Understanding learned helplessness: The role of fear of crime and social support

Learned helplessness

Learned helplessness was first observed through animal experimentation. Specifically, dogs that had previously experienced inescapable electric shocks later failed to escape additional shocks despite ample opportunity to do so (Seligman, 1972). It is hypothesized that the dogs, having been shocked regardless of their actions (i.e., exposed to inescapable shocks), consequently learned that their actions were ultimately meaningless (Seligman and Peterson, 2001). This expectation of a separation between their responses and their overall outcome was then applied to future events, explaining their lack of escape attempts (Seligman and Peterson, 2001). Similar results have been achieved in later replications (Dinges et al., 2017; Overmeier, 1968; Seligman and Beagley, 1975; Seligman and Maier, 1967).

Learned helplessness has also been recorded in human subjects (Hiroto, 1974; Hiroto and Seligman, 1975). In one experiment, participants were divided into three groups: those who could not escape unpleasant tones, those who could, and a control group not exposed to tones (Hiroto, 1974). When later given the opportunity to avoid further unpleasant tones, those initially unable to escape failed to do so over 50% of the time (Hiroto, 1974). In contrast, those who initially escaped the tones failed only 13% of the time (Hiroto, 1974). These results parallel past studies where subjects exposed to uncontrollable stressors (shocks or unpleasant tones) subsequently gave up. The theory of learned helplessness was further developed to explain why not all individuals exposed to inescapable stressors exhibit learned helplessness. Abramson et al. (1978) highlighted the role of an individual’s explanatory/attribution style. Specifically, when individuals interpret uncontrollable stressful events as long-lasting (stable), pervasive (global), and their fault (internal), they are more likely to develop learned helplessness (Abramson et al., 1978; Seligman and Peterson, 2001). The research discussed thus far has focused on uncontrollable stressful events manifested as physically unpleasant stimuli. However, repeated psychological distress can also lead to learned helplessness and associated passivity. One study explored this using anxiogenics—substances that produce anxiety-like symptoms (Crawley et al., 1985). Rats treated with anxiogenics later exhibited significant learned helplessness, unable to escape a shuttlebox (Drugan et al., 1985). This behavior was comparable to the learned helplessness of rats exposed to inescapable electric shocks (Drugan et al., 1985). Similarly, students with high levels of test anxiety have shown learned helplessness (Lavelle et al., 1979). In these cases, anxiety and its associated discomfort acted as substitutes for electric shocks. More research is needed to determine if other forms of psychological distress can also trigger learned helplessness. This study will focus on fear, which is symptomatically similar to anxiety but conceptually distinct (Steimer, 2002).

The real-world implications of learned helplessness have been widely studied. It has been used to explain why some victims of domestic violence do not leave their partners (Walker, 1984). The recurring abuse is seen as an inescapable event and interpreted as internal, stable, and global. The victims consequently believe their actions are futile, resulting in continued suffering (Seligman and Peterson, 2001). Research supports this application, showing that female victims of domestic abuse are significantly more passive and worse at problem-solving than controls (Claerhout et al., 1982; Launius and Lindquist, 1988). Learned helplessness and depression share many symptoms, including decreased motivation and feelings of worthlessness (Maier and Seligman, 2016). Similar impairments in problem-solving are seen in non-depressed participants exposed to inescapable noise (inducing helplessness) and in depressed patients (Miller and Seligman, 1975). Thus, learned helplessness may be a significant precursor to poor mental health.

Fear of crime

Fear of crime refers to feelings of concern, anxiety, and worry about the possibility of becoming the victim of a crime (Etopio and Berthelot, 2022). These feelings can stem from both direct and indirect crime victimization. Direct victimization encompasses personal experiences of crime (Fox et al., 2009; Kennedy and Sacco, 1998). Individuals who have experienced crime are understandably more concerned about further victimization, as they are intimately aware of its consequences. Indeed, crime victims are more than twice as likely to be afraid of crime compared to non-victims (Tseloni, 2007). Furthermore, national and international survey data support a positive relationship between direct experience of victimization and perceptions of safety (Sironi and Bonazzi, 2016; Sookram et al., 2011).

Individuals can also develop a fear of crime through indirect or vicarious victimization, which occurs via media or interpersonal communication (Fox et al., 2009). The media often employs shock and sensationalism to capture attention, leading to an oversaturation of crime-related content and stories in television, movies, and news outlets (Jewkes, 2015). This prolonged and unavoidable exposure to crime can heighten fear and inflate perceptions of crime prevalence (Scott, 2003). For example, Gordon and Heath (1981) found that readers of newspapers with extensive crime coverage reported greater levels of fear of crime. This relationship has been confirmed in various media formats (Lowry et al., 2003; O’Keefe and Reid-Nash, 1987; Williams and Dickinson, 1993). Notably, recent increases in fear of crime have not corresponded with actual increases in crime rates but rather with higher levels of crime reporting (Lowry et al., 2003).

Individuals with high fear of crime tend to restrict their behaviors, activities, and avoid areas they consider high-risk or unsafe (Liska et al., 1988). These coping mechanisms, including prolonged isolation and reduced physical activity, can have detrimental effect on both physical and psychological health (Hale, 1996; Pearson and Breetzke, 2014; Roberts et al., 2012; Stafford et al., 2007). For instance, civil servants with high fear of crime were 1.93 times more likely to suffer from depression (Stafford et al., 2007). Additionally, a study in New Zealand found significant declines in physical well-being associated with heightened fear of crime (Pearson and Breetzke, 2014).

In the present study, we expect that fear of crime will be a key driver of learned helplessness. Fear of criminal victimization is a significant source of distress and discomfort (Pearson and Breetzke, 2014; Stafford et al., 2007). The pervasive presence of crime in the media and everyday conversation may exacerbate this fear, instilling feelings of futility (Scott, 2003). For example, individuals may feel that their efforts to stay safe are futile when crime is so pervasive. This combination of an aversive experience (fear) and feelings of futility could promote passivity and other behaviors characteristic of learned helplessness.

Perceived interpersonal social support

This study specifically considers perceived interpersonal social support (ISS), which refers to the support an individual believes they receive from family and friends (Moak and Agrawal, 2010). According to the buffering hypothesis, such support acts as a protective factor against negative mental health outcomes (e.g., depression, anxiety, PTSD), especially following experiences of stress and trauma (Liu et al., 2021; Panagioti et al., 2014; Roohafza et al., 2014). For example, individuals who reported the same level of trauma but perceived lower interpersonal social support exhibited higher rates of mental health problems (Moak and Agrawal, 2010).

Perceived ISS is linked to reduced negative outcomes following various types of victimization, including violent crime, property-related crime, and rape (Liu et al., 2017; Worsley et al., 2019; Yap and Devilly, 2004). It has been shown to protect victims from anxiety, fear, and stress (Kaniasty and Norris, 1992; Ruch and Leon, 1986; Yap and Devilly, 2004). A recent study also found that high-quality social ties (a factor that can influence levels of perceived ISS) is inversely correlated with fear of crime (Yuan et al., 2024). Overall, this suggests that perceived ISS – a significant moderator against the negative consequences of criminal victimization – may similarly moderate the effects of fear related to criminal victimization.

Additionally, perceived ISS can specifically protect against learned helplessness. One study demonstrated that it moderates the negative relationship between self-efficacy and learned helplessness among students; those with high levels of perceived ISS were better at inhibiting learned helplessness compared with those with low levels of social support (Wu and Tu, 2019). Similar protective effects were observed in patients diagnosed with coronary heart disease, acute myocardial infarctions, and lung cancer. The more social support they perceived was available, the less helplessness they exhibited (Huang et al., 2024; Nuraeni et al., 2021; Smallheer and Dietrich, 2019).

The mechanisms by which perceived ISS improves mental health outcomes are still emerging. However, it is likely that the effect arises from the sense of security and confidence derived from the connection with loved ones (Huang et al., 2024; Liu et al., 2021; Moak and Agrawal, 2010). In the context of fear of crime, friends and significant others can provide an outlet for expressing emotions, receiving advice, and experiencing solidarity (Harandi et al., 2017; McGuigan and Horigan, 2021). Furthermore, the presence of a supportive network can prevent maladaptive coping mechanisms such as isolation and avoidance (Harandi et al., 2017). When individuals believe they are surrounded by a supportive and understanding environment, they may be more inclined to remain more active and feel empowered to confront their fears (Xie et al., 2023).

The present study

Several motivations underpin this study. While previous research has shown that substance-induced anxiety can lead to learned helplessness (Drugan et al., 1985), it is important to distinguish anxiety from fear. Anxiety is a psychological response to internal emotional states or potential dangers, whereas fear is directed towards specific external threats (Steimer, 2002). Thus, more research is needed to determine whether fear – particularly the widespread and intense fear of crime – can also trigger learned helplessness. Additionally, most studies on perceived interpersonal social support (ISS) have primarily focused on its moderating effect in response to specific traumatic events rather than more complex and widespread fears influenced by both personal and societal factors. Moreover, no research to date has simultaneously explored the interplay between fear of crime, perceived ISS, and learned helplessness. Filling this knowledge gap could thus provide valuable insights.

This study posits two hypotheses. First, it is hypothesized that fear of crime will be a positive predictor of learned helplessness, such that individuals with a heightened fear of crime will exhibit higher levels of learned helplessness. Second, it is expected that perceived ISS will moderate the relationship between fear of crime and learned helplessness. Specifically, when individuals report high levels of perceived ISS, the positive association between fear of crime and learned helplessness will be attenuated; conversely, this association will be more pronounced when perceived ISS levels are low.

Participants

Recruitment was conducted in the United Kingdom via social media and university-affiliated recruitment forums. Given that fear of crime is a widely experienced phenomenon, participation was open to anyone over the age of 18. A total of 138 responses were collected, but incomplete responses were filtered out (N = 35). A final sample of 103 participants (65 women, 30 men, 8 non-binary) was thus used for data analysis. The ages of participants ranged from 18 to 72 years (M = 29.92, SD = 15.16). Participants came from a variety of ethnic backgrounds, with the majority being White (N = 59) and then Asian or Asian British (N = 23). Most participants had at least a bachelor’s degree (51 with bachelor’s, 13 with master’s, 1 with professional degree, and 4 with doctorate).

Materials

Procedure

A correlational, cross-sectional survey design was utilized. The predictor variable was ‘fear of crime’ and the outcome variable was ‘learned helplessness’. The moderator variable was ‘perceived interpersonal social support (ISS)’. The survey was created using the online software Qualtrics. An information sheet summarized the purpose of the study and what participation entailed. Participants were informed of the university’s data management and protection guidelines and instructed that participation was completely anonymous and voluntary. They were assigned random, anonymous ID numbers to reference if they wished to halt or rescind their responses. Furthermore, the contact information of the principal investigator, primary researcher, and the institution’s Research Ethics Committee was provided for any questions or concerns. The subsequent consent form required participants to confirm they were giving informed consent before progressing to the survey. Participants then responded to the fear of crime scale, LHS, ISEL-12, and PHQ-4. A battery of optional demographic questions was displayed last and once the survey was completed, a debrief was given.

The survey included potentially distressing topics of mental health and fear of criminal victimization. To safeguard participants’ well-being, no questions were asked about personal experiences of victimization. Participants had the option to skip any questions they found particularly upsetting. Additionally, the information sheet provided mental health and victim support resources. This project was approved by the [authors’ institution] Research Ethics Committee.

Hypotheses testing: moderated regression

All predictor variables were first standardized into z-scores to ensure they contributed equally to the analysis. Statistical assumptions of normality, linearity, homoscedasticity, independence, and multicollinearity were then tested. The histogram was bell-shaped, the normal probability plot was linear, and the residual scatterplot was evenly distributed. The Durbin-Watson statistic was 2.20 (between the normal range of 1.50-2.50) and all VIF scores were less than 10. All assumptions were thus met (Tabachnick and Fidell, 2013).

A moderated regression analysis was conducted on the data using SPSS PROCESS macro version 4.2 (Hayes 2022; model 1) with 5000 bootstrap samples and 95% confidence intervals (see Table 2). Fear of crime was entered as the predictor variable; perceived ISS as the moderator variable; learned helplessness as the outcome variable; and depression, anxiety, and age as the control variables. Overall, 47% of the variability in learned helplessness was explained by the model, R² = 0.471, F(6, 96) = 14.245, p < .001. Fear of crime was positively associated with learned helplessness (β = 0.265, SE = 0.094, t = 2.812, p = .006, CI_95%[0.078, 0.451]). Perceived interpersonal social support (ISS) was negatively associated with learned helplessness (β = −0.301, SE = 0.078, t = −3.834, p < .001, CI_95%[-0.456, −0.145]. The interaction term between fear of crime and perceived ISS was not significant (β = −0.010, SE = 0.084, t = −0.123, p = .903, CI_95%[-0.177, 0.157).

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Table 2.

Moderated regression results.

						CI95%
Predictors	R 2	F	β	SE	t	LLCI	ULCI
	.47	14.25***
Depression			.19	.10	1.79	−.02	.39
Anxiety			.08	.11	.77	−.13	.29
Age			−.17	.08	−2.03	−.33	−.003
Fear of crime			.27**	.09	2.82	.08	.45
Perceived ISS			−.30***	.08	−3.84	−.46	−.16
FOC x perceived ISS			−.01	.08	−.12	−.18	.16

Summary of findings

The purpose of this study was to examine the association between fear of crime, learned helplessness, and perceived interpersonal social support (ISS) whilst controlling depression, anxiety, and age. It was hypothesized that fear of crime would be positively associated with learned helplessness, and that perceived ISS would moderate this relationship. Results from the moderated regression analysis supported the first hypothesis, showing that increased fear of crime was significantly associated with increased learned helplessness. Perceived ISS was also found to be significantly negatively associated with learned helplessness. However, perceived ISS did not exert a moderating effect, leading to the rejection of the second hypothesis.

Theoretical and practical implications

Limitations and future directions

Several limitations must be acknowledged when discussing this study. A notorious drawback to both correlational and cross-sectional research is their inability to determine causation (Howitt and Cramer, 2020). The researchers therefore stress that the observed strong relationship between fear of crime and learned helplessness cannot be presumed as causal, nor can its temporal sequence be determined. Future experimental studies should directly manipulate participants’ levels of fear of crime using techniques such as scrambled sentences (Shariff and Norenzayan, 2007). Any subsequent changes in learned helplessness could then be attributed to fear of crime rather than coincidence. Longitudinal research is also recommended, as it could help establish the causal sequence (i.e., that changes in fear of crime precede changes in learned helplessness).

The limitations of the sample’s size and demographic makeup must also be acknowledged. Given the cross-sectional design of this study, a larger sample size is essential for the reliability of a moderated regression model (Baranger et al., 2023). Additionally, participants were predominantly white and from Western countries and their resulting data may not be sensitive to any potential cultural differences regarding fear of crime and learned helplessness. For example, research has shown that individuals from Western cultures are more likely to value and experience high arousal emotions such as fear, alarm, and distress compared to those from Eastern cultures (Lim, 2016). Future research should aim to recruit considerably larger and more diverse samples to establish and improve the generalizability of these findings.

The scales used in the survey also pose limitations to the study’s findings. Measures such as the fear of crime scale (Etopio and Berthelot, 2022), LHS (Quinless and Nelson, 1988), ISEL-12 (Cohen et al., 1985), and PHQ-4 (Kroenke et al., 2009) rely on self-report, which, while practical, may be subject to biases. Participants might struggle with introspection, potentially overestimating perceived ISS or presenting themselves in a favorable light (social desirability bias). Despite efforts to ensure anonymity and confidentiality, these biases could affect the internal validity of the data (Ried et al., 2022).

Future research avenues unrelated to these limitations include exploring how fear of crime varies by direct versus indirect victimization (Fox et al., 2009). Indirect victimization often triggers more pronounced fear of crime, which is disproportionately high compared to actual crime rates (Lowry et al., 2003; Tseloni et al., 2010). Investigating these distinct sources of fear separately could provide deeper insights into their relationships with learned helplessness, albeit with ethical considerations to minimize distress.

Exploring additional moderators is also crucial. For instance, consider the role of trust in the police (Alda et al., 2017; Luengas and Ruprah, 2008). Individuals who fear crime but have high confidence in the police’s effectiveness may be less prone to learned helplessness due to enhanced perceptions of safety and reduced vulnerability. Socioeconomic status (SES; occupation, income, education) could also function similarly (Macassa et al., 2023). Individuals with more resources to protect themselves may experience less helplessness, even if they are fearful. Conversely, SES may increase an individual’s perception of their vulnerability (i.e., more wealth and resources may make one more likely target for crime) and subsequently exacerbate learned helplessness. Indeed, data from the European Social Survey suggests that people living in societies with high income inequality experience greater fear of crime (Vauclair and Bratanova, 2017). Gaining a deeper understanding of these dynamics could help mitigate stress and mental health deterioration associated with fear of crime.

Conclusions

To the researcher’s knowledge, this study is the first to examine the relationship between fear of crime, perceived interpersonal social support (ISS) and learned helplessness. The moderated regression analysis indicated that fear of crime and social support were independently associated with learned helplessness but in opposite directions: fear of crime had a positive relationship with learned helplessness, whereas perceived ISS had a negative relationship. However, perceived ISS did not moderate the relationship between fear of crime and learned helplessness. This finding highlights the need to consider potential compatibility issues for the previously established protective role of social support. Further research should further investigate the impact of fear of crime and explore other potential moderators. These findings have practical implications for clinicians and criminal justice professionals, especially in today’s media culture, where crime-related fear is frequently amplified.