School violence in Saudi Arabia: A scoping review

Abstract

School violence comprises a broad spectrum of physical, psychological, and sexual acts that impact children and adolescents physically, psychologically, and academically. The aim of this article is to provide a scoping review of school violence in Saudi Arabia. The adversities of school violence and related forensic, legal, and social aspects from a Saudi Arabian perspective are discussed. The articles were extracted through the Medline, Embase, and Web of Science databases in a comprehensive criteria-based search strategy using relevant MeSH terms to identify papers related to school violence in Saudi Arabia from inception to October 6, 2022, and a total of 14 studies have been extracted and discussed. There were indicates that male students tend to engage in physical violence while females tend to engage in verbal violence. The consequences included having a significant impact on students’ mental wellbeing, followed by a decrease in academic performance. Therefore, this study will identify the risk factors and present the preventive methods that can guide local institutions to establish new policies to increase awareness and implement culturally acceptable, community-based programs against school violence in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords

School violence bullying school fights aggression in schools Saudi Arabia

Introduction

Violence has become a significant social and public health concern worldwide, reaching 1.3 million violence-related deaths annually.^1,2 The significance of this growing epidemic, as well as ways to avert the possible disastrous and costly outcomes for victims, have been discussed in many studies.³ Also, schools are one of the main settings for the occurrence of violence among high-risk groups (children and adolescents).⁴ This international phenomenon has been recognized in Saudi Arabia.^5–8 Therefore, identifying school violence and tackling its effects (e.g. psychological) on students is a national priority.⁹

The term “violence” is a general term that requires a well-structured definition. The World Health Organization's definition of violence is “the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment, or deprivation'', in which the main concept is the fundamental loss of safety, which has adverse consequences.^10,11 Some terms related to violence are expressed differently [i.e. bullying which is an aggressive and repeated verbal or physical abuse in the context of a power imbalance between the victim and the perpetrator, while harassment is repeated uninvited behaviors (e.g. insults and threats) committed by a perpetrator causing psychological harm to the victim].^12,13

In the context of schools, the lack of most victims' ability to refuse physical force or misuse of power (i.e. the perpetrator is a principal and threatens the student with expulsion) is a major tactic used by perpetrators.¹⁴

Violence classification

The classification of violence can be based on the nature of the act (physical, psychological, sexual, deprivation, or neglect), to whom it is directed (self-directed, interpersonal, and collective), and the way it is demonstrated (commission or omission) (Figure 1).^15,16

Figure 1.

Summary of the classification of violence.

Nature of the act

Identifying the nature of the act can guide efforts to manage violence (e.g. separating the perpetrator from the victim) and aid in its prevention (e.g. through setting physical boundaries in cases of sexual/physical violence and teaching techniques about emotional regulation to prevent psychological distress). However, the types of acts are not mutually exclusive and can coexist in one setting (e.g. the physical, sexual, and psychological abuse in intimate partner violence).

Direction of the act

Self-directed violence is when someone inflicts violence against oneself as a form of self-abuse or suicidal behavior. However, if it is committed by a different person, it is classified as interpersonal violence (e.g. by a partner or a family member). If violence is committed by a controlling majority against a vulnerable minority, it is classified as collective violence (e.g. political or economic violence).

Demonstration of the act

Legally, the method in which the violence was carried out is classified as an act of commission or omission. An act of commission is a threat or action taken by a perpetrator to inflict harm on a victim (e.g. in physical or sexual assault). On the other hand, the failure to conduct a legally binding action that results in harm is called an act of omission (e.g. failing to support a child with the basic needed measures to sustain life, in neglect cases).^15,16

Aim of the review

Violence has many definitions and interpretations in the school setting. Accordingly, this scoping review aims to highlight school violence-related studies conducted nationally to pinpoint the importance, prevalence, risk factors, legal aspects, consequences, and prevention in Saudi Arabia.

Methods

The educational system in Saudi Arabia consists mainly of schools in the public sector and private sector. In the public sector, the government is responsible for providing a free, yet proper educational environment, textbooks, and facilities through the Ministry of Education. The education in such schools consists of 3 stages, elementary/primary school for 6 years, middle/intermediate school for 3 years, and high/secondary school for 3 years. The student gets enrolled in the school around the age of 7 years and graduates around the age of 19 years. On the other hand, private institutions are funded by tuition fees and donations. Private schools are supervised and licensed by the Ministry of Education.

This scoping review was conducted as per the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines.¹⁷

Eligibility criteria

The eligibility criteria for this review included any original article (primary studies as case-control, cross-sectional, etc.) with human participants of any gender, aged between 7 and 19, exposed to school violence in Saudi Arabia. However, articles were excluded if they met any of the following exclusion criteria: nonprimary studies (e.g. systematic review and narrative review), violence in adults, violence not related to school, or violence in other countries.

Information sources

The primary search was conducted on October 6, 2022, using three electronic databases: Medline (via ProQuest), Embase (via Elsevier), and Web of Science. These databases were used to identify relevant articles from inception to the date of search. Additionally, two records were identified from other sources.

Search strategy

The English language was used in the search and the search terms were under three domains: violence, school, and Saudi Arabia. These terms were entered into the three databases (Medline, Embase, and Web of Science) with no time limit or language restriction during the primary systematic search (Table 1). Arabic literature was not identified due to lack of reliable journal sources. Besides, keywords in Arabic were not considered as there are no reliable Arabic databases to conduct such a search.

Table 1.

Applied search terms.

Applied Mesh-terms*	Database	Search results
(Violence OR Aggression OR Bullying OR Child abuse OR Physical violence OR Cyberbullying OR Physical abuse OR Assaultive behavior OR Emotional abuse Or Antisocial behavior OR Anger OR Sexuality OR Weapons OR Structural violence OR Risky health behavior) AND (School OR School health OR Student OR Elementary school OR High school OR Middle school OR Primary school OR Secondary school OR Adolescents OR Childhood OR Adolescence OR Teenager OR Youth) AND (Saudi Arabia OR Kingdom of Saudi Arabia OR KSA)
	Medline	Violence-related Mesh-terms = 289,195 articles School-related Mesh-terms = 3,045,325 articles Saudi Arabia-related Mesh-terms = 35,793 articles Combined = 239 articles
	Embase	Violence-related terms = 71,105 articles School-related terms = 8,038,176 articles Saudi Arabia-related terms = 161,130 articles Combined = 128 articles
	Web of science	Violence-related terms = 482,489 articles School-related terms = 14,935,715 articles Saudi Arabia-related terms = 341,614 articles Combined = 644 articles

*With the exception of KSA.

Selection process

Reference lists from all three databases were exported to Mendeley to identify and remove duplicate studies. Then, two investigators began the filtration process independently, which included three steps: title screening, abstract screening, and full-text review. In case of disagreement, the decision was reached via discussion in consultation with a third investigator. Consequently, 14 articles remained after the filtration processes (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

PRISMA flowchart of the selection process.

Data extraction

Two investigators independently reviewed the articles that met the inclusion criteria and extracted relevant information. The information extracted included the reference, study design, prevalence and type of violence, and other relevant findings. A third investigator compared the extracted data and found no inconsistencies. Lastly, the themes were chosen based on the literature reviewed in parallel with our objectives.

Results

As shown in the PRISMA flow diagram (Figure 2), a total of 11,013 articles/records were initially identified. After screening the articles for relevance, 14 articles that met the inclusion criteria were included in the present review.^{6–8,18–28} The information pertaining to the study design and setting, objectives addressed, and all relevant findings including prevalence and type of violence are tabulated in Table 2.

Table 2.

Included articles: study design, setting, objectives, prevalence and relevant findings of violence.

References	Objectives addressed	Study design, participants, and settings	Prevalence and type of violence	Other relevant findings
Al Makadma and Ramisetty, 2015⁶	Investigating school absenteeism, engaging in physical violence, and discipline for misconduct at school and their association with the school environment, and students’ connectedness with the school and their parents	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 1668 intermediate and high school students in Riyadh - Males (49%) and females (51%) - Grade (7th-12th)	- Physical (38%)	- 37% of students faced disciplinary actions for vandalism, theft, or engaging in school fights - School connectedness was established as a factor for violence prevention
Al Buhairan et al., 2017⁷	Identifying the association between health risk behaviors, mental health, and academic performance	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 9073 students from intermediate and high school from all 13 regions of Saudi Arabia - Males (52.6%) and females (47.4%) - Age (14-18 years) - Grade (7th-12th)	- Physical (33.3%) - Psychological (26%)	- 12.3% of the students were both victims and perpetrators of physical violence
Alrokban et al., 2019⁸	- Calculating the prevalence of bullying among school children - Determining the pattern of bullying and risk factors among school children	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 268 primary school students at a private school in Riyadh city - Males (45.9%) and females (54.1%) - Grade (1st-3rd)	- Social (3.6%) - Physical (8.7%) - Verbal (1.6%) - Mixed (86.1%)	- Violent behavior risk factors - Violent media (60.6%). Violent games (59.2%). Being angry (29.1%) - Attention seeking (14.1%) - 48% of students reported being bullied in the playground
AL-Eissa et al., 2017¹⁸	Examining the relationship between witnessing intimate partner violence and victimization among children	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 16,939 students at middle and high schools in the five main provinces of Saudi Arabia - Males (50.8%) and females (49.2%) - Age (15−18 years)	-	- 52% witnessed intimate partner violence with the witnesses having a higher risk of being a victim of abuse (P < 0.01)
Al Buhairan et al., 2015¹⁹	Identifying health risk behaviors and health status of adolescents in Saudi Arabia	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 12,575 students (aged 12-19 years) from 278 intermediate and high schools in the 13 regions of Saudi Arabia - Males (51%) and females (49%) - Grade (7th-12th)	- Physical (20%) - Psychological (25%)	- 20.8% of students were exposed to physical violence at school, while 19.7% were exposed to violence in community
Alsaleem et al., 2021²⁰	Assessing bullying and related factors among secondary school students	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 300 students from 12 secondary schools in Khamis Mushait city - Males (54.3%) and females (45.6%) - Age (15–18 years) - Grade (10th-12th)	- Physical (17%) - Verbal (41.7%) - Social (6%)	- Male students have twice the risk of being bullied compared with female students - First-level grade students had three times greater risk of being bullied more than second and third level students
Alotaibi, 2019²¹	Examining the effects of attitudes, normative beliefs, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control/self-efficacy on intentions toward cyber bullying and expected societal outcomes	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 395 high school students - Grade (9th-12th)	-	- A direct relation was established between attitude, social norms, perceived behavioral control, social media use, absence of parental controls, and lack of regulations and behavioral intention of Saudi students to engage in cyberbullying
Abdulkader, 2017²²	Measuring the effectiveness of cognitive behavioral therapy in reducing bullying among students with learning disabilities	- Semi-experimental method - 40 students with learning disabilities - Experimental group (21) Control group (20) from 3 intermediate schools - Grade (7th-9th)	-	- Cognitive behavioral therapy was found to lower the risk of being bullied in students with learning disability after undergoing 17 sessions
Hussein, 2009²³	Assessing levels of victimization and bullying in Saudi, Egyptian, and USA students	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire: 350 participants from four elementary schools in Abha region - Males (60.28%) and females (39.71%) - Grade (3rd-6th)	-	- Egyptian and US girls had lower score on the victim subscale than Saudi girls
Sacarellos et al., 2016²⁴	Examining low self-control as a predictor of self-reported delinquency, violent behavior, victimization, and delinquent peer associations in Saudi Arabian high-school students	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 1000 students from 16 schools in Jeddah city - Males (50%) and females (50%) - Grade (10th-12th)	-	Low self-control is connected to violent behavior, victimization, and of a measure of delinquent peers for each sex. However, it is significantly higher in males
Elmahdy et al., 2022²⁵	Calculating the prevalence of bullying and its association with health-related quality of life among adolescents in Jazan	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire—461 adolescents from 9 schools in Jazan region Males (40.1%) and females (59.9%) - Age (12–18 years)	- Physical (27.6%) - Verbal bullying (75.6%) - Social bullying (28.2%) - Cyberbullying (28.2%)	- Victims of bullying had an overall lower quality of time
Connolly et al., 2017²⁶	Identifying the co-occurrence between aggression, psychopathy, low self-control, and delinquent behavior among Saudi youth	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 324 participants from 6 high schools in Jeddah	- Physical (26.36%)	Middle levels of aggression, middle levels of psychopathy, and high levels of self-control (37.96% of the sample) are more likely to skip school and have aggressive behavior
Al Buhairan et al., 2016²⁷	Exploring bullying among intermediate school students in Saudi Arabia to inform preventive measures	Cross-sectional qualitative study by observations, interviews, and focus groups - 91 participants 40 students 31 school professionals 20 parents - Male students (50%) and female students (50%) - Grade (7th–9th)	-	- Many adults did not perceive these behaviors (bullying) as problematic - Factors related to bullying: Unsecure school environment. Absence of recreational activities Inconsistence approach to problematic behaviors - Impact of bullying: Hatred of school. Hostility Isolation Racism
Jambi, 2020²⁸	- Calculating the prevalence of the different types of bullying - Describing the factors predisposing to bullying	- Cross-sectional self-reported questionnaire - 569 participants from general education grade schools in Jeddah city - Males (32%) and females (66%) - Grade (1st-12th)	- Physical (9.6%–8.9%) - Verbal (13.2%) - Cyberbullying (4.7%) - Sexual bullying (3.5%)	- Chronic bullying (repeated weekly) is reported as the most forcing to do things the victim do not like (4.2%) - Students’ perception on why bullies are aggressive toward the victims: Previously being bullied (42.5%) Aspiration to feel in control (21.4%)

The studies highlighted that violence from a perpetrator and victim perspectives has preceding relevant factors (e.g. domestic violence, being bullied or exposed to violence) that reflect on students’ behavior (e.g. vandalism) during their academic journey and affect their biopsychosocial status (i.e. debilitating them emotionally, as most perpetrators witnessed a form of violence being demonstrated).^6–8,18,19 Moreover, cross-cultural different perceptions were noted, as a study on bullying victims reported that Saudi female students had relatively increased feelings of victimhood, while in another study victims assumed that perpetrators might have been prior victims or seeking control.^23,28

In addition, multiple studies reported cyberbullying as a form of psychological violence affecting students.^21,25,28 Furthermore, intellectual disability, lack of parental supervision, lack of self-control, being a male and unsecure school environment were correlated with increased incidence of violence.^20,24,26,27 On the other hand, a study concluded that cognitive behavioral therapy sessions were correlated with decreasing incidence of bullying among students with learning disabilities.²²

Discussion

Epidemiology

Globally, the phenomenon of violence has affected over one billion children from the ages of 2 to 17 in the past year alone.²⁹ An international study found that the second most common perpetrators of violence were students.⁴ A study that included 12,575 participants from different regions of Saudi Arabia stated that 20% were exposed to school-related physical violence incidents the preceding year.¹⁹ Another study that discussed bullying in Saudi Arabia, a prevalent type of violence, included 9073 participants and concluded that 26% were bullied in the last month, and one out of three adolescent students was exposed to physical violence.⁷ In addition, a study measuring the prevalence of bullying in Saudi Arabian elementary classes (first grade to third grade), found that 86.1% of students were involved in combined bullying (physical, social, and verbal).⁸ The most common method of bullying in school was found to be verbal bullying across all grades.²⁵ Therefore, school violence is an issue in Saudi Arabia that affects children/adolescents and impacts their lives (i.e. socially and physically).

Risk factors

There are certain factors that predispose or protect a child from manifesting behaviors of school violence. According to the literature, the risk factors in Saudi Arabian schools were epidemiologically correlated rather than causal and explained below.

Gender and age

Schoolboys and girls act differently (i.e. in terms of play type and levels of aggression). Hence, there are differences in the manifestation of their violence; Saudi boys are more likely to be involved in physical altercations, while girls are more likely to do it verbally.^8,26 In addition, students understand that as they move through the grades, certain behaviors (e.g. tantrums, shouting, etc.) are considered age inappropriate. However, it seems that as they progress through grades, Saudi females become more physical and males combine physical and psychological aggression (e.g., cyberbullying, forcing others to do things, etc.).²⁸

Substance abuse

The interconnectivity between substances (e.g. alcohol and smoking) and risky behavior is well established. In Saudi Arabia, there tends to be a gender difference, as adolescent male students are more likely to smoke or drink alcohol, while females tend to gravitate toward solvents. In addition, a correlation between smoking and alcohol with various psychological traits (e.g. low self-control) might increase the number of violent acts in school.^19,30

Mental health

There are different groups of disorders that increase an individual's likelihood of engaging in a violent act or demonstrating any type of violence (i.e. an agitated student with intellectual disability or a group B personality disorder).^26,31–33 A study on Saudi Arabian elementary school students concluded that being bullied, exposed to violent games or media, being angry, and seeking attention were significantly correlated with bullying behaviors.⁸ Therefore, understanding the students’ backgrounds is crucial in setting boundaries of interactions and developing their character.

Protective factors

The literature regarding Saudi Arabian protective factors was not significantly highlighted. Therefore, the factors reported in both Saudi Arabian and international papers are discussed.

School connectedness

School connectedness comprises the belief held by students that their teachers and colleagues care about their education and self-improvement. This belief is fostered when the environment encourages critical thinking (e.g. decision-making processes) and psychological wellbeing (i.e. meeting the students’ needs for care, communication). Higher school connectedness leads to a decrease in violence, absenteeism and increase the academic performance.^6,34

Parental monitoring

Parental monitoring refers to behaviors related to caring for, communicating with, and supervising adolescents. Although several Saudi Arabian and international papers describe the benefits of parental monitoring, none drew a clear line between consistent surveillance and overprotective behaviors (i.e. controlling a child's behaviors to align with the idea that everything, other than the parents, is dangerous, which culminates in the child's loss of autonomy).^6,35,36 However, the “moderation” between adolescents’ control and autonomy has various benefits (e.g. secure child–parent attachments).³⁷ Some Saudi Arabian studies demonstrate a correlation between the parent–child relationship and the future development of certain behaviors (e.g. risky behavior and school fights), having a preventive effect.^6,38,39

Prosocial behaviors

Prosocial behaviors are voluntary acts that benefit others (e.g. communication). The more a child demonstrates altruistic behaviors and is surrounded by peers/teachers that do so, the lower they physically fight, use drugs and the higher they academically perform.^37,40 Some programs have implemented this concept in several schools and had positive outcomes (see the Recommendations and Prevention section).

Forensic relevance

Violence, though preventable, is a cause for physical and psychological burden. For physical injuries affecting a vulnerable age group (i.e. children), the legal implications mandate the involvement of multiple services (i.e. a forensic physician to examine and report the inflicted injuries).⁴¹ In addition, from a forensic psychiatry perspective, mental disorders commonly affect both victims and perpetrators of youth-related violence (e.g. increased suicide and suicidal behaviors among victims).^14,42,43 Hence, the coexistence of legal, medical, and psychological aspects warrants the forensic medicine establishment's attention.

Saudi Arabia is an Islamic country in which the laws are based on the Qur’an (the holy book of Islam), Sunnah (the acts or words of the Prophet Mohammed), and Fatwa (legal rulings issued by a qualified jurist).^44–46 The proper treatment of children in Islam was highlighted by the religious scriptures, in which a rule was stated that all children have the right to be clothed, fed, and protected from physical or moral harm.⁴⁷ In Saudi Arabia, the Bureau of Experts at the Council of Ministers defines a “child” as a person under the age of 18 and “violence” as any behavior or act that involves physical, psychological, or sexual harm, which is forbidden in Islam.⁴⁸

The law enforcers legal consequences for any sane, adult person (older than 18) who commits violence against children inside a teaching facility, must be punished (i.e. 5 years of imprisonment, a 500,000 SR ($133,300) fine, or both).⁴⁹ Severe consequences may be applied in the case of the victim's death or severe organ damage, ranging from Qisas retaliation of the same kind, similar to the principle of an eye for an eye to Diya (financial compensation paid to the victim or the heirs) if the family of the deceased forgives the offender.^50,51

If the perpetrator is a child, punishments differ depending upon the exact age and type of harm caused, however, Qisas is never the punishment. For children between the ages of 7–15, the punishment is less severe (e.g. social supervision for 2 years), while for children between 15 and 18 years old, social supervision might be extended to 10 years (Figure 3).^52,53

Figure 3.

Classification of possible penalties depending on age and harm caused.

The impact of school violence

International papers report the impact of school violence on students in various aspects, such as direct physical injuries, mental illness, and decreased academic performance.⁵⁴ The sequelae of physical injuries (e.g. contusions, fractures) sustained through corporal punishment on students, leads to an evident increase in their aggressive behaviors (e.g. hitting relatives).⁵⁵ Nonetheless, a study that included students from 22 elementary schools in the United States, demonstrated that youth victimization (i.e. witnessing or being a victim of violence) was correlated with higher rates of depression, anxiety, and delinquent behaviors.⁵⁶ On the other hand, two Saudi Arabian papers found that the long-term impact on victims who experienced childhood bullying was that they had increased odds of having depressive and anxiety symptoms with a poor quality of life.^7,25 In addition, a Saudi Arabian paper on the adverse childhood experiences (i.e. being exposed to violent incidents during childhood) found that they were with 20 times the likelihood of having depression, 9 times for anxiety, and 10 times for suicidal thoughts.⁵⁷ Moreover, a study of secondary school female students showed that 38.3% and 8.5% of those who have moderate to severe depression had been exposed to bullying and violence, respectively.⁵⁸ Therefore, the adverse effects of school violence are an issue that affects the young generations of Saudi Arabia and internationally.

Recommendations and prevention

Throughout the research, there were evident deficiencies in papers discussing school violence in Saudi Arabia. Hence, we urge researchers to study violence in schools to help build a growth environment and develop the educational system. The goal of the educational growth mindset is to create an environment without the negative connotation of failure (as failure is a part of the learning process). The base of growth is safety, in which preventive programs can be implemented, as no concrete programs were structured in Saudi Arabian schools.^59–61 Although the Saudi National Family Safety Program conducts annual antibullying campaigns, the last campaign was in 2021 with no statistics regarding its effect.^31,62

There are several types of antibullying programs, the type that had a significant impact was the whole-school approach, which targets the epidemic comprehensively. The approach targets students (bullies, victims, and bystanders), their families, and the teaching staff involved in antibullying lectures and activities (e.g. one-to-one conversations with a specialist).⁶³ There are different strategies (e.g. “Kiusaamista Vastaan”/Against Bullying (KiVa) program, Olweus Bullying Prevention Program (OBPP), and social skills training) that can be implemented as a part of the whole-school program or as a single program.²²

The KiVa project primarily targeted enhancing students’ knowledge of bullying and its consequences while teaching them positive group interactions (i.e. creating sessions of safe, nonjudgmental spaces for students to share their experiences) to support their victimized peers, supervised by the KiVa team with limited parental involvement.⁶⁴ On the other hand, the OBPP's knowledge enhancement was by parents’ and community figures’ creation of bullying prevention committees (i.e. setting school rules, class speeches, and class meetings to create a sense of antibullying culture) with available sessions coordinated by trained personnel to deal with the victims’ struggles and the bully's reasoning.⁶⁵ The assessment of a single program's performance demonstrated that the KiVa project had a more significant impact than the OBPP, perhaps due to the cultural homogeneity among the schools of Finland, emphasizing the importance of integrating intervention programs into the cultural setting of the educational facility.⁶³

Strengths and limitations

This is the first scoping review study that covered a fundamental issue that could negatively affect children's growth in Saudi Arabia. This review was conducted according to the PRISMA guidelines to ensure a robust literature search. Moreover, a comprehensive literature search was performed by two independent investigators to ensure that all relevant articles were included, with a predefined search strategy, inclusion criteria, and exclusion criteria involving three large databases.

We acknowledge some limitations of this study. Most of the included studies followed a cross-sectional approach that may involve various cofounders (e.g. current emotional and socioeconomic status of students participating in studies). Also, the exposure to violence and its outcome were simultaneously measured, so the temporal relationship could not be assessed. The included studies showed clinical and statistical heterogeneity, which was expected since no program was in place to estimate or prevent such phenomena. Lastly, a critical appraisal of each study was not done to assess the relevance and reported results, although each study was summarized in detail.

Conclusion

The main challenge to achieving a healthy school system in Saudi Arabia is violence, which can result in temporary or permanent physical, psychological, social, and academic consequences. Although its prevalence may vary due to several factors (e.g. gender and culture), further studies at the national level in Saudi Arabia are needed to anticipate, identify, and prevent the factors contributing to this problem. Moreover, early identification and prevention are vital to avoid further consequences for those exposed to violence. Accordingly, we emphasize the importance of disseminating this review to tackle this problem by implementing concrete preventive programs to reduce violence in the schools of Saudi Arabia.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Ritesh G. Menezes

Abdullah Haleem Abuzaid

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