This article examines democratic practice after the revolution that brought an end to authoritarian dictatorship in Portugal in April 1974, taking the Portuguese case as an opportunity to theorize democratic practice and historical processes that shape its emergence. The argument stresses the distinctive features of democracy born in social revolution and the explanatory role of the partial inversion of social hierarchies and remaking of cultural repertoires in social revolutionary settings. The Portuguese case is compared to its larger neighbor, Spain, which moved from authoritarianism to democracy at roughly the same time following a process of change thoroughly unlike that of Portugal. Comparisons with other instances of postrevolutionary democracy and implications for more conventional democratic systems are also introduced. A central theme concerns the extent to which democracies attain the ideal of full political equality among citizens. This article asserts that democracies born in social revolution may approximate that ideal for reasons rooted in their historical pathways to representative government.
There is a great deal of excellent scholarship on the Portuguese case including Philippe Schmitter, "Liberation By Golpe," Armed Forces & Society, 2, no. 1 (1975); Nancy Bermeo, The Revolution within the Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986); Kenneth Maxwell, The Making of Portuguese Democracy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995); John L. Hammond, Building Popular Power: Workers’ and Neighborhood Movements in the Portuguese Revolution (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1988); Antonio Costa Pinto, ed., Modern Portugal (Palo Alto, CA: Society for the Promotion of Science and Scholarship, 1998); Boaventura de Sousa Santos, O Estado e a Sociedade em Portugal (1974-1988) (Porto: Ediçoes Afrontamento, 1990); Pedro C. Magalhaes, "Disaffected Democrats: Political Attitudes and Political Action in Portugal," West European Politics 28, no. 5 (2005), and "Democratizaçao e independencia judicial em Portugal," Análise Social 30, no. 139 (1995); Marina Costa Lobo, Governar em Democracia (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais, 2005); Manuel Villaverde Cabral, Filipe Carreira da Silva, and Tiago Saraiva, eds., Cidade & Cidadania (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais, 2008); Manuel Villaverde Cabral, Jorge Vala, and André Freire, Desigualdades Sociais e Percepçoes de Justiça (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais, 2003); José Manuel Sobral, Trajectos: O Presente e o Passado na Vida de uma Freguesia da Beira (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais, 1999); Tiago Fernandes, "Authoritarian Regimes and Pro-Democracy Semi-Oppositions: The End of the Portuguese Dictatorship (1968-1974) in Comparative Perspective," Democratization 14, no. 4 (2007); Alan Stoleroff, "Unemployment and Trade Union Strength in Portugal," in Unemployment in the New Europe, ed. Nancy Bermeo (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and much additional work, some of it mentioned below.
2.
See the important contribution of Peter Hall and Michele Lamont, eds., Successful Societies (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009). For a useful discussion on controversies in the definition and conceptualization of culture, see George Steinmetz, "Introduction: Culture and the State," in State/Culture: State Formation after the Cultural Turn, ed. George Steinmetz (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
3.
The pioneering theoretical statement is Alfred Stepan, "Paths toward Redemocratization: Theoretical and Comparative Considerations," in Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives, ed. Guillermo O’Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986). See also Terry Lyn Karl, "Dilemmas of Democratization in Latin America," Comparative Politics 23, no. 1 (1990); Terry Lyn Karl and Philippe Schmitter, "Modes of Transition in Latin America, Southern and Eastern Europe," International Social Science Journal 43, no. 2 (1991); Frances Hagopian, "‘Democracy by Undemocratic Means’? Elites, Political Pacts and Regime Transition in Brazil," Comparative Political Studies 23, no. 2 (1990); Wendy Hunter, Eroding Military Influence in Brazil: Politicians against Soldiers (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997; and J. Samuel Valenzuela, "Democratic Consolidation in Post-transitional Settings: Notion, Process, and Facilitating Conditions," in Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective, ed. Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O’Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992).
4.
On this point see Karen S. Cook, Russell Hardin, and Margaret Levi, Cooperation without Trust? (New York: Russell Sage, 2005), chap. 9.
5.
Robert Dahl offers a powerful formulation of this problem in On Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998). For work conceptualizing democratic freedom and justice from perspectives highlighting the problem of hierarchies and domination, see Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1997); and Ian Shapiro, Democratic Justice (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999). For a recent theoretical statement on the goal of genuine political equality among citizens see Margaret R. Somers, Genealogies of Citizenship (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
6.
The literature on the deepening of democracy emphasizes institutional factors in the opening- or closing-of spaces for effective participation by the poor and other socially subordinate sectors but also examines social movements and social pressure from below. See Archon Fung and Erik Olin Wright, eds., Deepening Democracy: Institutional Innovations in Empowered Participatory Governance (London: Verso, 2003); Patrick Heller, "Degrees of Democracy: Some Comparative Lessons from India," World Politics 52, no. 4 (2000); and The Labor of Development: Workers and the Transformation of Capitalism in Kerala India (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999); Kenneth M. Roberts, Deepening Democracy: The Modern Left and Social Movements in Chile and Peru (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998); Gianpaolo Baiocchi, Militants and Citizens: The Politics of Participatory Democracy in Porto Alegre (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2005). For analysis incorporating culture and social practice in the examination of popular participation, see Boaventura de Sousa Santos, ed., Democratizing Democracy: Beyond the Liberal Canon (London: Verso, 2005).
7.
I emphasize differences between the two democratization scenarios in Robert M. Fishman, "Rethinking State and Regime: Southern Europe’s Transition to Democracy," World Politics 42, no. 3 (1990). See also Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,1996); Nancy Bermeo, "Redemocratization and Transition Elections: A Comparison of Spain and Portugal," Comparative Politics19, no. 2 (1987); Rafael Durán Muñoz, Contención y Transgresión: Las Movilizaciones Sociales y el Estado en las Transiciones Española y Portuguesa (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2000); Gosta Esping-Andersen, "Budgets and Democracy: Towards a Welfare State in Spain and Portugal, 1960-1986," in Developing Democracy, ed. Ian Budge and David McKay (London: Sage, 1994); Juan Linz, "Spain and Portugal: Critical Choices," in Western Europe: The Trials of Partnership, ed. David S. Landes (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1977); Jacint Jordana, David Levi-Faur, and Imma Puig, "The Limits of Europeanization: Regulatory Reforms in the Spanish and Portuguese Telecommunications and Electricity Sectors," Governance 18, no. 3 (2006); Sebastian Royo, A New Century of Corporatism? (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002); and Sebastian Royo and Paul Christopher Manuel, eds., Spain and Portugal in the European Union: The First Fifteen Years (London: Frank Cass, 2003). Some scholars have preferred to analyze these two cases alongside two other southern European cases, Italy and Greece. From my perspective the two-way comparison of the Iberian neighbors holds advantages for posing certain theoretical questions given the juxtaposition in these two cases of strong structural and historical parallels with one central point of enormous difference, the route taken to democracy. On the southern European cases, see Leonardo Morlino, Democracy between Consolidation and Crisis: Parties, Groups and Citizens in Southern Europe (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1998); and Richard Gunther, P. Nikiforos Diamandouros, and Hans-Jurgen Puhle, eds., The Politics of Democratic Consolidation: Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995).
8.
For a comparative argument contending that Central American democracy is an indirect result of revolution, see Jeffrey M. Paige, Revolution and the Rise of Democracy in Central America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). For a quite different argument on the historical origins of Central America’s regime outcomes, see James Mahoney, The Legacies of Liberalism: Path Dependence and Political Regimes in Central America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
9.
For an important corrective to the overemphasis of some scholars on the consensual features- and phase-of the Spanish transition, see Ignacio Sánchez-Cuenca, "Consensus and Contention: The Spanish Transition to Democracy Revisited" (paper, Conference on Democracy, Democratization and Social Democracy in Honor of José María Maravall, June 14-15, 2010, Juan March Institute, Madrid). For a classic statement on the interplay in Spain between pressure from below and reform from above, see José María Maravall, The Transition to Democracy in Spain (New York: St. Martin’s, 1982).
10.
On this methodological strategy, see Sidney Tarrow, "The Strategy of Paired Comparison: Toward a Theory of Practice," Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 2 (2010).
11.
That Spain’s Second Republic (1931-1939) ended in a bloody civil war lasting from 1936 to 1939 is widely known, but as the scholarship of Kathleen C. Schwartzman, The Social Origins of Democratic Collapse: The First Portuguese Republic in the Global Economy (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1989); and Douglas Wheeler, Republican Portugal: A Political History: 1910-1926 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978) has emphasized, Portugal’s First Republic was also subject to frequent episodes of violent conflict, political polarization, and contested legitimacy.
12.
On the press in the Portuguese First Republic, see Wheeler, Republican Portugal, 86-87.
13.
See Maxwell, Making of Portuguese Democracy, for a useful account of these events.
14.
This distinction overlaps partially with the contrast I draw between the globalizing discursive horizons of some working-class communities and the defensive localism of others in Robert M. Fishman, Democracy’s Voices: Social Ties and the Quality of Public Life in Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004).
15.
Field notes, January 24, 2006, Lisbon.
16.
Interview with Timóteo Macedo, leader of Solidariedade Imigrante, April 27, 2006, Lisbon. In order to follow the trajectory of the immigrants’ movement I reinterviewed Macedo on February 7, 2008; June 20, 2008; and January 12, 2009.
17.
Interview with Mario Soares, June 20, 2008, Lisbon.
18.
President Sampaio issued this call in Beja during a visit there in June 2002. See the Inter-net edition of Publico for June 11, 2002, www.publico.pt.
19.
See Treinta Anos de Constituiçao (Lisbon: Assembleia da República, 2006). In order of the above textual references, see pp. 68, 81, 126, 47, 197, 246, 248.
20.
Jeffrey Alexander , The Civil Sphere (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006 ), 296.
21.
See Alexander’s discussion, ibid., 80-85.
22.
This column, which initially appeared in Lisbon’s Diario de Noticias, is also found in Estrela Serrano, Para Compreender o Jornalismo (Coimbra: Minerva, 2006), 193.
23.
Interview with Enric Bastardes, July 2, 2008, Barcelona.
24.
Field notes, June 7, 2006, Lisbon.
25.
Interview with António Luis Marinho, RTP, June 7, 2006, Lisbon.
26.
On the significance of José Luís Rodríguez Zapatero’s efforts to change the practice of television reporting and the broader efforts of the Zapatero government to transform Spanish politics, see José Luís Martí and Philip Pettit, A Political Philosophy in Public Life: Civic Republicanism in Zapatero’s Spain (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010).
27.
See the essays in Alfonso Vara Miguel et al., eds., Cobertura Informativa del 11-M (Pamplona: EUNSA, 2006), as well as Robert M. Fishman, "On Being a Weberian (after Spain’s March 11-14): Notes on the Continuing Relevance of Weber’s Methodological Approach," in Max Weber’s "Objectivity" Reconsidered, ed. Laurence McFalls (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007); Victor Sampedro Blanco, ed., Multitudes Online (Madrid: Los Libros de la Catarata, 2005); and Victor Sampedro Blanco, ed., Medios y Elecciones 2004: La Campaña Electoral y las "otras Campañas" (Madrid: Editorial Ramon Areces, 2008).
28.
Interview with José Manuel Fernandes, June 12, 2006, Lisbon.
29.
On these points I am indebted to information provided by Enric Bastardes (interviewed July 2, 2008, Barcelona) and Rodolfo Benito (interviewed May 30, 2008, Madrid).
30.
Victor Sampedro Blanco, "Nunca mais: la marea, el dique y el bunquer," in La Red en la Calle: Cambios en la Movilizacion. Anuario de Movimientos Sociales 2003, ed. Elena Grau and Pedro Ibarra (Barcelona: Icaria, 2004); and Victor Sampedro, "The Media Politics of Social Protest," Mobilization 2, no. 2 (1997).
31.
Jaume Asens, "La Presión al Movimiento de las Okupaciones: Del Apartato Policial a los Mass Media," in ¿Dónde Están las Llamas: El Movimiento Okupa: Prácticas y Contextos Sociales, ed. Ramón Adell Argilés and Miguel Martínez López ( Madrid: Los Libros de la Catarata, 2004), 293-338.
32.
Among the clearest instances of this tendency was the effort of the PP government to substantially underrepresent the success of a nationwide general strike on June 20, 2002. See the extensive coverage of this matter in El País on June 21, 2002.
33.
My interviews with local Socialist leaders in industrial towns-discussed in Fishman, Democracy’s Voices, chap. 6-led to this conclusion.
34.
Jeffrey S. Juris, Networking Futures (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008).
35.
See Publico, August 27, 2002, 39 and August 31, 2002, 46.
36.
On the Okupas in Barcelona, see Asens, "La Presión al Movimiento de las Okupaciones."
37.
Interviews with Javi Baeza, January 3, 2009, and May 2008, Madrid.
38.
Interview with Joao Ferrao, January 13, 2009, Lisbon. For an external report on government negotiations with the residents of informal housing in Amadora, see Einar Braathen, Elsa Lechner, Marit Ekne Ruud, and Susanne Soholt, The "Critical Urban Areas" Programme in Portugal- First Assessment (Oslo: Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research, 2008).
39.
Interviews with Pedro Soares, January 14, Lisbon, and with Joao Ferrao, January 13, 2009, Lisbon.
40.
Interview with Ada Colau and Adrià, militants in the V de Vivienda movement, July 16, 2008, Barcelona.
41.
Interviews with Timóteo Macedo and Pedro Soares, cited above.
42.
Manuel Castells, "The Making of an Urban Social Movement: The Citizens Movement in Madrid toward the End of the Franquist Era," in The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), chap. 5. Castells notes that the Alcalá de Henares movement was characterized by "its almost total lack of achievement in spite of its militancy, mobilization and popular support." Ibid., 248.
43.
In the book I am currently writing I take up a broader array of outcomes than is possible here.
44.
Robert M. Fishman, "Rethinking the Iberian Transformations: How Democratization Scenarios Shaped Labor Market Outcomes,"Studies in Comparative International Development45, no. 3 (2010).
45.
Gosta Esping-Andersen , Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economies (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1999).
46.
Robert M. Fishman and Omar Lizardo, "How Legacies of Macro-political Transformation Shape Patterns of Cultural Taste: The ‘Natural Experiment’ of Portugal and Spain" (paper, annual meetings of the American Sociological Association, August 14-17, 2010).
47.
Work by Stepher Stoer and our qualitative interviewing of teachers coincide in reaching this conclusion. See Stephen Stoer, Educaçao. Estado e desenvolvimento em Portugal (Lisbon: Horizonte: 1982); and Educaçao e mudança social em Portugal (Porto: Ediçoes Afrontamento, 1986).
48.
On the initial preference of the Spanish Socialists to emphasize equality of access rather than cultural transformation, and the embedding of this strategy in the educational pact that formed part of the generally consensual Spanish pathway to democracy, see María Fernández Mellizo-Soto, Socialismo, Igualdad en la Educación y Democracia: La Experiencia de González y Mitterand (Madrid: Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Inverstigaciones, 2001). On educational practice in Spanish schools I rely on qualitative interviews with teachers, discussed in Fishman and Lizardo, "How Legacies of Macro-political Transformation Shape Patterns," as well as several other sources: Mariano Fernández Enguita, La Profesión Docente y la Comunidad Escolar: Crónica de un Desencuentro (Madrid: Ediciones Morata, 1993); Oliver Boyd-Barrett and Pamela O’Malley, eds., Educational Reform in Democratic Spain (London: Routledge, 1995); and the OECD survey data reported in Creating Effective Teaching and Learning Environments: First Results from TALIS (Paris: OECD, 2009).
49.
Interview with Isabel Guerra, February 8, 2008, Lisbon, and interview with Joao Ferrao, cited above.
50.
José Adelantado and Ricard Gomà, "La Política de Vivienda," in Cambios en el Estado del Bienestar: Políticas Sociales y Desigualdades en España, ed. José Adelantado (Barcelona: Icaria, 2000), 313-47.
51.
Ibid., 346.
52.
For important recent work on this point, see Bonnie Field, "De-Thawing Democracy: The Decline of Political Party Collaboration in Spain (1977 to 2004)," Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 9 (2005): 1079-1103; Richard Gunther, José Ramón Montero, and Joan Botella, Democracy in Modern Spain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004) and the earlier influential work of Josep Maria Colomer, El arte de la manipulacion politica (Barcelona: Anagrama, 1990).
53.
On Bourdieu’s conception of habitus, and his theory of practice, see Omar Lizardo, "The Cognitive Origin of Bourdieu’s Habitus," Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 34, no. 4 (2004): 375-401, and Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990).
54.
On the concept of implicit culture, see Robert Wuthnow and Marsha Witten, "New Directions in the Study of Culture," Annual Review of Sociology 14 (1998); and Elisabeth Anderson, "Culture as Cause: Methodological Issues in the Study of Culture and Politics" (paper, meetings of the American Sociological Association, August 2007, New York).
55.
Omar Lizardo and Michael Strand, "Skills, Toolkits, Contexts and Institutions: Clarifying the Relationship between Different Approaches to Practical Cognition in Cultural Sociology," Poetics38 (2010): 204-27.
56.
See the pioneering theoretical statement by William Sewell Jr., "Historical Events as Transformations of Structures: Inventing Revolution at the Bastille," Theory and Society 25, no. 6 (1996).
57.
On fundamental differences between the two democratizing scenarios, see Fishman, "Rethinking State and Regime"; and Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition.
58.
Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
59.
Bermeo, Revolution within the Revolution.
60.
Hammond, Building Popular Power.
61.
Durán Muñoz, Contención y Transgresión.
62.
Diego Palacios Cerezales, O. PoderCaiu na Rua (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais, 2003).
63.
The most widely viewed retelling of the revolution’s story, the movie Capitaes de Abril, includes a scene, featured in publicity trailers for the film, in which one of the captains insists that at times it is necessary to disobey.
64.
Filipe Carreira da Silva and Pedro Magalhaes are currently engaged in research on the origins of the new Constitution.
65.
Santos, O Estado e a Sociedade em Portugal.
66.
Robert M.Fishman, Working-Class Organization and the Return to Democracy in Spain ( Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990).
67.
On the re-privatizations see Maria Asensio Menchero, El Proceso de la Reforma del Sector Público en el Sur de Europa: Estudio Comparativo de España y Portugal (Madrid: Instituto Juan March, 2001).
68.
On the purges, see António Costa Pinto, "Settling Accounts with the Past in a Troubled Transition to Democracy: The Portuguese Case," in The Politics of Memory: Transitional Justice in Democratizing Societies, ed. Alexandra Barahona de Brito et al. (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2001); and António Costa Pinto, "Authoritarian Legacies, Transitional Justice and State Crisis in Portugal’s Democratization," Democratization 12, no. 2 (2006).
69.
Costa Pinto, "Authoritarian Legacies," 181.
70.
Ibid., 184.
71.
Interview with David Rodrigues, February 1, 2008, Lisbon.
72.
Interview with José Sobral, June 18, 2008, Lisbon.
73.
Manuela Silva et al., Memorias de Economistas (Lisbon: Exame, 2006), 105. The interviews with economists collected in this volume serve as a valuable source.
74.
See Silva Lopes’s commentary on this point in Manuela Silva et al., Memorias de Economistas, 53.
75.
Diego Palacios Cerezales, O Poder Caiu na Rua, offers strong evidence on this point.
76.
Among those who have articulated this view is the distinguished legal theorist and politician Gregorio Peces-Barba, who served as the representative of the PSOE on the parliamentary commission drafting the new democratic Constitution before serving as President of the Congreso de los Diputados from 1982 to 1986. I am grateful to Peces-Barba for discussing this and other issues in our interview on May 27, 2009, Universidad Carlos III, Colmenarejo campus, Madrid province.
77.
See the discussions in Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition; Paul Preston, The Triumph of Democracy in Spain (London: Methuen, 1986); and Richard Gunther, Giacomo Sani, and Goldie Shabad, Spain after Franco: The Making of a Competitive Party System (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).
78.
I accept the "Schumpeter-plus" conceptualization of minimal requirements for democracy. On scholarly debates over defining democracy see Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).
79.
Paul Manuel, Uncertain Outcome: The Politics of the Portuguese Transition to Democracy (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1995); and Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition.
80.
Much of this section is based on my field notes from April 25-and the days leading up to it-in 2004 and 2006.
81.
On the cultural significance of national commemorations, see Lyn Spillman, Nation and Commemoration: Creating National Identities in the United States and Australia (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
82.
Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture and Class in the French Revolution ( Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
83.
See the recent formulation on this theme by Somers, Geneaologies of Citizenship, chap. 5.
84.
Diario de Noticias, A Poesia Está na Rua: 25 de Abril. 30 Anos. 100 Cartazes (Lisbon: Diario de Noticias, 2004), 6.
85.
José Filipe Costa, O Cinema ao Poder: A revoluçao do 25 de Abril e as politicas de cinema entre 1974-1976 (Lisbon: Hugin, 2002).
86.
Diario de Noticias, A Poesia Está, 20.
87.
Ibid., 26.
88.
See the work of anthropologist Sónia Vespeira de Almeida, "Campanhas de Dinamizaçao Cultural e Acçao Civica do MFA: uma etnografia retrospectiva," Arquivos da Memoria 2, Nova Série (2007).
89.
Stephen Stoer, Educaçao e mudança social em Portugal: 1970-1980, uma década de transiçao (Porto: Ediçoes Afrontamento, 1986), 155.
90.
The text of this session of Parliament is available electronically at www.parlamento.pt.
91.
I am grateful to José Soeiro for making available the complete text of the speech.
92.
See Gérard Bouchard, "Collective Imaginary and Population Health (How Health Data Can Highlight Cultural History)" in Hall and Lamont, Successful Societies.
93.
See 25 de Abril, 20 Anos 1974-1994 (Lisbon: Associacao 25 de Abril, 1996).
94.
Mabel Berezin, in Illiberal Politics in Neoliberal Times (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009), formulates the concept of nationally specific "consolidation regimes," which culturally define the relation between a polity and a people. The Portuguese case is characterized, in this sense, by a revolution-based "consolidation regime."
95.
These remarks by Oliveira de Silva, PSD leader in Maia, are available at www.scribd.com/ doc/38862/Discurso-evocativo-do-25-de-Abril (accessed May 22, 2009).
96.
Boaventura de Sousa Santos et al., 25 de Abril: Uma Aventura para a Democracia (Porto: Afrontamento & Coimbra: Centro de Documentaçao 25 de Abril, 2004).
97.
I am grateful to Pedro Magalhaes and António Costa Pinto for making available the basic findings of this survey.
98.
See the important study of Paloma Aguilar, Memory and Amnesia: The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy (New York: Berghahn Books, 2002), and the useful recent work of Omar Encarnación, Spanish Politics: Democracy after Dictatorship (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2008).
99.
Laura Desfor Edles, Symbol and Ritual in the New Spain: The Transition to Democracy after Franco (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 147.
100.
Dan Slater and Erica Simmons, "Informative Regress: Critical Antecedents in Comparative Politics,"Comparative Political Studies43, no. 7 (2010).
101.
On these points see Fishman, "Rethinking State and Regime."
102.
Aguilar, Memory and Amnesia.
103.
On theorizing differences among democracies, see Guillermo O’Donnell, Counterpoints (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999) and, by the same author, Democracy, Agency, and the State: Theory with Comparative Intent (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2010).
104.
Some scholars have classified Nicaragua as a semi-democracy. See Scott Mainwaring and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, "Latin American Democratization since 1978: Democratic Transitions, Breakdowns and Erosions," in The Third Wave of Democratization in Latin America: Advances and Setbacks, ed. Frances Hagopian and Scott Mainwaring (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 14-59.
105.
For a recent contribution on the impact of the French Revolution on the emergence of democracy see John Markoff, "French Revolution," in The Edinburgh Companion to the History of Democracy, ed. Benjamin Isakhan and Stephen Stockwell (Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press, forthcoming).
106.
Mark R.Thompson, DemocraticRevolutions: Asia and Eastern Europe (London: Routledge, 2004).
107.
For classic contributions on this point see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1992); and John Markoff, Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change (Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 1996).
108.
See the important theoretical statements of William Sewell, "Historical Events"; and Aristide Zolberg, "Moments of Madness, Politics & Society 2, no. 2 (1972).
109.
Charles Tilly , The Contentious French ( Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986), 404.
110.
George Ross, "Do Certain Revolutions Promote Certain Kinds of Democracy? Legacies of the French Revolution in Contemporary French Political Culture" (paper, annual meeting of the American Sociological Association , August 2007, New York), 9.
111.
Michele Lamont , "The Rhetorics of Racism and Anti-Racism in France and the United States," in Rethinking Comparative Cultural Sociology: Repertoires of Evaluation in France and the United States, ed. Michele Lamont and Laurent Thevenot (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 25-55, 39.
112.
Rogers Brubaker , Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).
113.
On this regime form, see H. E. Chehabi and Juan Linz, eds., Sultanistic Regimes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998).
114.
Elisabeth Jean Wood, Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in El Salvador (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
115.
Jocelyn Viterna , "Revolutionaries, Politicians, and Revolutionary Politics: The Enduring Legacies of Revolution for Central American Democracies" (paper, annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, August 2007, New York).
116.
Wood, Insurgent Collective Action, 234-38.
117.
Jeff Goodwin, No Other Way Out (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
118.
Juan Linz, The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes: Crisis, Breakdown and Reequilibration (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978).
119.
See William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, IL: Dorsey, 1975); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People’s Movements (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977); and Sidney G. Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy, 1965-1975 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1975).
120.
Alexander, Civil Sphere; and Somers, Genealogies of Citizenship.
121.
The classic theoretical statements on this theme by Esping-Andersen and Stephens remain highly relevant for contemporary debates. See Gosta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); John Stephens, The Transition from Capitalism to Socialism (London: Macmillan, 1979).
