Abstract
Frustration–aggression theories, such as exit–voice and loyalty, have been tested using agents as voice but have not been examined with unions as the organization in question. Utilizing longitudinal panel data (n = 874), this article tests this theory with regard to voice within a trade union. This study does not find support for the exit–voice model; instead, it provides support for cost–benefit and interactionist theories. Further, the study finds that members with high union satisfaction are more likely to express voice when they perceive their leaders to be highly responsive to their needs and concerns.
Introduction
Union participation is crucial for the survival of trade unions. Participation is a necessary channel of communication if members are to express their concerns to the leadership (Barling et al., 1992). Furthermore, participation can also be seen as a measure of union strength and efficiency (Fosh, 1993). Given the decline in unionization over the last few decades in most developed countries, research in the area of union participation is critical. Several authors (Fairbrother and Waddington, 1990; Fosh, 1993; Hurd et al., 2003; Hyman, 1984) have explored the notion that union renewal is possible through workplace activism. Fosh (1993: 589) contended that ‘local leaders, by their ability to lead in a way that encourages members to become involved … can build upon surges of participation and interest, thus increasing the strength of workplace unionism’.
Frustration–aggression theory suggests that members will either participate (exhibit voice) or leave the union when they are dissatisfied with the services provided by that union. In this article, we first examine the determinants of union participation through the lens of frustration–aggression theory by controlling for factors that have been associated with alternative explanations for union voice: interactionist and cost–benefit theories. The study involves the utilization of longitudinal panel data at three points in time and investigates the interaction between union satisfaction and two variables: union loyalty and leader responsiveness. These are unexplored relationships in the literature.
The article then proceeds with a review of the literature, followed by the methods and results sections. A discussion section examines the implications of the findings for theory and practice.
Theories of union participation
Barling et al. (1992: 99) define participation as ‘the extent of the individual’s active involvement in, and influence over, both formal and informal activities’. Informal behaviours are activities that reflect support, but are not necessary for, the unions’ survival (i.e. helping other members file grievances, reading union literature and talking about the union with friends) (Barling et al., 1992; Fullagar and Barling, 1989). Formal activities include becoming a union representative, participating in collective action, participating in meetings and filing a grievance.
This section discusses three main theories in relation to union participation. Although the aim of the article is to test the exit–voice and loyalty theory in relation to union participation, interactionist and cost–benefit theories are also discussed as potential explanations. This enables us to control for alternative explanations of union participation.
Frustration–aggression (exit–voice) theory
A number of early studies in union participation explored the notion that participation is a response to dissatisfaction or alienation, either at the workplace or with the union (Van de Vall, 1970). One theory that falls under the domain of the frustration–aggression tradition is Hirschman’s (1970) exit, voice and loyalty model. Although Hirschman’s model has been commonly applied in the context of labour management relations (Freeman and Medoff, 1984), trade unions have primarily been discussed as agents of voice, rather than as the organization in question. This has been an interesting omission, as Hirschman has argued that voluntary organizations (such as trade unions) provide ‘excellent examples’ of where exit and voice may coexist in a functional manner (Hirschman, 1970: 77). Hirschman (1970) argued that there are potentially two signalling mechanisms to inform management (or, in our case, union leaders) of organizational decline: exit and voice. Exit is simply the classical economic response of withdrawing services, support or membership from an organization or firm. Another mechanism of adjustment, voice, has been explored more readily in the political literature. Hirschman (1970: 30) defines voice as: any attempt at all to change, rather than to escape from, an objectionable state of affairs, whether through individual or collective petition to the management directly in charge, through appeal to a higher order authority with the intention of forcing a change in management, or through various types of actions and protests, including those that are meant to mobilise opinion.
Interactionist theory
Klandermans (1986b) has argued that interactionist theories provide an important explanatory perspective of union participation. That is, participation is viewed as the result of the social context of members at work and in the union. There is a strong early literature supporting this view of the ‘union man’ (Perline and Lorenz, 1970; Strauss, 1977) and union culture (Goldthorpe et al., 1968).
More recently, Kelly (1998) has placed great emphasis on the interactionist model to explain how individuals potentially acquire collective interests and how this might be utilized by individuals to form grievances. Kelly (1998) has argued that the social movement literature (see especially Gamson, 1992, 1995; McAdam, 1988; Tilly, 1978) provides a useful theory in understanding collective action. The literature addresses the questions of how grievances become collective concerns and the conditions under which individuals will organize.
Mobilization theory helps to explain how and why collective action is frequently brought about by a small number of activists ‘who play a crucial role in promoting a sense of grievance, generating group cohesion and using and legitimising collective activity against a relevant target’ (Kelly, 1998: 213). In particular, transformational leaders are able to activate social identities and get subordinates to behave in a manner consistent with that identity. Fantasia’s (1988) study of wildcat disputes illustrates the importance of leaders in playing this role.
Cost–benefit theory/rational choice
Another influential theoretical tradition for explaining participation is that of rational choice, which focuses on the costs and benefits of participation. A key assumption underlying these theories is that individuals act to maximize their interests. Acting as rational agents, individuals do not take into account other agents’ behaviour.
Olson (1965) was a very prominent author in the rational choice school, whose main contribution was to explain the free-rider problem in unions by analysing the sociology of large groups. The free-rider problem exists because although all individuals within the group can enjoy the collective good, there is no incentive to provide the good. The problem is encountered twice over in unions: first, in contexts where individuals are able to experience the positive externalities of membership without actually joining; and second, where members are unprepared to participate in crucial activities to ensure the union’s survival (Kelloway and Barling, 1993). The suboptimal supply of the collective good, however, can be overcome when separate and selective incentives are provided to stimulate individuals to act to benefit the group. Large groups are therefore ‘latent’, as they have a latent capacity for action when members are mobilized by selective incentives or punishments for free riding.
Klandermans (1986a) also made the argument that individuals take into account the costs and benefits of collective action. He argued that ‘participation in a social movement is seen not as the consequence of predisposing psychological traits or states, but as the result of rational decision processes whereby people weigh the costs and benefits of participation’ (Klandermans, 1986a: 583).
Literature review and hypotheses
In this section, the empirical literature is reviewed and hypotheses are formulated. They are based on all three theories of union participation as we are drawing on both interactionist and cost–benefit theories, as well as the voice–loyalty perspective, to understand the causes of participation.
Union satisfaction
Fiorito et al. (1988) define union satisfaction as a function of the discrepancy between expectations and perceived outcomes on three major issues: bread and butter (wages, benefits and job security); quality of work life (giving members a say at the workplace and making the job more interesting); and leadership–membership communication (workers’ perceived influence in the union).
The relationship between union satisfaction and outcome variables such as union participation are not unproblematic. Gordon et al. (1980: 493) suggested that: dissatisfaction with the union may produce opposite participative tendencies ranging from activism to an unwillingness to lift a finger on behalf of the union. Likewise, satisfaction with the union may serve as a catalyst that spurs membership participation or creates complacency.
Exit–voice theory suggests that the relationship between union satisfaction and participation will be negative. Hirschman (1970) argued that voice was a response to dissatisfaction and represented an attempt to improve organizational functioning. In other work-related settings, voice – or speaking up – has been associated with constructive efforts to challenge the status quo and improve workplace issues (LePine and Van Dyne, 1998). We would therefore expect dissatisfied union members to voice their dissatisfaction through greater participation in the union. Therefore, we hypothesize the following: Hypothesis 1: Union satisfaction (i.e. delivers extrinsic benefits) will have a negative impact on union participation.
Procedural justice
Although the focus of this study is on testing frustration–aggression theory with the union as the point of interest, the antecedents of participation can also be examined in terms of the job. Frustration–aggression or exit–voice theory predicts that dissatisfaction with specific aspects of the job will have an impact on voice. Recently, workplace justice has been found by Johnson and Jarley (2004) to be a significant determinant of union participation. Further, a study by Redman and Snape (2004) found that pay inequity (as a justice perception in support of the frustration–aggression hypothesis) predicted participation. We expect that procedural justice – defined as the fairness of procedures designed to determine the outcomes an employee receives (Moorman, 1991) – will be inversely related to union participation: Hypothesis 2: Procedural justice will have a negative impact on union participation.
Industrial relations climate
Industrial relations climate measures the extent to which the relationship between the union and management is perceived to be harmonious, productive and open (Dastmalchian et al., 1989). Kuruvilla et al. (1990) included union–management relations as a control variable in their study of union participation in Japan. They found the quality of relations between management and union to have a positive effect on participation. Two more recent studies by Fuller and Hester (1998) and Redman and Snape (2004), however, found an inverse relationship between industrial relations climate and participation.
In this study, it is expected that industrial relations climate will have a negative influence on participation. This is consistent with the frustration–aggression hypothesis as it relates to dissatisfaction with the employing organization (Redman and Snape, 2004). Poorer industrial relations climates will be consistent with higher levels of participation: Hypothesis 3: Industrial relations climate will have a negative impact on union participation.
Family socialization
Spinrad (1960: 241) argued that individuals with a family background in activism would tend to be more active in the union. A number of studies have found support for a positive relationship (Dekker et al., 1998; Kelloway and Watts, 1994; Nicholson et al., 1981).
A study by Barling and colleagues (1991) examined a model of pre-employment predictors of union attitudes on young high school and university students. They hypothesized that as children observed their mothers’ and fathers’ participation in union-related activities, or listened to their parents talk about unions, their perceptions of their parents’ attitudes to unions develop. These perceptions affect children's attitudes towards unions (Barling et al., 1991). They found that young adults’ perceptions of their parents’ attitude to unions significantly predicted their own attitude; however, they did not find a relationship between perceived level of participation of parents and attitudes (although perceived level of participation of parents had a significant impact on perceived attitude of parents).
In this article, it is argued that family socialization is a social contextual factor and, hence, is relevant for interactionist theories. The following hypothesis was developed: Hypothesis 4: Family socialization will have a positive impact on union participation.
Individualistic orientation
Spinrad (1960: 243) has stated that ‘the active unionist, then views his work group or the “working class” or both as a significant reference group. He emphasizes collective rather than individual efforts for improvement’. Wagner (1995: 153) asserted that ‘individualism–collectivism is an analytical dimension that captures the relative importance people accord to personal interests and to shared pursuits’. In other words, individualism is where personal interests are of greater priority than the group. An individualist, therefore, acts as though he/she defines their self as an entity consisting of a single person, whereas a collectivist is defined by an entity extending beyond the individual to the group (Wagner, 1995).
Numerous authors (Bassett and Cave, 1993; Brown, 1990; Cave, 1994; Storey and Bacon, 1993) have argued that there has been a general move from collectivist behaviour and attitudes to individualism. Brown (1990) stated that it was due to the increasing affluence of workers in the late 20th century. In the late 19th century, the working class was more collectivist because of common harsh conditions, such as poverty, job insecurity and unemployment, which were shared in communities. As communities have been broken up with the increased mobility of workers, this has led to a greater propensity of workers to perceive education and training as the main means for self-improvement, rather than through collective means.
Interactionist theories, such as mobilization theory, propose that union participation requires identification with group goals. Kelly and Kelly (1994) have argued that the impact of group identification will be greatest among groups characterized by a collectivist orientation. Social change strategies are therefore most likely among those individuals who identify strongly with the social group (Kelly and Kelly, 1994). Individuals who identify weakly with the group are expected to engage in individual action to improve their position at work. Therefore, we expect the following: Hypothesis 5: Individualism will have a negative impact on union participation.
Union instrumentality
Newton and Shore (1992: 279) argue that instrumentality is ‘a calculative or utilitarian relationship with unions and is based on a cognitive assessment of the costs and benefits associated with union representation’. The relationship between participation and instrumentality is explained most readily through a rational choice framework of analysis. Strauss (1977: 222–223) argued that ‘for members to participate they must feel that such action will result in some sort of payoff’. Very early studies have found the relationship between instrumentality and participation to be positive (Anderson, 1979; Kuruvilla et al., 1990). Griffin and Benson (1987), however, found union performance to be an insignificant predictor of three measures of participation (industrial activities, union courses or union literature) and a study by Heshizer et al. (1991) found that union effectiveness (union instrumentality) had a negative effect on participation. Chacko (1985) found that union performance was the most important factor determining union participation. This leads to the following hypothesis: Hypothesis 6: Extrinsic instrumentality will have a positive impact on union participation.
Union loyalty
Union loyalty is proposed to be an important variable that encourages voice in the exit–voice model. Exit and voice may coexist in an organization, given the existence of loyalty. Hirschman (1970) stated that ‘as a rule, then, loyalty holds exit at bay and activates voice’ (Hirschman, 1970: 78). That is, loyalty should encourage union participation or voice. Loyalty is functional because it impedes the tendency of the quality-conscious customers or members to be the first to exit. These individuals have some calculative belief that they can change the organization from within. Loyal members are also more likely to invest the time and effort to voice concerns and issues within the union and to present ideas and suggestions for change. Thus, loyal members who are dissatisfied with the union’s performance or activities could be expected to voice that dissatisfaction through participation or ‘speaking up’ within the union. As a consequence, ‘loyalty, far from being irrational, can serve the socially useful purpose of preventing deterioration from becoming cumulative, as it so often does when there is no barrier to exit’ (Hirschman, 1970: 79). Loyalty serves the same function as switching costs by raising the cost of exit. Further, the empirical literature has consistently found a positive relationship between union commitment and participation or voice (Fullagar et al., 2004; Goeddeke and Kammeyer-Mueller, 2010; Tetrick et al., 2007). Given exit–voice theory, our hypothesis is the following: Hypothesis 7: Union loyalty will have a positive impact on union participation.
Leader responsiveness
The availability and style of the union representative (such as ability to communicate, individual consideration and accessibility) are crucial for both attitude formation and participation in the union (Barling et al., 1992). Perline and Lorenz (1970: 437) have stated that shop stewards are especially important because ‘many members identify with the stewards as the only liaison with the union organization’. Kelloway and Barling (1993) examined the effect of member evaluations of their shop stewards’ style, and argued that members’ perception of the transformational leadership qualities of their stewards would have a direct effect on both loyalty and participation. Transformational leadership style (Bass, 1985) involves pride in the organisation, stimulating followers and providing an encouraging workplace (Kelloway and Barling, 1993). In two samples, transformational leadership had a direct impact on participation. On the basis of this research, they argued that ‘interventions at the shop steward level would have a direct effect on increasing members’ part in union activities’ (Kelloway and Barling, 1993: 276). A study by Metochi (2002) also found a positive relationship between union leadership and participation. Further, a study by Hammer and colleagues (2009) found that union leadership was related to a number of important union outcomes. Based on the literature, we hypothesize the following: Hypothesis 8: Leader responsiveness will have a positive impact on union participation.
Interactions
We propose two interactions. First, drawing on exit–voice theory (Hirschman, 1970), voice is likely to occur where loyalty is higher in an organization. Exit–voice theory suggests that loyalty inhibits exits and enhances voice because individuals want to change the organization rather than leave. Therefore, we expect that union loyalty will moderate the relationship between union satisfaction and participation such that members who are dissatisfied with the union will be more likely to participate when they are loyal to the union. We propose the following: Hypothesis 9: Union loyalty will moderate the effect of union satisfaction such that low union satisfaction will be associated with greater participation when union loyalty is high. Hypothesis 10: Union leader responsiveness will moderate the effect of union satisfaction such that high union satisfaction will be associated with greater participation when union leader responsiveness is high.
Context of the study
The study was conducted in an organization employing approximately 20,000 full-time equivalent staff in Australia. Two-thirds of employees were members of the union. The union is one of the largest in Australia, with a membership of over 90,000 drawn from the insurance and banking sectors. It has branches Australia-wide, with national offices in Melbourne and Sydney. At the time of the study, the union had approximately 55% membership coverage in the banking sector and just under 25% in the insurance sector. It should also be noted that the banking sector is characterized by low labour turnover rates.
Historically, the union has had a harmonious relationship with the bank (Griffin, 1985). Banking employees have generally been considered ‘industrially conservative’ and reluctant to take industrial action (Davis, 1987; Hill, 1982). However, in the late 1990s the union began to question the cooperative character of its relationship with the banks and, at the same time, began to move from a servicing union model to an organizing model (Holland, 1999). The union began to open up communication channels with its members and run focus groups and surveys in an effort to better understand their members’ needs. Union stewards were also trained extensively within an organizing framework. Around two-thirds of the workplaces in the organization had union representatives. In their enterprise bargaining campaigns with the bank, the union attempted to mobilize members and build a better capacity for industrial action. This was difficult, however, because the bank was considered by employees to be a ‘reasonable’ employer and the union and the bank had had a long-standing cooperative relationship.
Qualitative data collected from interviews suggested that there was a range of ways in which members could participate in the union. One of the main forms of participation was attendance at union meetings. Members had the opportunity to attend a number of different types of meetings at the union. These included the Biennial Conference and the Branch Committee of Management, the latter of which represented all banks and insurance companies and reported on issues such as job security, occupational health and safety, and women’s issues. Another way in which members participated in the union was through sub-branch meetings based on enterprise. Information from the sub-branch committee was transmitted through to organizers, the Branch Secretary and the Branch Committee of Management. Other meetings that members attended and that provided opportunities for participation and voice tended to be issue-based in the workplace or revolve around negotiations during enterprise bargaining rounds.
Research methods
Research setting and data collection
This research was undertaken at an international bank based in Australia, which employed nearly 20,000 full-time equivalent staff across some 1600 branches and business outlets.
Qualitative data were collected for the contextual part of this study. Ten years of archival material consisting of meeting minutes, communications and policy documents were examined. Union meetings were also attended. In addition, interviews were undertaken with key informants and union representatives.
The quantitative data were collected in three waves over a three-year period. The first questionnaire of the study was distributed to 5978 employees in Time 1 via the internal mail of the employing organization. Each survey was coded with identification numbers in order to follow up respondents. Employees were made aware of the fact that although the information contained in the survey was confidential, it was not anonymous. Employees were also informed that their participation in the study was voluntary.
Of the 5978 surveys that were sent to the 624 branches, 3648 surveys were returned. Surveys that did not contain identification numbers and employees who completed their survey twice were discarded from the analysis. The useable sample was therefore reduced to 3554 employees, representing a 59.5% response rate.
The second wave of data was collected 12 months later (Time 2) and involved a similar procedure to the first mail out. Of the 3554 respondents who provided useable responses in time 1, 444 had left the organization. The second survey was sent to the remaining 3110 employees. Of these, 2388 surveys were returned. The data were then matched to the first wave, reducing the useable responses to 2309 (useable response rate of 74.2%).
The third and final stage of the data collection occurred at Time 3 (12 months following Time 2). The 2106 respondents who had participated in both the first and second stages of the project and were still employed by the organization (203 employees left) were sent a third and final survey. Of these, 1681 employees responded, with a subset of 1606 useable surveys. The useable response rate for the third and final survey was 76.3%.
Sample
The sample consisted of 874 union members (following the deletion of data for missing cases), of which 54% were female and 80% were full-time. The average tenure in the union (at Time 3) was 12.82 years (SD = 7.92). The final union sample of 874 was representative of the union percentage of the bank (χ2(1) = 2.23; p > .05). The insignificance of this finding indicates that the sample is not significantly different from the population.
Measurement
Participants responded to items on a five-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree), unless otherwise noted. Established scales were used where possible. The times at which the data were collected are indicated in the following. The outcome variable (union participation) was collected at Time 3; union loyalty and responsiveness were collected at Time 2; and the antecedents of union participation were collected at Time 1. The survey utilized longitudinal panel data.
Time 3
To measure union participation, this study utilized a measure from McLean Parks et al. (1995). The study utilized five measures (coded as ‘1’ if the member had participated and coded as ‘0’ if the member had not participated in the activity), including ‘Within the past year did you speak up at a union meeting?’. This measure was taken at Time 3. In order to address the non-linearity of the data, the log for participation was taken.
Time 2
Union loyalty is defined as the degree of pride and instrumentality in the union. The scale comprised three questions, such as ‘I feel a sense of pride in the union’ (Gordon et al., 1980).
Union leader responsiveness is defined as the degree to which the union representative at the workplace is sympathetic to the needs and concerns of individual union members. The scale is a shortened (two-item) version of that by Sverke and Sjoberg (1994). The scale consisted of questions such as ‘The union representatives at my workplace pay attention to demands put forward by members’.
Given the causal ordering with union participation (Bamberger et al., 1999), we measure both loyalty and leader responsiveness at Time 2.
Time 1
Union satisfaction is defined as the degree to which members are satisfied with their union. It is an adapted scale from Jarley et al. (1990) and contains six measures, such as ‘How satisfied are you with the union in terms of listening to the concerns of other members?’.
Procedural justice, defined as the fairness of procedures designed to determine the outcomes an employee receives, was operationalized by three items from Price and Mueller (1981, 1986) and included ‘The [bank] has procedures to ensure that decisions affecting staff are made with consistency’.
Industrial relations climate is defined as the extent to which organization–union relations are harmonious, productive and open (communication) (Dastmalchian et al., 1989). The modified scale that was used to measure this construct is well-established (Dastmalchian et al., 1989). Six items were used, including questions such as ‘Union and management have respect for each other’s goals’.
Family socialization is defined as an individual’s perceptions of their parents’ attitude to and participation in unions. The variable was operationalized using a single item that was a cumulative index of eight dichotomously measured items. These items were coded as ‘1’ if the respondent was aware that their mother and/or father had been involved in union activity (e.g. had ever been a union representative) and ‘0’ if they were uncertain or if the parents had not engaged in union activity. The range for this scale was therefore between 0 and 8. The scale is modified from Barling et al. (1991).
Individualism is defined as the degree to which members have an individualistic orientation to work. The measure is a three-item modified scale by Kelly and Kelly (1994). The scale includes questions such as ‘Only those who depend on themselves at work get ahead’.
Extrinsic instrumentality is defined as the calculative (costs versus benefits) relationship of being a union member. The variable is measured by three items and is a modified version of Youngblood et al.’s (1984) scale. The extrinsic instrumentality measure had questions such as ‘The union has improved my working conditions (e.g. wages and benefits)’.
Two control variables were included in the analysis. Sex (1 = female; 0 = male) and Full-time (1 = full-time; 0 = part-time) were coded as dichotomous variables.
Analysis
We conducted confirmatory factor analysis on the multiple-item measures using LISREL VIII (Jöreskog and Sörbom, 2006). The hypothesized nine-factor model (i.e. union participation, union loyalty, leader responsiveness, union satisfaction, procedural justice, industrial relations climate, family socialization, individualism and extrinsic instrumentality) fitted the data significantly better than both the null-(Δχ2(76) = 11665.94; p < .001) and the one-factor (Δχ2(36) = 2833.79; p < .001) models. The parameter estimates (factor loadings) of the best fitting nine-factor model were all significant (p < .05) and ranged from .44 to .68. The measurement model demonstrated acceptable fit: goodness of fit (GFI) = .92, comparative fit index (CFI) = .94 and root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) = .04 (Hu and Bentler, 1998, 1999).
To test our hypotheses, we used hierarchical regression analyses and interaction tests were undertaken, as recommended by Aiken and West (1991). In order to address multi-collinearity we centred the interaction variables.
Results
Descriptives, correlations and reliabilities.
Notes: n = 874; p < .05 for all absolute correlations greater than or equal to .06.
Regression results for union participation.
Notes: n = 874; *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
In step 2, the interaction between union satisfaction and union loyalty was entered and found to be non-significant (β = .060; p > .05). Finally, in step 3 the union satisfaction–leader responsiveness interaction was positive and significant (β = .073; p < .05), with an accompanying significant increase in the adjusted R-squared. To interpret this result, we plotted the interaction result using the process recommended by Aiken and West (1991) and present it in Figure 1. Consistent with Hypothesis 10, we found that responsive leadership did moderate the relationship between union satisfaction and union participation such that high union satisfaction was associated with higher participation when leaders were perceived to be highly responsive.
Interaction between union satisfaction and leader responsiveness.
Discussion
The aim of this article was primarily to test whether frustration–aggression theories such as exit–voice explain voice or participation within trade unions. We did this by controlling for variables that measure components of other theories, such as interactionist and cost–benefit or rational choice theory. This is a novel approach as, thus far, unions have been perceived as agents of voice in employing organizations rather than the organization in question. Although participation may be motivated by other considerations, in this article, we have argued that union participation is an appropriate proxy for voice, particularly as we control for other reasons why members may participate, such as ideology (union loyalty).
In exit–voice theory, dissatisfied union members are expected to voice their dissent within the union by participating. This is especially the case where there is high union loyalty as this mechanism could be expected to encourage voice. This study, however, found no evidence that the exit–voice model explains voice within trade unions. Indeed, the interaction between union satisfaction and loyalty was not significant. Instead, this study found that members who reported that their union representatives at the workplace were responsive to their needs and concerns were more willing to participate in the union, even when they were highly satisfied with it.
Mobilization theory (interactionist theory) suggests that active, involved and responsive union leaders are necessary to encourage collective action. A responsive leadership can act upon perceptions of injustice in the workplace and encourage greater levels of participation (Kelly, 1998). This study lends some support to this theory. Interestingly, high levels of union satisfaction combined with leader responsiveness lead to individuals participating in their union. Framed within a cost–benefit analysis, this may be seen to reduce the psychological cost of participation and increase its benefits, particularly in the context of good leadership.
The study indicates that interactionist theory, where participation is viewed as the result of the social context of members, may have greater validity in explaining union participation than frustration–aggression theories (Kelly, 1998; Klandermans, 1986). Further, there is support for the rational choice or cost–benefit theory as extrinsic instrumentality was significant, indicating that individuals are more likely to express voice and participate in the union when they believe that their actions will have some pay-off.
This study is not without its limitations. The data were drawn from a single organization (albeit with several hundred branches), which restricts the generalizability of the findings. However, it should be noted that we employed a longitudinal design across three time periods, which limits the probability of common method bias (Podsakoff et al., 2003). We use participation as a proxy for voice. Although it is logical to assume that participation is voice (see Leicht, 1989), future research could usefully test this model with more direct measures of union voice.
In terms of practical implications, this article suggests that voice can be activated by the interaction of highly responsive union representatives and high levels of satisfaction. Unions should focus on creating effective leaders who are able to heighten perceptions of injustice at the workplace in order to increase voice within trade unions. They should also focus on improving union satisfaction. Some early literature suggests that union satisfaction is determined by performance of the union (Fiorito et al., 1988). Future research needs to revisit the causes of union satisfaction at the workplace. This is particularly important in the context of the debate over whether unions should apply the servicing or organizing model, where the impact of these models on union satisfaction is uncertain. Other practical implications are that unions should promote collectivism at the workplace and improve the benefits of being a union member, therefore activating voice. There are few practical policy implications regarding socialization as this is external to union control except that unions may promote family activities and raise awareness of family history in attempting to engage members to voice issues.
In conclusion, this article provides us with insights into the determinants of voice within trade unions. Although we failed to find evidence to support the frustration–aggression (exit–voice) theory of participation, our findings did lend weight to the importance of interactionist and cost–benefit theories. Within this context, future research is warranted to examine the pivotal role of active shop-floor representatives in improving voice, as well as union renewal.
Footnotes
Funding
This research is the result of an ARC grant awarded to the second and third authors.
