Parental Perceptions of Surviving Sibling Grief Responses to an Adolescent’s Violent and Sudden Death by the Sewol Ferry Disaster in South Korea

Abstract

The aim of this study was to provide empirical descriptions of responses to the death of a sibling to the sinking of the Sewol ferry in South Korea. 16 bereaved parents are interviewed regarding their surviving children's grief responses at approximately 2 years after the death. The surviving siblings described by the bereaved parents are 14 in total, including 8 teens in their 10s and 4 young adults in their 20s. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using a qualitative content analysis method. The following themes emerged: (a) negative behavioral changes, (b) expressions of grief, (c) change in relationship with parents, (d) school adjustment problems, and (e) social changes. Unique aspects of the grief responses among the surviving siblings in this study are noted. Discussions and implications are provided based on the results.

Keywords

Parental perception sibling bereavement grief response adolescent death qualitative study

Adolescents’ Experience of Death

Considering that adolescence is an impressionable developmental stage of life that involves biopsychosocial changes including ethical, interpersonal, and cognitive transitions, it is understandable that an event such as the death of a close other can be a life crisis as it gives the already burdened teen more to deal with (Balk, 1990; Lohan & Murphy, 2002). If not managed well, the extreme effect of a death of a family member can lead to emotional and behavioral problems including psychiatric symptoms that may remain throughout adulthood (Kirwin & Hamrin, 2005; White, 1976). Bereaved siblings may feel the need to take the deceased’s place in the family or feel responsible for the tasks that the deceased used to do (Dickens, 2014; Fonward & Garlie, 2003). Also, as the home is filled with grief and the family’s everyday activities undergo a sudden change, the surviving child may feel as if he does not belong (Packman, Horsley, Davies, & Kramer, 2006). Parental support such as sharing memories about the deceased is helpful and necessary in stabilizing emotions and mediating surviving children’s experiences of sibling’s death, thus its value cannot be underestimated (Hogan & DeSantis, 1994; Packman et al., 2006).

Within the peer group, surviving adolescents may feel that they and the other children are unalike in their outlook of life because of their expanded view of life obtained after the sibling’s death, and this may cause them to drop out of peer group activities (Fonward & Garlie, 2003). A feeling of belonging is a crucial feature for adolescents, and studies found that adolescents often attempt to appear normal by drawing a veil over their grief so that they will not seem dissimilar form their peer group (Christ, 2000; Christ, Siegel, & Christ, 2002). In the same vein, adolescents often fear to be identified as the family member of a deceased (e.g., siblings’ death from AIDS) if they feel a chance of being shamed, or stigmatized by people (Demmer & Rothschild, 2011).

Surviving siblings may also feel guilty that they are betraying the deceased by moving on and leaving the deceased behind (Packman et al., 2006). They may also fear parents becoming overly protective of them (Horsley & Patterson, 2006) and find it difficult to ascribe meaning to the death (Dyregrov, Dyregrov, & Kristensen, 2015). Fortunately, subsequent changes in surviving children after the death of a sibling do not always end up negative: There are also opportunities for psychological growth such as being more mature in attitude, having higher moral standards, and trying new things (Balk, 1983; Batten & Oltjenbruns, 1999; Davies, 1991; Dickens, 2014; McCown & Davies, 1995).

Causes of Death and Their Effects on the Bereaved Family

The body of literature regarding adolescent grief deals mainly with deaths caused by chronic illness, particularly child cancer (Barrera et al., 2013; Birenbaum, 1999). Only in recent years have sibling bereavement and sibling's functioning after sudden violent death received attention (Dyregrov et al., 2015; Horsley & Patterson, 2006; Lohan & Murphy, 2001, 2002).

Nature of death should not be overlooked as it seems important for determining the intensity of aftermaths of bereaved families. Studies demonstrate that the sudden death of a family member leaves a more significant impact on the bereaved families compared to death by chronic illness (Dickens, 2014), and those bereaved by violent causes showed significantly higher levels of traumatic distress compared to those bereaved by natural causes (Holland & Neimeyer, 2011). Of particular interest is that the bereaved families of a sudden, violent death experience some struggles that are distinctive from other types of losses such as ‘anger toward several targets’ and ‘dreams of revenge’ (Murphy et al., 1999). Also, there is a study that suggests that bereaved families of massive killings suffer more than those who lost family members by individual deaths such as an accident, homicide, or suicide (Dyregrov et al., 2015). It suggests the possibility that there is a significance in respect to bereaved families’ grief and their ability to function for deaths which draw public attention.

The Sewol Ferry Disaster was a very public death: It took a total of 3 days for the ship to sink entirely to the bottom of the sea, and the slow sinking was broadcasted live throughout the nation. For more than 3 months after the disaster, major media outlets covered real-time news from the scene of the disaster, statement releases from the government, and updates on the bereaved families. Moreover, the bereaved often receive media attention to this day, even after 2 years. Some bereaved families are still in a protracted involvement with the legal system and many are still working to get to the bottom of what caused the sinking.

“Death of a Sibling” Versus “Child Death,” and “Parent Death”

Studies found that death plays its impact quite uniquely on each family member, because the meaning may vary for each (Crehan, 2004; Worden, Davies, & McCown, 1999). The death of a family member may involve the following regardless of the relationship to the deceased: depression (Balk, 1983; Herberman Mash, Fullerton, & Ursano, 2013; Worden et al., 1999), anger (McCown & Davies, 1995; Worden et al., 1999), family interaction problems (Balk, 1983; Hogan & DeSantis, 1994; Horsley & Patterson, 2006; Lohan & Murphy, 2001, 2002), change in concept of self (Balk, 1983; Batten & Oltjenbruns, 1999), and guilt (Cain et al., 1964; Crehan, 2004). Yet a common belief that the death of a parent is the salient loss for children undermines sibling bereavement and its impact on surviving children. Also, the death of a child in the family is often considered to be most devastating to the parents. And several studies point out that bereaved siblings in their adolescence are often given explicit and implicit messages from surroundings to deny, ignore, repress, or postpone their grief for the sake of the grieving parents (Devita-Raeburn, 2004; Horsley & Patterson, 2006; Rosen, 1985). Or bereaved siblings themselves avoid talking with parents about their feelings as they think talking about it will make their parents’ distress even more intense (Balk, 1983; Dickens, 2014; Fonward & Garlie, 2003; Horsley & Patterson, 2006). However, recent studies indicate that sibling bereavement should not be treated as secondary to the death of a parent or child (Barrera et al., 2013; McCown & Davies, 1995).

First of all, a sibling’s death may have long-term aftermaths, which, for some, last for a life span. Bereaved adolescents, despite their attempts to “move on with life” as a common strategy, are known to show their persistent and intense grief, behavioral problems, psychological breakdowns, and gilt up to 12 years after the loss of a sibling (Cain et al., 1964; Devita-Raeburn, 2004; Dickens, 2014; Herberman Mash et al., 2013; Horsley & Patterson, 2006; Rosenberg et al., 2015). Moreover, loss of a sibling in childhood can impact all significant future relationships (Dickens, 2014).

Secondly, the death of a sibling seems to have similar or worse effects than parental death. A study showed that girls who experienced sibling loss were more anxious, depressed, and had more attention problems than girls who had lost a parent (Worden et al., 1999). A deceased brother or sister could have been a reflection of one's own self in the world to the child (Devita-Raeburn, 2004). A sibling is a unique participant of one’s life as the relationship is a playmate, best friend, confidante, competitor, and role model (Davies, 1995; Dickens, 2014). A sibling’s death is losing an inextricable being who exists in one’s past and present, and who was naturally expected to share life throughout adulthood. Furthermore, if the surviving sibling is in his or her critical developmental stage and requires parents’ support and care, the death could become a double loss to the surviving sibling as it may result in parental unavailability as well (Horsley & Patterson, 2006; Rosen & Cohen, 1981). Parent’s own grief preoccupy the parents emotionally and may eventually hinder them from fulfilling the parenting role to the surviving child (Bank & Kahn, 1982; Cain et al., 1964; Davies, 1995; Packman et al., 2006).

The Current Study

The Sewol ferry, with 476 people on board, sank off South Korea’s south coast on April 16th 2014, leaving 299 people dead and 5 missing. According to the national statistical annual report, the total death toll of marine accidents in South Korea during the year prior to the Sewol Ferry Disaster was only 62 (Korea Maritime Safety Tribunal, 2017). Among the dead, 250 were high school students from Ansan, a city south of Seoul (Smith, 2017). Ansan is a planned city designated as a national industrial complex. The Ansan community is home to many manufacturing industries and consists mainly of migrant workers. Intention of settlement or strong social cohesion within the community are rare as the statistics demonstrates: the low rate of current residents who were born in Ansan (less than 5%), the high migration rate (25%), and the high rate of international migrants in the city (15%: five times more than the national average) (Jeong, 2014). Despite such industrial and individualistic roots of Ansan, the community had commiserated with the bereaved families and friends on this tragic loss and helped with recovery (Fackler, 2014). Unfortunately, the prolonged economic stagnation and psychological fatigue the citizens of Ansan experienced resulted in some local merchants turning against the bereaved and accusing them of slowing down the Ansan economy with their continued mourning and protesting (Kim, 2014). Recently, funerals were held for the five missing victims whose bodies were never recovered even after the gull of the ferry was raised onto dry land (Choi, 2017). Even after four years have passed, their long struggle is not yet over. The bereaved families gathered to commemorate the four-year mark of the Sewol Ferry Disaster and said that they attended the ceremony to show their determination to not give up until the cause of the disaster was discovered (Lee, 2018).

This study aims to illuminate sibling grief after the Sewol Ferry Disaster through parents’ reports 2 years after the loss. This study is based on secondary analyses of parental interviews as part of a larger project investigating family bereavement after the Sewol Ferry Disaster. Parent’s experiences of bereavement and changes experienced in parenting are reported elsewhere (see Lee et al., 2020).

Since most of the surviving siblings of Sewol Ferry Disaster are in their adolescence, there are some concerns in interviewing them directly. One researcher stated that there is a lack of thorough regulations for interviewing and debriefing children and adolescents in South Korea (Ahn, 2009). Also, there is research stating that children are often best informants in providing subjective phenomena such as their feelings and reasons, whereas their caretakers, the parents, are better informants in reporting children’s health, schooling, and family issues (De Leeuw, 2011). In cases where adolescents may lack the introspective ability and further insight to notice the nature of their problem behaviors, they may be unable to give accurate reports about patterns of behavior. The information the adolescents provide may be incorrect despite their best efforts to be honest and accurate. Also, parents are likely to answer on behalf of their 15 to 24-year-old adolescent children (“Statistics Canada, Participation and Activity Limitation Survey,” 2006). The aim of this study is to capture the grief responses at the moment of 2 years after the sudden violent death of siblings, thus the parents rather than the surviving siblings themselves were chosen to be interviewed.

Method

Participants

Initially parents were recruited in person at college campus forums hosted by the union of families bereaved by the Sewol Ferry Disaster. Some of those parents invited other bereaved parents to the study. Therefore 17 parents, including five married couples, were recruited via purposive and snowball sampling, but the interview of one mother was excluded in this analysis, because she had lost her only child to the disaster. The sixteen (9 mothers and 7 fathers) parents had one, two or three surviving children at the time of the study, and a total of 14 bereaved siblings from 11 families are represented by these parents. Age group, gender, and birth order of surviving siblings are described below (Table 1). The Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the university with which the authors are affiliated approved this study, and all participants gave informed consent.

Table 1.

Age, Gender and Birth Order of Surviving Siblings.

Surviving siblings	Age group	Gender	Birth order to deceased
1	Late 10s	Female (F)	Younger
2	Early 20s	Male (M)	Older
3	Late 10s	F	Younger
4	Early 20s	F	Older
5	Late 10s	F	Younger
6	Mid 10s	F	Younger
7	Late 10s	M	Younger
8	Early 20s	F	Older
9	Late 10s	M	Younger
10	Early 20s	F	Older
11	Late 10s	M	Younger
12	Mid 20s	F	Older
13	Mid 20s	F	Older
14	Early 10s	F	Younger

Analysis

We interviewed all participants by themselves or with their spouse. Interviews lasted up to 3 hours and were conducted mainly at the participant's home, at the Ansan Welfare Center, or at the memorial altar. One professor (PhD) in the university's counseling program and three master’s students attended. Interviews occurred approximately two years after the death as they were conducted from May to August of 2016. The semi-structured interviews included questions about what parents perceived their children were experiencing.

Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using a synthesis technique outlined by Eaves (2001). A content analysis (Hickey & Kipping, 1996; LoBiondo-Wood & Haber, 2006) method guided the process of extracting themes related to sibling grieving behavior. First, each interview was read line by line repeatedly to highlight key words for later development into code phrases. Reducing similar code phrases into clusters led to concepts that, through constant comparison for similarities and relationships, became categories. Initial categories were identified by the principal investigator of this study. A second researcher reviewed the core categories, by editing their names, combining and dividing categories, and rereading transcripts. If there were disagreements between the two coders, these were resolved by further reading of the specific interview sections for clarification until consensus was reached. After categories and themes were established, they were also reviewed by one additional investigator for further refinement and clarification.

This study is a cross-language qualitative research study where audio data were collected in the Korean language and translated into written form in English. Translation between languages may involve interpretation as well as transcribing talk with various interactional contexts into a more content-oriented written form (Nikander, 2008). Therefore, the initial task of translation was given to the first researcher who was knowledgeable of the English-speaking and Korean-speaking cultures, and the researchers double-checked the translation by reviewing the translation and rereading transcripts.

Results

A total of five core categories emerged from the interviews and include (a) negative behavioral changes, (b) expressions of grief, (c) change in relationship with parents, (d) school adjustment problems, and (e) social changes. The categories and specific themes within each category are described in Table 2.

Table 2.

Mothers’ and Fathers’ Reported Categories of Siblings’ Grief.

Changes	All participants (N = 14) n (%)
Negative behavioral changes	8 (57)
Irritable and anger issues	5 (36)
Not talking	4 (29)
Separation anxiety symptoms	2 (14)
Loss of faith	2 (14)
Video game and smartphone addiction	2 (14)
Disappearance from the home	1 (7)
Inertness	1 (7)
Obsessive hoarding	1 (7)
Expressions of grief	9 (64)
Avoiding and pushing away the death	6 (43)
Remembering the deceased	3 (21)
Career choice	3 (21)
Delayed grief	1 (7)
Change in relationship with parents	8 (57)
Acting mature	8 (57)
Rejecting parental attention	2 (14)
School adjustment problems	10 (71)
Reluctant to hang out with friends	7 (50)
Deterioration in school performance	3 (21)
Wanting to drop out	2 (14)
Loss of direction in life	2 (14)
Social changes	10 (71)
Not wanting to be identified as a Sewol bereaved	6 (43)
Distrust toward authority and mass media	4 (29)
Raising voice to social issues	4 (29)
Rejecting professional help	4 (29)
Disregard of rules and regulations	1 (7)

Negative Behavioral Changes

The most prominent and obvious change parents reported in their surviving children were changes in behavior. Parents described how their children have picked up negative behavioral habits since the death of their sibling such as acting out in rage, not talking, showing anxiety when separated from parents, being addicted to video games and smartphones, loss of faith, disappearing from the home, inertness, and hoarding of belongings—in order of frequency.

Acting out in rage, which was the behavioral change most reported, was seen as a reaction to the pain of losing a sibling. Surviving children acted irritably toward friends who brought up the topic of the disaster or asked about it. One parent said that she believed her child’s increased cursing was because of a sense of revenge felt by the child regarding his sibling’s death. She says that he was “filled with revenge” and that this was overwhelming him and making him unable to engage in more productive activities. One parent compared the behavior with typical adolescence when she said:

It’s like he’s going through the adolescence phase all over again, but it’s worse. Even when he was going through puberty it wasn’t this irritable and rebellious. Sometimes he screams out of nowhere or says that he wants to hit someone up close. I think he’s thinking violent thoughts, too.

Children also altogether stopped talking to their parents about their bereavement experience and avoided answering when asked about it. As one mother said, “He never talks about her sister. When I ask, he avoids the question altogether just like her father.” “We’re just waiting and praying for her to open her mouth,” another mother said.

I haven’t been able to communicate with him for over a year. So I’m curious whether he’s doing okay outside the home. He doesn’t talk to me at all. So I don’t know what he’s going through, because he doesn’t speak. He doesn’t say anything. He wasn’t a talkative child, but it’s worse now. He shuts his mouth, doesn’t talk.

Some parents have understood this to be an attempt to hide their emotions from their parents, as one mother said, “It’s because she’s trying to hide her tears from me.”

Some parents have also said that their children were more attached to them after the death. One mother said, “If I don’t go, he doesn’t go. He’s anxious without me,” about an incident when they were to attend a family gathering. Another mother reported her teenage daughter’s behavior in the following statement:

“Mom don’t go”, she says. She tells me not to leave her alone in the house. If I go out she keeps calling me on the phone. “Mom what are you doing? Where are you? When are you coming home?”… She should be out with her friends. But she’s worried that she’ll lose me too like her brother.

Another behavioral change reported was how surviving children were attached to their devises. Children played video games from the time they got home to the time they went to bed. One parent had set a rule to hand in all phones to her by 10 p.m. Even then the children would not give up their phones until around 11 p.m.

Parents also reported children suspending religious activities. One mother who is an avid Christian said about her daughter that she was having a crisis of faith.

She doesn’t say it, but I think she is doubting God. Why did [deceased child] die when he was such a good Christian and prayed a lot? She can’t accept it. She’s not blaming God but she’s asking why this had to happen.

Another parent reported other perceived reasons for the loss of religious activity in the following statement: “My eldest daughter, who is in college, doesn’t go to church anymore, because she can’t fit in with the jolly atmosphere and has been disappointed with the priests there for their disregarding attitudes towards the Sewol Ferry Disaster.”

Along with these changes, children have been coming home at late hours, adopted an inert and lethargic attitude toward the daily activities of life, and displayed an obsessive hoarding of belongings. The parent of the child who displayed hoarding behavior explained to us what this entailed.

When we use a paper cup, we are supposed to throw it away. But not [surviving child]. He doesn’t let us throw it away. Even trash has become precious to him. The most horrific day in our household is the day we have to let out the recyclable trash. We can’t take out the trash when he is watching. It’s called compulsive hoarding in psychiatry. But it’s more than just hoarding. He obsesses over things. It's as if his feelings towards his brother is now directed toward things.

Expressions of Grief

Surviving siblings were reported to show signs of grieving in several ways: unable to face the death, remembering the deceased, changes in career choice, and delayed grief.

Unable to face the death was displayed by surviving children’s unwillingness to visit memorial alters or go into the deceased siblings’ room. But children also remembered and paid tribute to their deceased siblings by setting their social networking service profile to a picture of the deceased or sharing episodes of their sibling when a related subject came up in conversation. Some children also followed after their siblings by entering into Dan-won High School in order to “finish” their older siblings’ education or adopting the career paths their siblings had. One parent said:

[Surviving child] used to love art. He would always bring home awards for his drawings in art class. But he doesn’t draw anymore. He does music now. You see, his older brother did music. I think he’s trying to imitate his brother. Music has become his hope and his life now.

One sibling, who registered for the Korean army right after the death of his little brother, has now just begun to feel sadness 2 years after the death. “He didn’t have opportunities for counseling or conversation like the other siblings did. Now he’s going through the pain all over again,” his mother said.

Change in Relationship With Parents

Surviving children changed in their interactions with parents in the following ways: acting mature and rejecting parental attention. Children displayed a mature mannerism toward their parents and lacked the child-like proclivities such as asking for things or complaining in the house. Children were considerate of their parents’ grief and did not want to burden them with theirs as well. Even when children were considered to be of age where such immaturities would be appropriate, they were unnaturally staunch and sometimes assumed the caretaker role to their parents. One father said, “He pretends to be strong on the outside. He tries to take care of his mother.” Some children have shut their parents out of their lives by not letting them into their rooms or purposefully coming home late by taking the night shift at a job to avoid the parent–child interaction. Children displayed discomfort towards parents' attempts to reach out to them – they wanted to be left alone.

School Adjustment Problems

Several themes emerged when parents described siblings’ school adjustment problems: reluctant to hang out with friends, deterioration in school performance, wanting to drop out of school, and loss of direction in life. A mother expressed her concern that her daughter was shrinking away from relationships with peers in the following statement, “She used to be an outgoing girl with a lot of friends from school but now she barely goes out with them.” Children have also become passive in the classroom by sleeping during class and being disinterested in school work. Parents have reported drastic drops in grades. Because the children were thought to be mourning and therefore fragile, teachers or parents did not endorse them to strive academically. Parents indicated that children have expressed a desire to stop attending school altogether. One parent said, “She has said that she wants to stop going to school, or transfer to another school, or drop out.” Another parent, whose child has taken a leave of absence from school, has tried desperately to talk to their child into going back to school. Another parent reported her experience in the following way:

[Surviving child] is still going through trauma … He can’t take classes, because he will start crying during class and then he will have to run out of the classroom and cry on the stairway. I’ve hears that the boys and the girls do this. So he left and is now attending an alternative school.

Along with having difficulties academically, surviving children were unable to make plans for the future or make decisions regarding direction in life. One parent described how her child who has always wanted to be an engineer has lost all interest in that field. Another father said, “She doesn’t know why she needs to study. She can’t make a decision about what she wants to be. First she wanted to be a TV producer, but now she isn’t sure.”

Social Changes

The following themes emerged regarding siblings in social contexts: Not wanting to be identified as a Sewol bereaved, distrust toward authority and mass media, raising voice to social issues, rejecting professional help, and disregard of rules and regulations. Children suffered the social stigma of being labeled as a bereaved sibling and consequently did not want to be identified in that light. This is illustrated by a mother who said,

A lot of people are wearing the Sewol badge. But our son strictly pretends that he is not a bereaved. Even if I put the yellow badge on his backpack, he will get annoyed and take it off. I asked him why, and he just says that he hates it.

Another parent reported an experience she had. “Once a friend of his from his school told a kid from another school that [surviving child] was a Sewol bereaved. [Surviving child] saw that and flipped out. As soon as he got home he was crying and screaming.” Even when the people around the surviving sibling were not against the Sewol cause but responded amicably when they found out, the siblings still did not want people to know about it. An older female sibling who was now working at an office did not want her coworkers to find out that she was a Sewol bereaved.

Surviving siblings also did not respect public authority, news reports, or the elderly. They started calling the police by derogatory names and cuss-out news reports. They did not trust the government they believed would save their siblings. They also did not trust major news outlets as they had experienced too many misreports or hostile reports about them in the right wing media.

One mother reported the following:

We try to teach our children to respect adults. But when we’re going about the streets sometimes there an old lady that doesn’t obey traffic lights. [Surviving child] will say, “See mom! Old people are so clueless. That’s why our country is so messed up.”… He has no respect.

Children also became active in social issues and participated in protests and raising awareness for the Sewol cause such as pushing for investigations and recovering the ferry. Children mostly spread the word through social media outlets such as Facebook—posting and sharing announcements related to the activities of the union of families bereaved by Sewol Ferry Disaster. But surviving children rejected the professional help society offered such as counseling that has been made available to them by the government and other private facilities. Surviving siblings displayed a disregard for the law as they loitered on the street illegally and jaywalked without remorse saying: “It’s okay as long as I’m not caught.”

Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore how the parents perceived the surviving siblings’ grief after the death of a sibling by the Sewol Ferry Disaster. As a result, five core categories including (a) negative behavioral changes, (b) expressions of grief, (c) change in relationship with parents, (d) school adjustment problems, and (e) social changes emerged.

Negative Behavioral Changes

“Irritability and anger control issues” as an outcome is consistent with past literature among surviving siblings; anger and externalizing behaviors (Worden et al., 1999), constant provocative testing and forms of acting out (Cain et al., 1964), being irritable, and arguing a lot (McCown & Davies, 1995) were found in previous studies among bereaved siblings. Considering that “anger toward several targets” and “dreams of revenge” was shown in bereaved families who have lost a loved one by sudden, violent death (Murphy et al., 1999), the rebellious, angry reaction with a sense of “revenge” shown in the participants of this study is understandable.

As well, surviving siblings’ not talking to their parents is consistent with previous findings; bereaved children were stubborn and sullen (McCown & Davies, 1995) and avoided talking with parents about their feelings (Barrera et al., 2013). Although we cannot be certain of the reason for this behavior since we did not interview the siblings themselves, one possible speculation is what previous literatures have suggested; often the surviving children decide not to talk about the deceased as they think it will make their parents’ distress even more intense (Balk, 1983; Dickens, 2014; Fonward & Garlie, 2003; Horsley & Patterson, 2006).

The current study’s finding of separation anxiety symptoms in surviving siblings may correspond with existing literatures suggesting that surviving siblings’ anxiety increases (Worden et al., 1999). Whereas in previous studies on sibling bereavement a general anxiety was reported, the anxiety experienced by the siblings in this study expressed itself in the form of anxiety in separating from ones parents after the death of a sibling. This also implies that the separation anxiety displayed by the adolescents and young adults reported in this study should be distinguished from the separation anxiety displayed in infants and young children, which is a natural part of the developmental process. Considering that adolescence is a developmental stage that requires gradual separation from the family of origin, a loss of a sibling during this period may complicate this developmental task (Rosen, 1991).

The literatures previously reviewed stated that “finding new meaning of life for survivors” as well as “making meaning of the deceased’s life” appear to be helpful for bereaved siblings’ recuperation from the trauma (Dickens, 2014; Fonward & Garlie, 2003). However, the bereaved siblings of victims of sudden, violent deaths (e.g., a massive terror killing) experience difficulty in ascribing meaning to the death (Dyregrov et al., 2015) and even feel it to be an offensive notion (Breen & O’Connor, 2011). In our study, we could observe the bereaved siblings of Sewol Ferry Disaster also experiencing loss of faith and direction in life. This illustrates how much the Sewol bereaved suffered from their sudden loss, and their suffering is intensified by their difficulty ascribing meaning to the unexpected and violent death, especially when the cause of the sinking of the ferry has been unrevealed for more than 2 years.

One interesting aspect was that “video game and smart phone addiction,” and “obsessive hoarding” were shown among participants of this study as a behavioral response to the loss. Surviving children were absorbed in devices such as smartphones or video games, and they were unable to be detached from objects. Further study about these behaviors will be helpful for understanding the grief of surviving siblings.

Expressions of Grief

Of particular interest is “avoiding and pushing away the death,” which is the most imposing among the expressions of grief. Rather than this being a rejection or denial of the siblings’ death, it can be interpreted as an inability to face the death. So as the surviving siblings in this study remembered their deceased brother or sister and expressed their sadness, they refused to visit memorial alters or go into the deceased sibling's room. The surviving siblings seem to try not to deal with the death they are confronted with. Considering the age of surviving siblings in this study, the “avoiding and pushing away the death” in this study can be seen as a temporary defense mechanism. However, this inability to face the death is a concern as it has persisted for more than 2 years. Further research on the impact of this long-term, prolonged avoidance of the death among surviving adolescents is needed.

“Remembering the deceased” shown in this study concurs with prior research suggesting the existence of a “continuing bond between siblings” in the grief process. The surviving siblings putting their deceased brother’s belongings in order, writing a letter to the deceased brother, and talking about anecdotes about the deceased portrayed in this study indicate that the surviving siblings are putting in effort to remain close to their deceased siblings even after death.

Previous literature suggests that bereaved siblings may do things the deceased had dreamed of, but never got to do (Dickens, 2014). In this study, the death definitely effected the surviving siblings’ career choice including choosing a school to attend and a future job. “Delayed grief” is also found in this study, but considering the rareness (happened to 1 out of 14) and the very special condition of the sibling in question—that he was ordered to active duty and went off to the military for 2 years right after the death of his sibling—it is hard to conclude that this may be an experience other bereaved siblings are prone to experience.

Change in Relationship With Parents

Out of the 14 surviving siblings, 8 were identified to have experienced a change in their relationship with their parents. The parents defined the change as surviving siblings “acting mature.” This concurs with prior research suggesting surviving siblings acting mature after a death in the family (Dickens, 2013; Fonward & Garlie, 2003). Surviving siblings may have been given explicit and implicit messages from surroundings to repress their grief for the sake of the parents, or the behavior may have been just a natural developmental progress of the adolescence phase of being more independent. Yet, previous studies suggest that bereaved siblings in their adolescence often ignore, repress, or postpone their grief for the sake of the parents (Devita-Raeburn, 2004; Hogan & DeSantis, 1994; Horsley & Patterson, 2006; Rosen, 1985). In the same vein, “rejecting parental attention” shown in the current study can also be interpreted either as the siblings’ intentional act of not wanting to worry the parents or a desire to be independent which is common in adolescence. It was not clear if this was a result of the siblings’ death or something that would have occurred anyway.

School Adjustment Problems

As most of the surviving siblings in the study are attending middle school, high school or college, 10 out of 14 surviving siblings were identified by their parents to have school-related problems. The themes identified in previous studies, “drop out of peer group activities” (Fonward & Garlie, 2003), and “withdrawal behaviors” (Worden et al., 1999), were also shown in this study as “reluctant to hang out with friends” and “wanting to drop out.” Studies have suggested that bereaved adolescents feel that their loss makes them different from their peers, and because they do not want to be treated differently, results in them dropping out of peer activities (Davis, 1991; Fonward & Garlie, 2003). “Deterioration in school performance” observed in surviving siblings in this study may be considered a natural consequence of “loss of direction in life” and a difficulty finding new meaning in life. A drop in grades may also be due to the fact that difficulties in daily functioning may occur after bereavement (Li, Precht, Mortensen, & Olsen, 2003; Joronen et al., 2016).

Social Changes

In terms of “social changes,” the parents spoke that some of the surviving siblings do not want to be identified as a Sewol bereaved. Bereaved siblings who lost their brother or sister by AIDS (Demmer & Rothschild, 2011) or suicide (Murphy et al., 1999) fear to disclose themselves as a relative of the deceased because of subsequent scrutiny and social stigma. The surviving siblings of the Sewol Ferry Disaster victims not wanting to be identified as a Sewol bereaved demonstrates the existence of social stigma surrounding the Sewol bereaved, and we can assume its painful impact on surviving siblings. In a previous study, bereaved families of a massive killing suffered more than those who lost family members by individual deaths such as an accident or suicide (Dyregrov et al., 2015). The surviving siblings of the Sewol Ferry Disaster had suffered from being targets of media attention and the results were not always supportive for the victims’ families as some people openly disagreed with the agenda of the bereaved families. The surviving siblings no longer want to be a target of public opinion. Their distrust of the media and behaviors such as cussing-out news reports are understandable in this context.

The bereaved siblings, as well as the parents of Sewol ferry victims, suffered a man-made disaster without any specific perpetrators identified. They are also struggling to reveal the unrevealed factors behind the tragedy and are still in a protracted involvement with the legal system. Thereby, “distrust toward authority and mass media” shown in this study can be seen as something similar to the frustration with the criminal justice system that a family bereaved by deaths such as a homicide might experience. Further research is necessary to reduce or mitigate these frustrations and societal distrust since it has been stated that such distrusting sentiments may result in social isolation for the bereaved (Nakajima et al., 2012).

“Raising voice to social issues” was also found in this study. Surviving siblings are working hard in person and online to raise awareness toward the need to take action on social issues like the Sewol Ferry Disaster. However, considering that it was at the Sewol Ferry Disaster open forums their parents held in colleges that participants were recruited for this study, this phenomenon may be limited to these particular surviving siblings who have parents prone to engage in social activities.

The surviving siblings’ “rejection of professional help” was described by parents, but the reasons behind such behavior are unidentified. All of the surviving siblings identified as “rejecting professional help” had received counseling at least once due to parents' recommendations but have subsequently declined to continue. This rejection may be in line with siblings avoiding and pushing away the death, as counseling may have required them to prematurely face the violent, sudden death of a sibling – something that they were not able to do at the time.

“Disregard of rules and regulations” seems to be an extreme reaction derived from “distrust toward authority.” Considering that most of the Sewol Ferry Disaster’s victims were teenagers on a school trip who obeyed the erroneous crew instructions to stay put, it is understandable why these surviving children have come to distrust the adults who are in charge and their instructions.

Conclusion

This study is one of few that has examined the grief of surviving siblings after the Sewol Ferry Disaster. Therefore, we consider it important to present descriptive findings from this population. This study documents sibling grief responses, behavioral changes, and changes in children's relationships and societal functions 2 years after the loss. Parents gave diverse reports of their children's experiences. Bereaved siblings faced considerable challenges as they had to deal with coming of age, the trauma of a death of s sibling, and lack of parental support due to parents' own grieving. These results indicate that the task of supporting these siblings cannot be left as parents' sole responsibility but must be a community effort. Findings offer implications for support interventions for this unique population. However, there are some limitations to the data as it is based on parents’ perceptions. Because of the young ages of the children under study, only parents’ perceptions of children’s grief were assessed. Little is known about how parents’ and children’s perceptions of their sibling grief may agree. It remains important to supplement this approach with other methods that assess children’s perceptives as well. Although there are benefits to caretaker reports, first hand reports are needed to clarify some of the reasons behind the findings.

In addition, considering that 250 of the Sewol Ferry Disaster’s victims were high school students, the approximate number of their surviving siblings can be much greater. However, the sample size assessed in this study was a small proportion in comparison. Additional research is needed to monitor the long-term effects of this traumatic event on the surviving siblings and to apply and test community interventions aimed at helping bereaved siblings of the Sewol Ferry Disaster.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Minsoo Khang is a researcher at the Traumatic Stress Center and a master's student in the Department of Education at Sungkyunkwan University, Seoul, South Korea.

Dong Hun Lee, PhD, is an associate professor in the Department of Education at Sungkyunkwan University, Seoul, South Korea. His interests include trauma, PTSD, psychological support and first aid in trauma intervention.

Yewon Kim is a researcher at the Traumatic Stress Center and a master's student in the Department of Education at Sungkyunkwan University, Seoul, South Korea.

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