” which is the perception or experience of deriving positive and psychological benefits from adversity and stress. Prior research has shown that stress-related growth caused by stressful life events enhance coping skills and techniques, cause individuals to develop more positive self-concepts, and improve interpersonal relationships with others (Antonovsky, 1987; Carver & Scheier, 1998; Taylor, 1983).

From an applied stress-related growth perspective, the negative consequences (e.g., discrimination experiences, intergroup anxiety, and interracial tensions) that East Asian immigrants experience can be viewed as creating opportunities for them to gain psychological benefits, such as positive coping strategies and enhanced cultural and ethnic understandings. Psychologists have emphasized the idea that individuals have the ability to deal with various social contexts and develop the capacity for confidence, optimism, hope, and resilience (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Therefore, it can be assumed that a stressful and negative acculturation may enable East Asian immigrants to develop abilities to cope with various stressors pertaining to cultural and social adaptations and/or acknowledge cultural and ethnic similarities and differences.

However, the existing literature on this subject has mainly focused on the positive psychological changes that occur within diverse groups of individuals facing a variety of stressful life events, such as cancer, heart disease, sexual assault and abuse, disasters, and the death of a loved one (Affleck, Tennen, Croog, & Levine, 1987; Frazier, Conlon, & Glaser, 2001; Harms & Talbot, 2007; McMillen, Smith, & Fisher, 1997; Weiss, 2004). In terms of stressful life events related to intergroup contact, existing studies have also heavily focused on the stress and coping that occurs between Caucasians and African Americans, and explored intergroup contact from the perspectives of majority groups (Brug & Verkuyten, 2007; Johnson, Terry, & Louis, 2005; Killen, Sinno, & Margie, 2007).

Although intergroup contact and acculturation may create stressful situations for East Asian immigrant adolescents, no previous studies have explored how they perceive and experience stress-related growth as a result of intergroup contact and acculturation. Therefore, the purpose of this qualitative study is to explore the characteristics of stress-related growth that occur as the result of negative and stressful intergroup contact and acculturation from the perspective of immigrant adolescents. Although it is important to acknowledge that within a group of East Asian immigrant adolescents there exists a multitude of important differences in cultural values and beliefs, level of acculturation, customs, language, socioeconomic status, and political differences, it is likely that the acculturation issues they face after immigrating from a collectivistic culture to the individualistic culture of the United States are likely to be similar.

For this study, we intentionally selected Korean immigrant adolescents from among the potential East Asian immigrant adolescents for several reasons. First, Korean immigrant adolescents are one of the fastest growing Asian American ethnic groups in the United States (Center for Immigration Studies, 2007; Ong & Leung, 2003). Second, several studies have shown that these individuals experience more psychological problems and perceive more acculturative stress and difficulties than other ethnic groups when acculturating to a new host country (Kuo, 1984; J. Lee & Cynn, 1991; Yeh, 2003). For example, Korean immigrant adolescents face numerous challenges, such as cultural and ethnic differences, cultural conflicts with parents and peers, and a lack of social support, while attempting to acculturate to the United States (S. Cho & Bae, 2005; Ishii-Kuntz, 1997; K. C. Kim, Hurh, & Kim, 1993). Third, the researchers involved in this study may have an understanding of Korean adolescent immigrants’ acculturation because they have similar cultural and ethnic backgrounds. Finally, prior research has indicated that Korean immigrant adolescents experience higher levels of psychological symptoms and problems than other Asian immigrant adolescents, such as Chinese and Japanese immigrant adolescents (Yeh, 2003). Yeh interpreted this result to show that Korean immigrant adolescents formed a unique cultural avenue in that they were reluctant to reveal any dysfunctional interpersonal relationships complicated by cultural stress with others because they are likely to develop more feelings of shame and humiliation than other East Asian immigrant adolescents when seeking help for psychological problems. Therefore, it can be argued that Korean immigrant adolescents perceive and experience more stress related to intergroup contact and acculturation than other Asian immigrant adolescents.

Review of the Relevant Literature

Stress Associated With Race, Ethnicity, and Culture

To understand how immigration causes stress as it is associated with acculturation among Korean immigrant adolescents, we must first address their fundamental cultural values as maintaining their cultural values may generate cultural conflicts with others (Masako, 1997; Sung, 2001). In Western cultures, autonomy, personal achievements, self-determination, and independence are emphasized as standards of social behaviors (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001). These values create opportunities through which individuals focus on their competence and individualistic thoughts and ideas. In contrast, East Asian cultures focus on filial piety, social harmony, and relatedness with others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Suh & Oishi, 2004). These values are described and interpreted as collectivism and interdependent. In terms of the pursuit of happiness, Suh and Oishi (2004) stated, “happiness in North America is essentially attained via personal achievement and self-esteem, whereas happiness in East Asia is attained via supportive social relationships” (p. 220). Thus, Korean immigrant adolescents stress on maintaining interpersonal harmony and receiving social support from other peers as important factors for enhancing psychological well-being.

Prior research has supported the notion that Korean immigrant adolescents experience acculturative stress based on different cultural values and beliefs (Ayers et al., 2009; Fischer, 2010; Yeh, 2003; Yu, Huang, Schwalberg, Overpeck, & Kogan, 2003). Typically, acculturative stress is defined as stress that immigrant minority groups experience during the acculturation process. Much research has characterized acculturative stress as a psychological spectrum causing negative psychological symptoms (e.g., depression, isolation, and anxiety), low self-esteem, and adaptation difficulties (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987; Zheng & Berry, 1991). Such acculturative stress has created environments in which Korean immigrant adolescents experience more serious acculturative stress than other ethnic groups (Ayers et al., 2009; Fischer, 2010; Yeh, 2003; Yu et al., 2003). For example, Yeh and Inose (2002) found that Korean immigrant adolescents struggled with their adaptations to unfamiliar customs and cultural values as well as the acquisition of a new language, which created acculturative stress and adaptation difficulties. Their difficulties were negatively associated with lower levels of happiness and triggered suicidal ideation (Y. B. Cho & Haslam, 2010; Shin, Han, & Kim, 2007).

Differences in cultures, languages, and values may create challenging situations in which Korean immigrant adolescents have limited opportunities to interact with other ethnic groups. However, even when Korean immigrant adolescents interact with other ethnic groups, the contact may be more superficial and/or less meaningful because of cultural and ethnic differences. Previous studies have stressed the importance of quality interactions between members of different races and ethnicities as they provide opportunities for positive and meaningful interactions for the adolescents (Antoni et al., 2001; Bowen & Bok, 1998; Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002).

Broadly, communication barriers and ethnic differences between Korean immigrant adolescents and out-group members may lessen the quality of their social interactions. For example, Yu et al. (2003) reported that East Asian immigrant adolescents experienced negative psychological problems, such as depressive symptoms and social isolation, because of their alienation from classmates and being bullied. Another study found that ethnic and cultural differences prevented Chinese immigrant adolescents from having adequate and accessible support from their classmates (Blascovich, Mendes, Hunter, Lickel, & Kowai-Bell, 2001). Even brief encounters and/or superficial interactions between in- and out-groups are often stressful for members of both groups because of their unfamiliarity with certain ethnic groups and cultural and ethnic differences (Blascovich et al., 2001; Pearson et al., 2008).

In a school setting, East Asian immigrant adolescents experience a variety of stressors, such as racial discrimination, racial attitudes, and isolation from their peers (Chiu & Ring, 1998; Yeh, Ching, Okubo, & Luthar, 2007; Yeh & Inose, 2002). These studies suggest that Korean immigrant adolescents may have feelings of exclusiveness from other groups of ethnic students due to racial and cultural differences and negative racial attitudes. To support this notion, Li (2009) conducted a qualitative study with Chinese immigrant adolescents and found that the participants often expressed feelings of being “left out” because they were perceived to be less desirable by out-group members and, as such, experienced social isolation, separation, and social marginalization from other ethnic peers.

Negative racial attitudes toward immigrant adolescents may be closely associated with a lack of intergroup contact and interactions, which produces another level of stress for immigrant adolescents. Perez Foster (2001) showed that different ethnic groups established different comfort levels and Asian immigrant adolescents reported experiencing the greatest discomfort while interacting with other ethnic groups. The results of this study indicate that Korean immigrant adolescents are likely to feel uncomfortable during intergroup contact, which generates stressful situations in a context of interracial interactions.

Additionally, Levin, Van Laar, and Sidanius (2003) have found that individuals tend to form friendships with others with similar ethnic and racial backgrounds rather than create cross-group friendships. This study indicates that it may be challenging for individuals with different ethnic and racial backgrounds to establish friendships. Therefore, it can be assumed that Korean immigrant adolescents experience challenges when attempting to gain positive interracial contacts and interactions, which, in turn, generate stress related to intergroup contact.

Stress-Related Growth

A growing body of literature exists that states that individuals may develop the ability to thrive or grow from stressful life events (Park, 1998; Updegraff & Taylor, 2000). Tedeschi, Park, and Calhoun (1998) called this positive change stress-related growth, which they defined as “a significant beneficial change in [a person’s] cognitive and emotional life that may have behavioral implications” (p. 3). According to Carver and Scheier (1998), stress-related growth does not occur as a result of traumatic or challenging experiences but is the continuous process of an individual’s struggle with a new reality in the aftermath of stress. Therefore, stress-related growth does not occur with each individual who experiences stressful life events.

Tedeschi and Calhoun (1995) identified five major types of stress-related growth: (a) a sense of closeness with others, (b) recognition of new possibilities, (c) a feeling of self-reliance, (d) a better understanding of spiritual matters, and (e) a greater appreciation of life. For example, Greenberg and Pascual-Leone (1997) reported that individuals experiencing a wide variety of negative life experiences found meaning and purpose through their sufferings and, subsequently, experienced positive psychological changes (e.g., personal strength, new possibility of life, spiritual changes, relationships with others, and an appreciation of life). In addition, using a grounded theory approach, Chun and Lee (2008) examined the posttraumatic growth of individuals with spinal cord injuries. They found that these individuals developed intimate relationships with their family and friends, had an appreciation of life, and facilitated engagement in meaningful activities as a result of their stress and/or trauma.

Page-Gould, Mendes, and Major (2010) examined individuals’ physiological recoveries following stressful intergroup interactions between Caucasians and African American adults. They found that participants who experienced a high degree of interracial experiences reported experiencing faster recovery following an intergroup stressor.

A few studies have explored stress-related growth among adolescents in various social settings (Gottlieb, Still, & Newby-Clark, 2007; Milam, Ritt-Olson, & Unger, 2004; Taku, Tedeschi, Cann, & Calhoun, 2009). Gottlieb et al. tested posttraumatic growth domains (e.g., personal growth, relating to others, appreciation of life, new possibilities, and spiritual changes) among young adults during their transition to adulthood. They found that at least 50% of the participants reported experiencing growth, such as meaningful relationships with others, new possibilities, and personal strength. In a sample of Hispanic adolescents who experienced a major life event, Milam et al. (2004) found that nearly 30% reported experiencing positive psychological changes as a result of negative life events. Researchers have also shown that stress-related growth is positively associated with religiosity and lower levels of substance use, which lead to higher levels of physical and mental health. Using a sample of 395 Japanese university students, Taku et al. (2009) examined the effects of disclosure to others about highly stressful events on posttraumatic growth experience. The participants who disclosed their traumatic and stressful life events exhibited higher levels of growth experiences with an emphasis on relating to others, new possibilities, spiritual changes, and an appreciation of life. Taku et al.’s study suggests that adolescents who have different ethnicities and cultures may experience different levels of stress-related growth domains.

Method

This study was conducted using the grounded theory method (Glaser & Strauss, 1999; Strauss & Corbin, 1998), which is a theory-generating method rather than a theory-testing method and is designed to generate substantive theory from data. Our intention was to focus on the multiple dimensions and realities of lived experiences through the similarities found in individuals’ descriptions of these experiences. Thus, based on the stress associated with intergroup contact and the acculturation process, the purpose of this study was to explore the characteristics of stress-related growth among Korean immigrant adolescents. We felt that the grounded theory method was a more appropriate and logical method by which to answer the inquiry of this study.

Participants

We used purposive sampling strategies for this study. According to Devers and Frankel (2000), purposive sampling strategies are beneficial in regard to enhancing the understanding of selected individuals’ experiences and/or developing theories and concepts. The participants were required to (a) have immigrated to the United States from Korea with a legal visa, (b) have attended a middle or high school in the United States, and (c) have stayed in the United States for at least 6 months. We contacted members of Korean community organizations (e.g., churches, Korean schools, local Korean organizations, etc.) in the northeastern United States to recruit potential participants. A few weeks after posting our flyers, potential participants began contacting us via e-mail and phone. Once we had been contacted by a potential participant, we contacted his or her parents to seek permission to include their child in the study. At that time, we explained the study (e.g., purpose, confidentiality, time frame, waiver information, and contact information) to the parents.

Although 18 individuals expressed an interest of this study, we were only able to gain permission for 15 of the individuals. Of these 15 participants, 9 were male and 6 were female. Their ages ranged from 13 to 18 years. Four were attending a middle school, whereas 11 were attending a high school. The average length of time that the individuals had been in the United States was 32 months and 13 of the participants were staying with host families because their parents were still living in Korea. Thirteen of the students were born in the United States, while their parents were studying at universities and decided to immigrate to the United States for their studies without their parents. The other two participants lived with their parents (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Demographic Characteristics of Participants.

Participant	Gender	Age (years)/grade	Length of stay (months)
Kim	Male	13/middle	23
Park	Male	14/high	32
Lee	Female	13/middle	38
Jung	Female	13/middle	42 (with parents)
Kwon	Male	15/high	28
Moon	Male	15/high	24
Ha	Male	14/middle	22
So	Female	16/high	52
Lee-J	Female	17/high	28
Kim-H	Male	17/high	34
Park-S	Male	18/high	42
Won	Female	17/high	38
Bang	Male	16/high	36 (with parents)
Jang	Female	15/high	19
Chong	Male	15/high	22

Interview Procedure

We used in-depth interviewing to explore the characteristics of stress-related growth associated with negative intergroup contact and acculturation within the participant group. With the participants’ permission, each interview was audio-taped and lasted between 45 and 90 minutes. The research team created and developed 10 research questions that captured the growth experiences related to intergroup contact and acculturation. The research team also designed a series of probes, which helped the participants elaborate on their experiences.

While in the interview, the interviewer of Korean descent asked grand-tour questions in order to encourage the participants to share their life experiences. These questions included, “Could you tell me your life story since moving to the United States?” “What benefits did you gain after immigration?” “What challenges did you experience after immigration?” and “Please describe any stressors you have perceived as experiencing after immigration.”

Next, the interviewer asked mini-tour questions to explore ways in which the participants gain benefits from their stressors. These questions included the following: “How have your experiences been while interacting with others?” “Have you experienced any challenges while interacting with others?” “Have you gained any benefits due to the challenges that you have faced in regard to interracial interactions and/or immigration experiences? If so, what were some of these benefits?” and “Have you seen any positive changes in your life due to your ethnic interactions? If so, please describe some of these changes.” The final questions were related to a sense of happiness among the participants and included, “Tell me about your overall happiness now” and “What contributes to your happiness?”

At the end of the interview, the participants completed a demographic survey that asked their gender, age, and length of time in the United States. Immediately following each interview, the interviewer recorded field notes, including personal insights and the participants’ observed emotional changes, behaviors, and communication skills as well as the environmental conditions of the interview (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). To clarify the transcription and interpretations of their experiences, we used follow-up phone calls and e-mails to the participants.

Data Analysis

The data were coded and analyzed using the constant comparative method (Merriam, 1998), which allowed us to identify emerging conceptual categories from the first interview. These categories were compared with each piece of data taken from the subsequent interviews to examine and clarify themes. In this process, we highlighted key phrases to identify main ideas. Afterward, we merged the codes with similar meanings to identify themes. By using this process, we were able to ensure that the codes were used consistently throughout the transcripts. We also took notes of emerging codes as well as the relationships between the codes. Based on the codebook that we created, we analyzed each interviewee’s transcript until the findings were saturated. When discrepancies among researchers emerged, we discussed the issues until they were resolved. If necessary to resolve such issues, we shared the identified themes with the participants. After analyzing the core themes, we contacted the participants to verify the accuracy of the data.

Findings

The participants expressed that they have experienced a variety of stressors related to interactions with other ethnic groups. In this study, we focused on the positive psychological experiences that resulted from their intergroup contact and acculturation. After interpreting and analyzing the participants’ personal experiences and statements, three common themes related to stress-related growth were identified: (a) psychological thriving, (b) cultural and ethnic understandings, and (c) culturally attuned relationships. These identified themes served as the positive psychological coping strategies by which to deal with various stressful situations related to acculturative stress and negative interracial interactions.

Psychological Thriving

Psychological thriving was the most salient theme identified from the participants’ interviews and statements. Most of the participants developed a sense of perseverance as a result of negative interracial interactions. Their main experiences were that they faced numerous challenges associated with intergroup contact due to their lack of English proficiency, cultural and ethnic differences, and discrimination. Such challenges served as the main factors that developed their perseverance. For example, one middle school participant stated that

For a couple years, my English was so bad and most classmates totally ignored me. Even in a group project, they did not listen to my thoughts and opinions and treated me in a totally different way. It was so stressful and distressing . . . Such experiences helped me to make me stronger mentally and pursue my life dreams.

He also mentioned that negative expressions from his classmates propelled him to excel in his studies.

The participants also used an interesting term international disabled to describe themselves in light of their communication problems. Because of their lack of English skills, they felt that they were isolated from their community and friends. They believed that, although not physically disabled, they were socially disabled as they had limited social interactions. They placed significant efforts toward improving their English skills and enhancing their social relationships with others, which led to the development of their perseverance.

Most of the participants established and developed their own strengths and talents, which helped to facilitate psychological thriving and develop coping strategies. Some of the participants pursued their own talents, such as with musical instruments, within Taekwondo activities, and within other physical activities, as a way of dealing with negative immigration experiences. They mentioned that participation in these activities provided them with positive contexts in which they could interact with other participants and develop friendships with other ethnic groups. However, they still experienced challenges within these activity settings, including cultural and ethnic differences and a lack of intergroup interactions. Most of the participants stated that engaging in a variety of activities allowed them to minimize their levels of intergroup anxiety and stress because of the positive interactions created by their involvement in the activities.

Some of the participants believed that stressful intergroup contact created opportunities within which to develop mental strength. Regardless of their grades, they made similar statements during their interviews, including “as an international student I want to prove myself to Americans that I accomplish my dreams,” “sometimes being ignored by others helps me to focus on my studies and life goals,” “adaptation difficulties provided me with mental strength,” and “my mentality has been much stronger because of [my] limited friendships here.” Within the challenging circumstances created by intergroup contact and acculturation, the participants attempted to fulfill their own life goals, which helped shape and construct a sense of mental strength.

Based on the participants’ personal statements and experiences, we found that their stressful intergroup contact and acculturation provided them with opportunities to facilitate psychological thriving. The participants developed perseverance, enhanced cultural and ethnic understandings, and mental strengths as a result of negative life events. Therefore, it appears that psychological thriving serves as an important coping strategy by which to deal with various stressful situations.

Cultural and Ethnic Understandings

Cultural and ethnic understandings were another theme experienced by the participants. According to most of the participants, they had limited social relationships with other ethnic groups, which generated misunderstandings and tension. Such racial tensions and misunderstandings provided opportunities to explore their own cultural values and beliefs and modify their personal biases and prejudices toward that ethnic group.

Based on the participants’ personal experiences, the primary factor for this tension was a lack of previous intergroup contact, which generated cultural and ethnic misunderstandings and tensions. Some of the participants examined their personal biases and modified their racial attitudes after their intergroup contacts. They mentioned that they were born and raised in a homogeneous society and, therefore, had unconsciously developed negative stereotypes and prejudices toward certain ethnic groups. Interestingly, they mentioned that they tried to avoid personal contacts and interactions with specific ethnic groups because of their own prejudgments and stereotypes. Their stereotypes and personal biases produced a negative atmosphere that created misunderstandings and interracial tensions. According to one participant who was in high school,

I was scared to hang out with African-Americans because, while in Korea, I watched movies and dramas [and] they did bad things. I had negative stereotypes and prejudices and tried to avoid eye contact with them . . . however, I made some African-American friends and they were so friendly and nice to me. I realized that they had great personalities, [which] totally reduced my stereotypes. I thought that we learned a lot from each other.

She also mentioned that she modified her racial attitudes toward specific ethnic groups, which helped her expand her worldviews and develop cross-group friendships.

A few of the participants stated that racial tensions and misunderstandings helped them discover the cultural and ethnic similarities and differences between themselves and those individuals of other racial groups. Before they immigrated, they said that they had limited opportunities to acknowledge cultural and ethnic differences because Korea is considered one of the most homogeneous countries. They mentioned that they experienced various cases of cultural and ethnic misunderstanding because of the multiethnic society in their hosting country. Such a multiethnic society allowed them to acknowledge the cultural differences and similarities between Korea and United States. For example, based on Korean cultures, interdependence and collectivism are important qualities in the participants’ lives and some stated that their cultural values (i.e., collectivistic behaviors and thoughts) created conflicts with individuals influenced by individualism. According to one middle school participant, for example,

We (Koreans) actually shared food together and tried to pay the bills . . . the age is very important to decide who pays the bills. In most cases, the oldest person in our group takes care of the bills. It is so good for me because I am pretty younger than my friends (Korean friends).

Based on their cultural and ethnic differences with Western cultures, most of the participants were required to modify their behaviors in order to avoid conflicts and misunderstandings with others having different cultural values. Interestingly, they mentioned that while interacting with the same ethnic group of members, they maintained and exhibited their own cultures and negotiated their values and behaviors, while interacting with other ethnic groups. Therefore, it is assumed that the participants developed multiethnic identities as a way of understanding different cultural values and beliefs.

The participants’ personal experiences and statements illustrated how interracial interactions and contacts generated cultural and ethnic misunderstandings and tensions as well as provided opportunities through which to develop different cultural perspectives and understandings. Such expanded worldviews and cultural understandings are positive outcomes that can occur in negative, stressful situations.

Culturally Attuned Relationships

Developing culturally attuned meaningful relationships with others was a common theme in the participant interviews. Many of the participants are currently living apart from their parents and have found that living with a host family is stressful and challenging. The participants also stated that they felt a sense of loneliness and social isolation from their communities and experienced challenges when attempting to make American friends because of factors such as language barriers, cultural and ethnic differences, and a new school climate.

A few of the participants stated that they found it challenging to share their personal lives with their American friends because of the differences in the ways that they and their American friends think and behave. Even though the participants were able to develop a certain level of friendships with other ethnic groups, they felt that they were limited in creating deeper friendships due to the cultural and ethnic differences between themselves and their friends. One of the participants mentioned that his American friends did not understand the lives of immigrants and had limited cultural understanding of Asian cultures. For example, one high school participant said,

When I came here, for a couple years I faced numerous challenges. I had no friends at all and it was very challenging for me to make American friends. Fortunately, some Korean friends (i.e., Korean immigrant adolescents) here helped me a lot. They taught me how to speak English and how to behave in American ways. They became like a real family to me. No matter what happened in my life, they are always there for me. If I had been living in Korea, I would have never felt this way.

A couple of the participants described some of the difficulties that they experienced developing a sense of friendship with Korean Americans born in the States. They mentioned that they had difficulties developing friendships with Korean Americans because of cultural differences. One participant who was in high school said “they (Korean Americans) look like me, but they have no clue of what I have been through here.”

Other participants had similar experiences in that their friends who migrated from South Korea provided them with information and knowledge related to intergroup contact and interactions, especially in regard to how to interact with other ethnic groups and what cultural and ethnic differences existed. Such exchanges of information related to acculturation and immigration life strengthened their friendships. Several participants noted that if they still lived in Korea, they would not have experienced this level of friendship.

In addition to gaining strong friendships, most of the participants expressed desires to have meaningful relationships with their parents with whom many did not live. Because of various stressors (e.g., the acculturation process, intergroup contact), the participants realized the value of family as a means of social support. Even though they could not have face-to-face communication, they expressed affection and love through online and/or telephone interactions.

The two of the participants living with their parents had similar experiences, but in a different situation. They received support and love from their parents and found that this social support played an important role in how they dealt with stressful life events. The participants stated that after immigrating, their relationships with their parents deepened and became more meaningful, especially because their parents were also experiencing life challenges associated with the immigration. Therefore, they understood what each other was going through. For example, one high school participant stated,

Before we came to America, we did not spend time together and had no family time because my parents were always busy with their work. However, after [our] immigration, we [began to spend] more time together and my parents are very supportive of what I am doing. Whenever I have difficult times at school because of English or making new friends, my parents give me good advice and support.

These examples show how the participants developed deeper and more meaningful relationships with others. Living in a host country creates challenges and provides opportunities that can be used to realize the value of one’s relationships with others. The participants used this knowledge to develop deeper and more meaningful relationships as a means to cope with various stressors.

Discussion

This qualitative work explored the characteristics of stress-related growth that emerged from stressful intergroup contact and acculturation among Korean immigrant adolescents. The thematic analysis provided three salient themes that can be used as the characteristics of stress-related growth: (a) psychological thriving, (b) cultural and ethnic understandings, and (c) culturally attuned relationships. The results of this study indicate that, within a challenging adaptation process and stressful interracial interactions, participants experienced positive psychological experiences, which served as mechanisms for positive coping strategies.

Past research (e.g., Gottlieb et al., 2007; Milam et al., 2004; Taku et al., 2009) has suggested that adolescents who experience traumatic life events experience stress-related growth, such as relationships with others, an appreciation of life, new possibilities, and spiritual changes. This study extended the idea that Korean immigrant adolescents experience stress-related growth associated with the negative circumstances of stressful interracial contacts and acculturative stress. The Korean immigrant adolescents in this study experienced different characteristics of stress related to acculturation and interracial contacts. However, they were able to develop coping abilities and enhanced senses of psychological thriving, cultural and ethnic understandings, and friendships with other ethnic groups as coping strategies. Such findings extend the idea suggested by positive psychologists that Korean immigrant adolescents develop their own abilities and strengths by which to deal with various stressors related to acculturation and intergroup contact, which contribute to positive outcomes.

Previous studies have focused on stress-related growth across a wide variety of populations who had a variety of stressful life events, such as cancer, heart disease, sexual assault and abuse, disasters, and the death of a loved one (Affleck et al., 1987; Frazier, Conlon, & Glaser, 2001; Harms & Talbot, 2007; McMillen, Smith, & Fisher, 1997; Weiss, 2004). In our study, Korean immigrant adolescents experienced various challenges associated with acculturation and intergroup contact, which lead to stress. This stress is associated with acculturative stress, characterized by cultural and ethnic differences and the adaptation process. The main idea of this study is that acculturative stress creates an opportunity through which Korean immigrant adolescents can develop positive coping strategies that contribute to stress-related growth experiences.

Specifically, cultural differences play important roles in regard to creating stressful situations for Korean immigrant adolescents. In particular, the results of this study suggest that Korean immigrant adolescents are significantly influenced by Eastern cultural traits, such as collectivism and interdependence (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), which may not be congruent with the cultural traits of the hosting country. It indicates that understanding and acknowledging such cultural differences may be required for immigrant adolescents to make cultural negotiations. However, this process may generate a level of stress. In spite of the cultural and ethnic differences that the participants mentioned experiencing, they were able to explore their own cultural biases and prejudices and gain cultural sensitivity and cultural knowledge. This process has enabled them to develop the ability to make proper cultural adjustments and gain enhanced cultural sensitivity and competence.

In addition, previous research has shown that increased interracial contacts and interactions lead to ethnic and cultural understandings and cross-group friendships, which, in turn, reduce negative psychological feelings, such as prejudices and negative stereotypes (Dixon & Rosenbaum, 2004; Emerson, Kimbro, & Yancey, 2002; McLaren, 2003; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). This study supports the idea that Korean immigrant adolescents reduce negative psychological feelings and prejudices through interracial contact and interactions. Such a reduction enables immigrant adolescents to experience personal growth, which is related to self-exploration and self-discovery as associated with cultural and ethnic attitudes.

Limitations and Need for Future Research

This article has some limitations that need to be noted. First, we mainly focused on the characteristics of stress-related growth among Korean immigrant adolescents. Immigrant adolescents may have their own perspectives on immigration experiences and different levels of acculturation, which may affect their personal growth experiences. Future research is needed to examine how an individual’s level of acculturation affects stress-related growth experiences among immigrant adolescents.

Another limitation exists with regard to generalizing our results, as this study was conducted using a qualitative research method. Therefore, it may be helpful for future researchers to use a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods in order to better understand how immigrant adolescents experience stress-related growth related to acculturation and interracial contact and interactions.

A third limitation exists because we examined stress-related growth among Korean immigrant adolescents only. Immigrant adolescents of other ethnic groups may have different life experiences and acculturation processes. In addition, most of participants who lived apart from their family in Korea appear to be “nonimmigrants,” but based on the unique cultural perspectives of their lives, the terms have been applied because they actually moved to the United States without their parents for the study as well as their citizenships. Therefore, future researchers should examine the positive aspects of acculturation among other ethnic immigrant adolescents as such information may be helpful in regard to understanding the positive adaptation processes among other immigrant adolescents.

Depending on participants’ demographic information (i.e., parents’ socioeconomic status, gender, age, and location), they may experience various social contexts with other ethnic groups and experience different levels of stress-related growth. In this study, participants are from the campus towns and it has a limitation of cultural and ethnic experiences because of geographic locations. For the future study, it may be helpful for researchers to examine the relationship between growth experience and demographic factors with quantitative work.

Furthermore, this study lacks information on what methods facilitate stress-related growth for Korean immigrant adolescents. Previous studies (i.e., Chun & Lee, 2010; Iwasaki, Bartlett, & O’Neil, 2005) have suggested that participation in meaningful activities serves as an important vehicle for stress-related growth and positive transformation as a result of stressful life events. It may be interesting for future researchers to explore what factors facilitate the phenomenon of stress-related growth among immigrant adolescents. In addition, it may be helpful for future researchers to examine how Korean American adolescents perceive and deal with stress as well as the difference between the life experiences of Korean American adolescents and Korean immigrant adolescents as they are related to stress-related growth.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Junhyoung Kim is an instructor in the Department of Human Performance and Sport Sciences at Winston-Salem State University.

Wonseok Suh is a research professor in the Department of Creative Informatics and Computer Institute at Korea University in Korea.

Jinmoo Heo is an assistant professor in the Department of Tourism, Conventions, and Event Management at Indiana University–Indianapolis.

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