Examining perspectives on fatal use of force: A comparative analysis of police and social sciences students’ views

Abstract

Citizen views are, at times, in opposition to professional expertise. When it comes to policing, discussions surrounding the use of force often indicate a lack of understanding from the general population. In this study, police (n = 1609) and social sciences (n = 688) students were shown a video vignette of a fatal police shooting. Findings show that police students’ attitudes towards the use of force face a significant shift during training, leading to stronger support for lethal force and greater discrepancy in opinions compared to the other students. Our results also show that non-expert adults want police officers to be sanctioned severely.

Keywords

Police use of force public opinion misconduct sanction

Introduction

In the first sentence of his memoir’s introduction, former Secretary of Defense Mark Esper recounts a meeting with former President Trump on 1 June, 2020, regarding protests in the U.S. capital. During this meeting, Trump suggested about the protesters: “Can’t you just shoot them? Just shoot them in the legs or something?” (Esper, 2022: 9). Through this anecdote, Esper clearly attempted to convey Trump’s lack of understanding about the role and capabilities of police officers and National Guardsmen and women who would have had to carry out such an order. As our results will make clear, misguided self-assessed expertise is not the sole purview of the former U.S. President.

As public services become politicized, topics that used to be regarded as terse and technical are increasingly being discussed. Nichols (2017: xi) notes that laypeople are becoming more dismissive of the knowledge and expertise of doctors, lawyers, teachers—and particularly police officers—often expressing their opinions with anger. The traditional idea that authorities have a monopoly on their field appears to have shrunk. One possible explanation for such heightened reactions is that the public is now more informed than ever before about various issues. With the ubiquity of cellphone cameras, for instance, members of the public can rapidly and more easily get a glimpse into police use of force incidents (Bock, 2016). However, what is often overlooked is that even when such incidents follow state-of-the-art police protocols and training, they can still be perceived as inappropriate by many. This lack of comprehension of professional roles and responsibilities can have harmful consequences, including high demands for accountability and the erosion of trust and respect for professional judgment (Goodhart, 2020: 284).

Building on the recent increases in public criticism of professionalism and expertise, this paper highlights how citizens are non-experts in the contentious field of policing. In order to increase democratic control over police use of force incidents (Friedman, 2017: 502), what should be done when popular calls for disciplinary actions conflict with professional norms, regulations, or even criminal laws? To illustrate this dilemma, we asked two groups, police students (n = 1609) and social sciences students (n = 688), to react to the video of a lethal police intervention. Respondents were asked to express their views on alternative actions the officers could have taken, whether the officers’ actions constitute professional misconduct, and what consequences the officers should face. As we will see, some alternative interventions, which may be dangerous for both the agents and the public or are against legal guidelines regulating the use of force, are often favored or expected by non-experts. The gap between those with specialized knowledge and those without can indeed be quite significant.

Use of force as police expertise

Using force to enforce the law is central to the police role (Bittner, 1970) and a key topic in law enforcement literature. Research mainly measures police use of force and analyzes its characteristics and factors. In their review, Klahm and Tillyer (2010) found that only a small number of suspects (e.g., sex or intoxication) and encounter (e.g., resistance or arrest) factors can predict the use of force. In a similar way, the meta-analysis from Bolger (2015) and Cojean and colleagues (2020) showed that suspect’s individual characteristics and situational factors were some of the strongest predictors of use of force, but again not without several studies showing mixed results. Despite considerable interest in the matter, however, there is still ambiguity around police use of force, both conceptually (Klahm et al., 2013) and in actual practice (Terrill and Paoline, 2012). Researchers define the use of force in various ways, which can range from verbal commands to weapons. They often fail to clearly explain the concept of force (Klahm et al., 2013), making it difficult to accurately evaluate the validity of studies. In practice, police agencies also have different approaches when it comes to managing the use of force. Using a stratified random sample of police agencies across the United States, Terrill and Paoline (2012) investigated the prevalence of police use-of-force policies. They found that 80% of responding agencies were using some form of force continuum (i.e., a guideline that helps officers decide the appropriate level of force to use in generic situations). Linear designs (which usually have the form of a ladder or hierarchical steps) were found to be the most used.

Some police officer’s characteristics like sex, experience and education level were also found to be significant predictors or use of force rates, although mixed findings were found on the effect of such factors (Bolger, 2015; Cojean et al., 2020; Sheppard et al., 2024). Police training is thus another factor that influences the variability in police use of force. During their training, police students are not only expected to acquire practical knowledge and perceptual skills, but also to embrace the ethical principles of the job (Cohen, 2022). They are taught the legal standards under which they are permitted to use force and are consequently trained to use reasonable force depending on their interpretation of the threat level they face (Bennell et al., 2022; Mourtgos and Adams, 2020; Pezdek et al., 2024). Police officers are also nowadays trained in de-escalation, management of stress effects and decision-making, being skilled in alternative solutions to the use of force. Such abilities can broaden their capacity to respond in the most appropriate way in a police-citizens encounter and to judge if and how much force must be used (Bennell et al., 2022). Training standards, however, vary widely across countries. For instance, in the United States, officers are required to complete a minimum of training hours ranging from 408 to 953 h across 45 states, with an average of 633 h (Cohen, 2021: 351). On the other hand, individuals are required to complete a rigorous training program to become a police officer in the Canadian province of Quebec. It involves a 3-year Police program (in community college), followed by a 15-weeks training at the police academy. The development of use-of-force expertise among police officers is therefore not the same everywhere.

Expertise is difficult to define. It is a concept that refers to education as much as to experience. Experts must be recognized as credible and capable by their peers. Many courts have also decided that experts should be recognized as such before they can testify; in other words, in many jurisdictions, expertise is determined by judges, which is intended to protect from charlatans and other self-patented experts. Nichols (2017) offered an interesting definition:

“Formal training or education is the most obvious mark of expert status, and the easiest to identify, but it is only a start. For many professions, credentials are necessary for entry into a field: teachers, nurses, and plumbers all have to have certification of some kind to exercise their skills, as a signal to others that their abilities have been reviewed by their peers and meet a basic standard of competence. While some of the most determined opponents of established knowledge deride this as mere “credentialism,” these degrees and licenses are tangible signs of achievement and important markers that help the rest of us separate hobbyists (or charlatans) from true experts.” (Nichols, 2017: 31)

Expertise is also the first normative principle of professional bureaucracies. As Meier and colleagues (2019) explain, “[b]ureaucracies are institutions designed to build expertise either via the incorporation of professionals as part of merit system processes, as a result of specialization, or with their extended time frame” (p. 1584). Police officers obviously are distinct from citizens, as they have special knowledge and training and “can make appropriate decisions that could not be made by ordinary civilians” (Newell, 2021: 120). According to several authors, officers’ expertise would not come from long years of education but rather from their socialization (Overman and Schillemans, 2022: 17; Van Maanen and Schein, 1977). In discussing the split-second decision to discharge their weapon, for instance, Punch (2011) emphasizes that it involves “a raft of wider social, cultural, political and professional factors” (p. 5). These factors include training, personnel selection, tactics, weapon choice, and, most importantly, a philosophy of policing rooted in a culture and structure of accountability, particularly with the general public and disciplinary, deontological and even legal authorities.

Expectations and misconceptions about police use of force

Various factors can impact how the general public perceives the use of force by law enforcement (Gerber et Jackson, 2017; Jefferis et al., 2011; Weitzer, 2002). Ideological, symbolic and political beliefs, like the believed legitimacy of law enforcement agencies or conservative values, may be associated with more support for police use of force (Gerber and Jackson, 2017; Kyprianides et al., 2020; Mourtgos and Adams, 2020; Silver and Pickett, 2015). For example, Jefferis and colleagues (2011) found that supporting the police is the most important factor that influences perceptions of the use of force. People who believe the police is generally legitimate also tend to have a more positive opinion on specific police interventions (Kyprianides et al., 2020). Utilitarian considerations, such as fear of crime, may also be associated with more positive attitude towards police use of force, but findings on the subject are still so far mixed (see Gerber and Jackson, 2017). Women and minority groups are also less likely to approve of police use of force (Silver and Pickett, 2015; Thompson and Lee, 2004), the opinion of the latter potentially associated with historical police mistreatment of minority groups (see Mourtgos and Adams, 2020). As with factors predicting the use of force, the situational characteristics of a police use of force incident can also influence the opinion of the use of force. According to a study conducted by Thompson and Lee (2004), the public’s opinion on police use of force can vary based on the situation: in cases where officers are not in danger, many consider that the use of force is inappropriate, even if it is legally permitted. Public opinion about the reasonableness of a particular use of force may also be related to perceptions about suspicious cues and which behavior may be posing a danger (e.g. mental health status of the subject, the use of substance, the alleged crime) (Johnson, 2017; Jones et al., 2021).

The common wisdom is that, in recent years, however, police use of force has been especially scrutinized due to several controversial fatal police shootings. However, that is true for some countries and not others. Norris (2022) analyzed trends in confidence in the police using data from the European Values Survey and the World Values Survey from 1990 to 2021. Over this period, average confidence in the police either increased, decreased, or stayed the same among the 53 countries studied. Sadly, Canada was not one of them. While direct experience with police officers may still be a factor influencing opinion, vicarious experiences and technology-mediated exposure to police use of force incidents now plays a major role in shaping expectations and public opinions (Davila et al., 2023; Gerber and Jackson, 2017; Kyprianides et al., 2020; Mourtgos and Adams, 2020). On one hand, the media is the primary source of information about law enforcement for the general population (Surette, 2011). On the other hand, the media has given more attention to these incidents due to the availability of video recordings, which has caused public debate (Weitzer, 2015). How police use of force incidents are portrayal by mainstream and social medias plays an important sole in shaping opinions (Bennell et al., 2021; Mourtgos and Adams, 2020; Parry et al., 2019). In the rare instances where they use their firearms, police officers are often faced with objections for not aiming away from center mass and toward limbs, even if it goes against their training (Gomez del Prado and Leman-Langlois, 2020: 216). This idea ignores that using a firearm is a last resort. It assumes police can shoot a suspect in the arm or leg, disregarding the risk of missing and endangering others. Failed force does not stop resistance, leaving the suspect a threat. In general, there often seems to be a lack of understanding among the population in regard to police use of force.

While the impact of exposure to mediatized police use of force incidents on public opinion seems to be temporary (Weitzer, 2002), misunderstandings can lead to serious consequences. Misconceptions about reasonableness of police use of force may for instance negatively impact trust in the police and its legitimacy, but also officers trust about citizens’ ability to understand their job, thus deepening the us versus them gap associated with police culture (Boivin et al., 2020b; Jones et al., 2021; Kyprianides et al., 2020). It can also lead to tensions between the police and the community it serves, which can be detrimental to citizens’ cooperation and collaboration, and ultimately, to the police’s ability to fulfill their mission (Gerber and Jackson, 2017; Mourtgos and Adams, 2020). In the long run, Mourtgos and his colleagues (2022) even found that sustained protests against police use of force incidents may increase voluntary resignations in US law enforcement agencies. In the event of misconduct, officers may also face allegations of disciplinary, deontological, or even criminal violations. In the case of officer-led shootings, independent boards typically hand out what the consequences should be. In Quebec, for instance, such a board has existed since 2013 and has the mandate of investigating allegations of criminal offenses when a citizen dies or sustains serious injuries during a police intervention or while in police custody. Punch (2011) articulates the conflict between the desire of officers to “do the right thing” and the risk of being labeled as an inadequate professional:

(…) but it must be galling from the officer’s point of view to be trained to a high level; to take part in umpteen armed operations without firing in anger; and then, on the very rare occasion that he does shoot and hit someone, to face probably years of suspension and several investigations during which he cannot ply the craft that shaped his occupational identity. Also, for those facing criminal charges, (…) they have to face the particularly humiliating process for a police officer of arrest and possibly a criminal trial. (Punch, 2011: 141)

The circumstances that give rise to these investigations are not trivial and can take a toll on police officers.

The current study

Police use of force remains rare but serious in its consequences for the citizen against whom it is used. Improper use of force can also greatly impact the public’s opinion of the police and diminish their trust in them (Mullinix et al., 2021: 892). As more people record police work, there is a higher chance of misunderstandings about what police officers do. This is important because civilians can also monitor police misconduct. Reports of police behaving badly have increased citizen involvement in watching how officers act (Ferdik et al., 2013). According to Walker and Archbold (2014), the contemporary framework of police accountability now “recognizes the value of regular input to a police department from outside experts” (p. 15). This position, however, can still face resistance due to concerns over the lack of law enforcement background of civilians and the perception that citizen oversight may intrude on police professionalism (Wells and Schafer, 2007; Wilson and Buckler, 2010). Public service professionalism is the conceptual frame we used in this study. Public service professionalism is specific to different public sector roles. It denotes behavior “(…) compatible with both the standards of the specialized expertise of a profession and norms dictated by the action contexts in which an individual is embedded (Perry, 2018: 96). Pezdek and her colleagues (2024) indeed suggested that because of their expertise, officers may ‘have a decision-making mental model [that] is likely to produce cognitive differences between police officers and civilians in how they encode […] what transpires in a use-of-force incident’ (p. 3) (see also Chase and Simon, 1973). To better understand the gap between experts and non-experts on this matter, this study examines the perspectives of police and social sciences students from the Canadian province of Quebec regarding police use of force. We examine the recommendations made by young adults regarding alternative actions during lethal police interventions, the presence of misconduct, and the accountability of officers involved. Our findings show that future police officers gradually change assessments of use of force incidents by increasingly supporting the use of lethal force. This creates a widening gap between the perspectives of officers in training and the expectations of laypeople, which is comparable to what is frequently observed in contemporary forums.

Method

The data used in this study was collected through surveys at eight of the 12 Quebec community colleges offering policing training programs and at the police academy. It was collected in person between March and October 2015.

Participants and procedure

Two groups of participants were surveyed. First, police students (either enrolled in a policing program or attending the police academy) were solicited. The surveys were conducted in classroom settings, and the response rate among potential respondents was 95%, with a total of 1690 participants. About 70% of the police students were males with an age of 20.6 years old. The majority (85.9%) identified themselves as Québécois or Canadian. Respondents are spread across the 3 years of police training in community college.

Second, in order to create a comparison group, a survey was administered to students enrolled in social sciences programs (mostly social work, but also specialized education and delinquency response) at the same eight community colleges (n = 688). The majority of these students (82%) identified as female, and 77.0% identified as Québécois or Canadian. Those who study social sciences might be different from the general population. But they are still similar in some ways to students studying policing. We cannot randomly assign students to different academic programs.

Material

Respondents were asked about their opinion on a fictitious video vignette (see Figure 1). That video was filmed for police cadets by experienced officers teaching use of force at the only police academy in a large Canadian province.¹ It lasted 60 s and depicted a police intervention with a middle-aged man armed with a knife that threatened to kill his ex-boss who fired him. Specifically, the intervention starts in the patrol car as we hear the dispatch call from the 911 call center stating the context and specifying that about 30 people are inside the building where the suspect is headed. Officers then arrive on the scene to see the man wielding the weapon and walking with a sure and rapid step toward the entrance of the building where supposedly the target finds herself in. Upon arrival, both officers storm out of the patrol car, and each points his firearms toward the suspect. One officer shouts to the suspect: “Police, don’t move. Put your knife down. It’s an order. Listen, we’ll talk, but put the weapon down.” The man does not comply with this demand to engaged in talk and makes his way toward the entrance of the building, responding to the officers that he lost his job and will kill the woman who did that to him. The officers repeatedly ask him to put the knife down. When the attempts to deescalate the situation does not work, and the suspect is about to enter the building to carry on is murder threat, one officer fires the suspect in the back. The man falls to the ground.

Figure 1.

Video vignette presented to respondents.

After watching the video, respondents were asked about the best way to intervene, potential police misconduct, and appropriate consequences for the officers. To compare opinions, we consulted the primary use of force instructor at the police academy for feedback on the alternatives. Through their training, Quebec students learn about the the National Use of Force Framework, which has been in place since the early 2010s. This framework “was developed to assist in the training of officers and as a reference when making decisions and explaining their actions with respect to a use of force” (The Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, 2000: 4). The framework graphic is circular and shows that officers must constantly assess situations and can rapidly change tactics without going through all the possible force options. These options vary from “officer presence to communication skills, physical control techniques, intermediate weapons and lethal force” (The Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, 2000: 4). Each option given to respondents was checked to see if it was right for the situation. The use of force instructor said the officers in the scenario followed the use of force guidelines and laws.

Data analysis

Results

Views on alternative actions

Table 1 presents the suggested alternatives to the presented police intervention and the results of the comparison between police and social sciences students. Respondents had to choose one of seven different options. Results indicate a strong significant difference between the two groups of respondents (Chi² (6) = 658.81; p < .001).

Table 1.

Frequency of intervention alternatives chosen by police and social sciences students.

Alternatives	Police	Social work
Act as they did in the video clip presented	42.5% (680)	4.4% (27)
Communicate longer with the suspect before firing their weapon	25.0% (400)	11.4% (70)
Approaching the suspect to remove the knife	8.3% (132)	13.0% (80)
Fire a warning shot (shot in the air)	5.3% (84)	26.3% (162)
Follow the suspect into the building and intervene only once he is inside	6.6% (105)	4.9% (30)
Shoot the suspect in the arm or leg rather than in the back	9.9% (158)	39.7% (245)
Shoot the suspect earlier, before he reaches the stairs of the building	2.5% (40)	0.5% (3)

The majority of social sciences students largely disagreed with the intervention, with less than one student out of twenty (4.4%) believing that the officers were justified in shooting the suspect. In contrast, 42.5% of police students endorsed this course of action, making it the most agreed-upon option for them. As shown in Figure 2, this proportion represents an average and fluctuates among groups of police students. Specifically, first-year police students chose this option slightly more than 10% of the time, while almost 80% of cadets in the police academy agreed that this was the best option. Social sciences students’ perspectives remained stable throughout their training.

Figure 2.

Proportion of police students who believe the officers should have acted differently (by year of training).

The second alternative could also have worked, according to the use of force instructor, with 11.4% of social sciences students and one in four police students thinking officers should have talked longer before firing.

Most law enforcement and social sciences students agreed that removing the knife, following the suspect inside, and shooting earlier were not suitable strategies. However, social sciences students showed a preference for two less favorable options. Approximately one student out of four (26.3%) believed the officers should have fired a warning shot in the air, making it the second most popular alternative for them. In contrast, only 5.3% of police students favored this alternative. As shown in Figure 2, most police students selecting this option were in their first year of study. Virtually no police cadet at the end of their training believed that this was a viable option. The most popular alternative among social sciences students (39.7%) was shooting the suspect in the arm or leg. Fewer than one police student out of ten (9.9%) believed this is how the officers should have acted. This support comes from first-year students; virtually no one in their final year of police training thought it should be the preferred option.

Views on professional misconduct

Respondents were asked if they thought the officers involved in the intervention had committed professional misconduct. The upper part of Figure 3 shows that while the majority (63.5%) of police students thought there was no case of professional misconduct in this intervention, 68.7% of social sciences students did. The difference between the two groups is statistically significant (Chi² (2) = 341.00, p = .000; β = 1.60, Z = 16.92).

Figure 3.

Proportion of students who believe that professional misconduct happened.

The lower part of Figure 3 displays responses from students undergoing police training, disaggregated by the stage of training they have completed. Social sciences students’ views do not vary much through their training. Police students who were more advanced in their training widely considered that no professional misconduct happened, with the proportion increasing from 34.7% for first-year students to 55.7% for second years, 77.4% for third years, and 91.2% for cadets who were at the last stage of their training at the police academy. The differences of views about the presence or absence of professional misconduct for first, second, and third-year law enforcement students and police cadets are once again statistically significant (Chi² (6) = 3477.60, p = .000; β = −0.957, Z = −17.24).

Views on specific consequences

After discussing the officers’ actions and any misconduct, respondents were asked to choose the consequences for the officers. They could select multiple options. As such, the proportions illustrated in Figure 4 are the percentages of respondents that selected each option as one of many consequences that should apply to the officers.

Figure 4.

Proportion of students who recommend specific consequences for the officers.

A majority of police (73.0%) and social sciences (75.6%) students would want an inquiry after the fatal officer-involved shooting. Ultimately, an inquiry could be considered a neutral consequence, as officers could be found guilty or exonerated. Police students tended to select “positive” consequences or rewards (i.e., congratulations, medal) at higher rates than social sciences students. The opposite is true for “light” to “severe” sanctions. In both groups, there was generally more support for light sanctions (i.e., reprimands, blame, training, complaint, suspension) than for most of the severe negative consequences (i.e., demotion, dismissal, being barred from the profession, and being criminally charged).

To delve deeper into the patterns and differences illustrated in Figure 4, we performed eight Poisson regressions. A detailed table for the eight regressions, is not presented here. What transpires from these analyses are robust statistical differences, with high Z-scores—sometimes in the double digits—, when comparing third-year students and police cadets to first-year law enforcement students. Substantially, the already low counts of consequences diminish on average by more than two items, out of five light sanctions or four severe sanctions. When there are statistically significant differences among first and second and third-year students in social sciences, these are small reduction of around 0.25 or 0.33 items out of many of the five possible light sanctions and the four severe sanctions. This means their opinions do not change much as they learn more about social sciences.

Discussion

The present study collected evaluations from students in two distinct fields—policing and social sciences—regarding a specific police intervention. After watching a video vignette depicting a lethal encounter between a suspect and officers, they were asked to provide their opinions on what actions the officers should have taken, whether the officers engaged in misconduct, and what precise accountability consequences the officers should be facing. Our results coalesced around two dimensions: the growing gap between those with expertise and non-experts in comprehending police use of force, and their lack of agreement on police accountability.

The formation of expertise

One notable finding is the significant divergence in views between police officers in training and non-experts, even a decade ago. As could be expected, policing students’ views were generally more in line with what a use of force instructor (and the National Use of Force Framework) deemed as correct. While officers are expected to rely on some professional socialization for expertise (Overman and Schillemans, 2022: 17) this result confirms that training is an initial step that distinguishes officers from lay citizens. Indeed, our study provides insights into how police officers acquire, through their training, knowledge regarding the use of force and adequate policing procedures that differentiate how they encode a use of force incident from non-experts. In doing so, our findings are consistent with previous research on the subject (Boivin et al., 2020a; Pezdek et al., 2024). However, as observed, police students’ views increasingly diverged from their peers that are not preparing to join the police force as they progressed in their training.

There were differences at the start of training, indicating a selection bias. Before training, police cadets were more likely to report reasonable alternatives (37.5% vs 12.7%). This gap between social sciences and police students is expected, as career choice is not random (Vermeer et al., 2020). What is surprising however is that the impact of individual characteristics is completely masked by the progression in studies (year 1, 2, 3) and the nature of the program, again supporting the observation that socialization is important. This also suggests that expertise in police use-of-force is at least partially learned, which fits nicely from the predictions of public service professionalism. A binary logistic regression model (not presented) comparing reasonable and unreasonable choices showed that including individual characteristics (e.g., gender, age, ethnic diversity) on top of progression and program nature variables changed little or nothing in the predictions. Students in police technologies were always more likely to agree with the intervention, even more so as they progressed to the end of their training. This absence of impact of individual characteristics is somewhat contrary to the literature (e.g. Thompson and Lee, 2004).

Like in many previous research on citizens’ opinion about police use of force (Bennell et al., 2021; Collins et al., 2023; Gerber and Jackson, 2017; Jefferis et al., 2011; Mourtgos and Adams, 2020), our findings also indicate that many young adults have a severe lack of understanding of police use of force. Social sciences students believed officers should have shot the suspect in the arm or leg. The use of force instructor explained this is risky due to the high chance of missing the small, moving target. There were also important discrepancies in both groups’ views on whether the officers’ actions constituted misconduct. Given that attitudes toward the police use of force may depend on multiple factors that may overlap or interact in both groups (e.g. political beliefs, sex, ethnicity, trust in law enforcement agencies, past experience) (Gerber and Jackson, 2017; Kyprianides et al., 2020; Mourtgos and Adams, 2020; Silver and Pickett, 2015), such finding is not surprising. Future studies could thus further investigate the interaction of these variables between and within experts and non-experts.

Also, according to Thompson and Lee (2004), Johnson (2017), and Jones and colleagues (2021), individuals tend to believe that using force is acceptable when officers are in danger. Therefore, it could be hypothesized that a majority of the survey participants did not consider the suspect approaching the building’s entrance as a significant threat. These results, however, confirm the difficulty non-experts face in recognizing that a tragic situation may nonetheless be a well-executed intervention by police officers. As explained by Mourtgos and Adams (2020), within the public, “evaluations of police use of force are often examined from the viewpoint of a prevailing community standard, not that of a purely legal viewpoint” (p. 872). An increasing gap in perceptions was observed. Initially, police and social sciences students equally believed both officers engaged in misconduct. After 3 years, police students were less likely to see firing at the suspect as professional misconduct.

Divergences on sanctions

Both groups disagreed on the appropriate consequences for officers. They agreed on the importance of an inquiry after an officer-involved shooting, but non-experts favored punitive measures more. Some social sciences students even believed officers should be fired and criminally charged for not shooting at a suspect’s legs.

While our survey did not include questions about the type or scope of the inquiry or the identity of the judges, this distinction is particularly relevant in mixed oversight models, which involve investigations with both police and citizen members (Prenzler and den, 2015). Given the uncertain choices and possibility of errors that police discretion can involve, it’s worth considering how different perspectives (from experts and non-experts) will coexist in such models. Conversely, when faced with an armed, violent and disruptive suspect, a police officer may shoot him dead. Trained gun-carrying police officers, just like members of the military, ultimately rely “on their subjective individual or group perception of danger; and one has to accept that mistakes will be made” (Punch 2011: 104). Despite the existence of deontological, disciplinary, and criminal systems designed to acknowledge and refrain from punishing mistakes, a solid understanding of the profession is still required.

Limitations

It is important to acknowledge the limitations of this study. Data was collected from community colleges in Quebec, where law enforcement training is centralized and extensive. All cadets attend the same police academy after their community college training and are hired at the end. Quebec police officers rarely use firearms, so respondents lack experience with departments having a “warrior problem” (Newell, 2021: 30). Selecting an academic program is a major decision. Social sciences students differ from law enforcement students, notably with more women in social sciences. Thus, this study’s findings cannot apply to the entire population. Thirdly, the vignette shown to respondents depicts a rare, fatal officer-involved shooting, not representative of everyday police activities. Most police work involves responding to citizen calls and community interactions. In North America, many believe deadly force by police drives public mistrust. While this view is challenged when comparing other police services outside the US and Canada, it may have influenced respondents’ answers. Fourthly in Quebec, where the study was conducted, the Police Law came into effect in 2000. OC spray was introduced in the 1990s, and community policing has been a leading principle for over 20 years. This means that, in this context, 10-year-old data is still relevant. Even if young students from Quebec are more critical or hostile towards the police than 9 years ago, the gap between public views and police cadet views would be wider. If correct, our results underestimate the current gaps. Finally, it is worth noting that many American studies on this topic incorporate a racial dimension, but in this study, race was sidestepped. The video vignette was shown to mostly white community college students, who shared their views on white officers shooting an armed white suspect. We observed a significant gap in opinions, sometimes exceeding 70% points. This suggests that inexperience in assessing police actions could explain detailed sanctions for officers, even before race complicates matters further.

Conclusion

In her book’s concluding remarks, Fan (2019) states that high expectations are imposed on the police, who are subjected to actions that “we would never do to other professionals who hold official power” (p. 253). What is absent from her remarks is that the public not only demands much of police officers but that a fraction of the public also assumes that they know better than officers about how police interventions should be conducted. This attitude reflects a broader trend, a “rising tide of public distrust, political polarization, and populism” (Ventriss et al., 2019: 280) that poses a threat to the foundations of democratic public administration. However, experts should evaluate complex events for professional accountability, not uninformed citizens.

To improve police-community relations and address the lack of understanding of police duties, various options have been considered. These include problem-oriented policing and community policing initiatives (Breen and Johnson, 2007). According to Perez and colleagues (2021), attending a community police academy (i.e., a 1-day program aimed at educating the public about policing) could enhance trust in law enforcement and reduce citizens’ concern about the use of force and police misconduct. The results of the present study also reemphasize the importance of providing young adults with information about policing to prevent the formation of misconceptions about the powers and limitations of police officers (Bennell et al., 2021; Vardsveen and Wiener, 2022). In an era where social media highlights police interventions, it is essential to understand how education can effectively prevent these issues.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Canada Research Chairs.

ORCID iDs

Étienne Charbonneau

Brigitte Poirier

Rémi Boivin

Note

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