Abstract
Over 600,000 individuals return to United States communities from prison each year. Transportation has been identified as a major barrier to successful reentry. Applying qualitative interpretive meta-synthesis to achieve a deep understanding of reentry transportation obstacles, 11 articles with 362 male and female participants were identified. Two themes emerged from our analysis: (1) “Transportation connects complex obligations,” highlighting the critical role that transportation plays in the successful navigation of post-release conditions; and (2) “Transportation deficiencies exacerbate vulnerability,” revealing how transportation factors intertwine with structural issues to increase precarity.
Introduction
In 2017, 622,400 individuals returned to their communities from prison (returning citizens) in the United States (US) (Bronson & Carson, 2019). Recently, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that 83% of those released from incarceration will be re-arrested within 9 years (Alper et al., 2018). This finding helps to explain the cycle that brings people through U.S. jails 10,000,000 times annually and accounts for a re-incarceration rate of 55% in 5 years after release (Sawyer & Wagner, 2019).
Unsuccessful reentry jeopardizes community safety, promotes re-incarceration, and increases costs to taxpayers to support the criminal justice apparatus. Research estimates that each recidivism event costs approximately $150,000, half of which is born by victims of crime, a third by tax-payers, and the remainder is indirect costs (State of Illinois Sentencing Policy Advisory Council, 2018). At a national level, these costs account for 2.9% of the U.S. GDP, roughly $500 billion (Council of Economic Advisors, 2018).
There is research evidence that strong networks of support reduce recidivism, but most communities remain ill-equipped to successfully support returning citizens who face a patchwork of logistical hurdles. These include court-mandated obligations, scarce offender resources, and critical mental health and health services. In addition, available housing, employment, and access to transportation have been identified as major barriers to successful reentry (La Vigne et al., 2008; Morani et al., 2011).
Consistent with the U.S. Department of Transportation’s active engagement with “environmental justice,” a commitment to minority and low-income people to “a fast, safe, efficient, accessible, and convenient transportation system for communities nationwide” (USDOT, n.d.), returning citizens are highlighted here as a previously unconsidered environmental justice (EJ) population. While many EJ populations sustain mobility challenges and constraints, this particular group faces some of the most significant barriers.
This article uses Qualitative Interpretive Meta-Synthesis (QIMS) (Aguirre & Bolton, 2013, 2014) to synthesize published qualitative research on transportation issues faced by returning citizens. Therefore, the research question is: what are the transportation experiences of returning citizens?
Literature Review
At the end of 2016, 6,613,500 persons were under correctional supervision (U.S. Bureau of Statistics, 2018a) and of these, 4,537,100 were under probation or parole (U.S. Bureau of Statistics, 2018b). For some exiting the prison environment, successful reentry can be a daunting task. Kirkpatrick (2018) found that reentry occurs in three phases: establishing oneself outside of prison, building a life in the community, and sustaining that life. Many who return to the community face obstacles due to dependence on the institutional structure and the exploitive norms of prison culture which can lead to hypervigilance, interpersonal distrust, psychological distancing, diminished sense of self-worth, and post-traumatic stress reactions to experiences in prison (Haney, 2001). In addition to personal challenges, many returning citizens also experience structural barriers, most commonly related to obtaining employment and stable housing (Baillargeon et al., 2010; Brown & Bloom, 2009; Maschi & Koskinen, 2015; Raphael, 2011). Maschi and Koskinen (2015) found returning citizens often encounter social structural barriers—the inability to find employment, a lack of formal and informal support, and homelessness—as well as individual challenges—like substance abuse and distrust of authority figures—that can interfere with the establishment of life post prison. Furthermore, returning citizens can also have mental health issues from a current mental health diagnosis or trauma from previous life experiences, such as a violent relationship, or from time spent in prison (Rixey, 2017). Due to the many obstacles returning citizens may incur, as well as probation or parole requirements, transportation is often a vital resource to successful reentry.
Reentry and Transportation
Returning citizens rate the lack of transportation as one of the top 10 challenges of reentry (Morani et al., 2011; Ward & Merlo, 2016). In Walker’s (2014) study, 46.7% of women had access to cars, whereas 53.3% had to rely on public transportation. In addition, released individuals who had secured housing relied on social relationships for transportation, offering an alternative to public transportation, but problematic in ways both similar and dissimilar to public transportation. In contrast, those released without housing, and who may ultimately become homeless, depended exclusively on public transportation (Walker et al., 2014). Often, public transportation systems are not a reliable means for accessing parole or probation appointments (Ward & Merlo, 2016). Those residing in rural communities list transportation as the main barrier to maintaining parole or probation requirements (Zajac et al., 2014). Moreover, transportation is an important resource for service engagement (Begun et al., 2016) for those with mental health and substance abuse disorders who face challenges due to unreliable and inconsistent transportation (Sung et al., 2011). In a sample of 700,000, Sung, Maloney, and Mellow reported that 17.5% (69,000) did not obtain necessary substance abuse treatment because of a deficit in transportation resources. Given the critical role of transportation in successful reentry, understanding returning citizens’ transportation experiences can reveal important insights into transportation deficits and offer possible solutions to service providers, criminal justice professionals, and urban planners.
Review of QIMS Literature
Qualitative interpretive meta-synthesis (QIMS) is a method developed by social workers that synthesizes published qualitative data to achieve a deeper understanding of a phenomenon (Aguirre & Bolton, 2014).QIMS has been utilized to analyze a variety of experiences, including children’s exposure to intimate partner violence (Ravi & Casolaro, 2018), marginalized women’s postpartum depression (Maxwell et al., 2019), and the academic success of high school students (Rogers et al., 2018). QIMS has also been used to synthesize topics involving justice-involved populations. Terry et al. (2018) reviewed environmental influences on services and mental health for incarcerated populations. Sliva (2015) explored the lived experiences of life without parole, and Nordberg et al. (2016) explored minority youth encounters with police officers. However, QIMS has not been applied previously to the transportation experiences of returning citizens. Although QIMS is a recent addition to a suite of qualitative review methods, its use has expanded rapidly; and QIMS studies have been published in top-tier European and North American journals. This study’s QIMS will, therefore, fill the gap in literature by synthesizing qualitative studies that have focused on this topic.
Method
A qualitative research design is an important and common practice in social welfare research, while the synthesis of qualitative work is less common and underutilized (Aguirre & Bolton, 2013). Qualitative Interpretive Meta-Synthesis (QIMS) is a method that was developed to address this gap (Aguirre & Bolton, 2014). The QIMS design aims to create a “broader, in-depth, and more holistic understanding of phenomenon,” especially relevant to the foundational biopsychosocial tenets of human behavior and the ethics and values of social work (Aguirre & Bolton, 2014, p. 280). QIMS as applied here is a “good fit” as related to the social justice framework and the importance of extending this research methodology.
Instrumentation
In qualitative research, the researchers are the primary instruments of inquiry (Patton, 2002), including the QIMS methodology. In an effort to increase transparency and credibility of this research, the authors formed a research team with diverse perspectives by race, age, gender, and nationality to illuminate any potential biases and accommodate unique viewpoints on the topic.
Sampling
The sampling procedure for a QIMS is a purposive and theoretically-guided exhaustive review of qualitative studies (Aguirre & Bolton, 2013), which in this case included both peer-reviewed articles and grey literature, for example, dissertations. Based on an initial informal evaluation of the literature resulting in just a few relevant studies, a wide range of databases were used to conduct the formal search. The databases included Academic Search Complete, CINAHL Complete, Communication & Mass Media Complete, Criminal Justice Abstracts with Full Text, ERIC, Family Studies Abstracts, Health Source: Nursing/Academic Edition, Legal Collection, Legal Information Reference Center, MasterFILE Complete, PsycARTICLES, Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection, PsycINFO, Race Relations Abstracts, Science & Technology Collection, Social Work Abstracts, Sustainability Reference Center, and TOPICsearch. Within these databases the following search terms were used: offenders, criminal*, prisoner*, felon*, convictions, inmates, returning citizens, reentry, barriers, obstacles, challenges, issues, transportation, and qualitative. Then, Google Scholar was searched applying the same search terms. Finally, forward citation searches were conducted on included studies.
Inclusion criteria for this investigation are studies that: (1) were published in peer-reviewed journals or were published dissertations or theses; (2) were published in English; (3) sampled people who had been incarcerated and were returning to US communities; (4) were dated after 2004; (5) included direct participant quotes related to transportation barriers; and (6) were conducted using qualitative methods, whether as the sole methodology or as part of a mixed methods design.
The searches, conducted between October and December 2018, yielded 80 unique articles for review after 18 duplicates were removed. With title and abstract screening, 19 articles were read in their entirety to evaluate the degree to which they met the inclusion criteria. Following the full text screening, 11 articles were identified and included in the QIMS. Additionally, to determine if any relevant articles were not captured by the searches, the references of the included articles were scanned to identify additional studies. See the quorum chart (Figure 1) for details of the sampling process and Table 1 for summary characteristics of each included study.

Quorum chart
Characteristics of Studies Included in the QIMS.
Analysis
The third author extracted the quotes related to transportation from the original articles and uploaded them into cloud-based qualitative software, Dedoose. The following steps were repeated independently by the first, second, and third authors: Reading each quotation from the included studies line-by-line, and; Applying Dedoose to record initial thoughts and primary codes related to transportation. Then, during a series of weekly 1 hour meetings, the codes were iteratively grouped into thematic clusters, with authors’ debating these until consensus was achieved. The final overarching themes and subthemes and their relationship to the original themes extracted from the included studies are presented in Table 2.
New Overarching Themes and Subthemes and Original Extracted Themes.
N.B. Themes are bold, subthemes are not.
Some articles discussed the interwoven nature of obligations and transportation though not considered a theme by the original author (Northcutt Bohmert, 2016, for example).
Triangulation
Triangulation is a critical component of the QIMS process that is intended to reduce bias and increase trustworthiness (Aguirre & Bolton, 2013). This QIMS utilized triangulation in three distinct forms: sources, methods, and analysts. Triangulation of sources was accomplished by including 11 distinct studies 1 (see Table 1 for demographics).Triangulation of methods was accomplished through the inclusion of studies that utilized a variety of methodologies, namely interviews, focus groups, and critical ethnography. Triangulation of analysts was accomplished though the authors’ collaboration of coding, theme creation, and authoring the results.
Findings
The 11 studies include 362 male and female participants. Of the reported ethnicities, 68% were African American, 27% were White, and the remainder identified as Latino/Hispanic, Native American, or Korean American.
Although lay knowledge readily cites transportation as a major barrier to successful reentry, we located just 11 articles for inclusion in this review and only one (Northcutt Bohmert, 2016) focused on logistics among returning citizens. Six were published recently (in the last 5 years). We included 11 articles and one dissertation, and almost all included studies collected data via interviews. Whittemore (2008) is an ethnographic investigation was included after consultation with one of the two methodological creators who agreed that ethnographic observations apply because of the participant aspect inherent in ethnographic methodology (Praetorius, personal communication). Two themes emerged from our analysis: Theme 1—Transportation connects complex obligations, highlighting the critical role that transportation plays in the successful navigation of post-release conditions; Theme 2—Transportation deficiencies exacerbate vulnerability, revealing how transportation factors intertwine with institutional and structural issues to expose returning citizens to precarious situations they must face to be successful.
Theme 1: Transportation connects complex obligations
Returning citizens are usually released from detention with conditions that must be met. Failure to meet those rules can bring additional charges and a return to jail or prison. These stakes are very high for returning citizens and their families, and our review of their experiences found that transportation was a crucial link among those obligations. One woman described her daily routine that captures the scope of her obligations and how central transportation is in her attempts to meet release conditions and the consequences of failing to meet them: I start my day running to drop my urine (drug testing). Then I go to see my children, show up for my training program, look for a job, go to a meeting (Alcoholics Anonymous) and show up at my part-time job. I have to take the bus everywhere, sometimes eight buses for 4 hours a day. I don’t have the proper outer clothes, I don’t have the money to buy lunch along the way, and everyone who works with me keeps me waiting so that I am late to my next appointment. If I fail any one of these things and my PO (probation officer) finds out, I am revoked (probation is revoked). (Richie, 2001, pp. 380–381)
It was not surprising that most participants discussed public transportation options and their lack of access to a car given their relatively low socioeconomic status. Frequently, returning citizens cited the two challenges of inefficiency and cost to their successful navigation between obligations using public transportation. These are reflected in the two subthemes.
Subtheme 1a: Transportation inefficiency threatens meeting obligations
Participants in 10 of the 11 reviewed studies relied on public transportation systems to commute to a variety of mandated appointments. For example, Whittemore offers a detailed description of the time consumption and transportation woes of Lyla, one of her participants: On Tuesdays, she left her apartment at 11 a.m. on the dot, first giving a call to the security company to get her monitor alarm disabled. She lived about four blocks from the bus stop, and she walked down a busy street that had no sidewalks. There were no benches at her stop, and no shade. . . The bus took more than 30 minutes to get downtown, where she caught a transfer to the north east side. If she was lucky, she caught a bus right away; otherwise, she had a 30 minute wait for the next bus. This second bus took about another 40 minutes to get her to stop closest to the CPO, and then she had a quarter-mile walk down the freeway access road and across parking lots (also with no sidewalks) to the center. All in all, on a good day where the buses ran on time, it took Lyla about an hour and forty-five minutes door to door each way, for a minimum of 3.5 hours of commuting. When she got out of her meetings at 3, she raced to the bus stop to begin the journey home. She had exactly 2 hours to get back to her apartment, where she called in to get her monitor reactivated. She said that she often found herself running through her neighborhood get back home on time. If she was late, which she often was, the alarm company began calling her home. If she did not respond swiftly from that house phone number, they had the option of notifying the police who could issue a "blue warrant" for her arrest. (Whittemore, 2008, pp. 133–134)
Whittemore retraced Lyla’s steps and verified her account of time and route-related hazards (Whittemore, 2008). The combination of lengthy bus journeys, scattered appointments, and distance from her residence to the terminal bus stop combine to jeopardize Lyla’s successful reentry.
Subtheme 1b: Transportation costs too much
Exacerbating Lyla and others’ experiences with public transportation systems is the often prohibitive expense of bus rides. Participants in six of the 11 reviewed articles explicitly discussed travels costs as barriers to successful reentry. One participant noted: I was working at a job that I was able to get. I made less that $200 a month. I quit the job because the pay was so low and I lived so far away from the job. I ended up spending my salary on bus fare, cab, or paying someone to take me to work when a family member was not available to take me. (Johnson, 2014, p. 381)
This quote illustrates that returning citizens’ jobs are very low-paying, and a large portion of their income is expended in getting to and from work. It also highlights their patchwork approach to transportation. When available, returning citizens often turn to social networks, family, and friends to access other than public transportation options for reduced cost, transit time, and exposure to weather and victimization. These networks may not be as reliable as bus routes and when a ride falls through and there is no time to catch a bus, one must then rely on cabs, further inflating the proportion of income spent on transportation. As returning citizens struggle to find a job that will pay a living wage, many professional support personnel recommend retraining. However, as another participant explained, this too may not be feasible: My case manager recommended school . . . I wanted to maybe take up solar panels, it’s the new technology now. But it was far away to school. So I couldn’t go because I didn’t have a ride. (Sachs & Miller, 2018, p. 4305)
Many returning citizens rely on transportation assistance for successful mobility. However, even an organization that distributes free bus passes sometimes (inadvertently) puts rules in place that exclude over-resourced returning citizens. For example, one participant explained, …[the director] has cut off people who come from halfway houses and try to keep them [bus passes] for the homeless and people with less resources. (Nhan et al., 2017, p. 15)
Here, a returning citizen has shelter and is therefore too resourced to qualify for free bus passes. But if this person’s obligations include (as many do) some version of adequate residence as well as meeting distantly located mandatory appointments, this shortage of resources may become a complicated calculation between relinquishing shelter for transportation.
Some returning citizens may have access to a car, but obtaining a valid license may also come with risks as one participant explained: I see women here who want to get their license but they are too scared. Many of them still owe for traffic tickets and they don’t have the money to pay for these tickets. So they are scared that when they go down there to get their license, they are going to be arrested. So they don’t go. (Johnson, 2014, p. 380)
It is apparent that transportation plays a key role in the complicated network of post-incarceration obligations that must be navigated for successful reentry. And it is equally apparent from these excerpts that prohibitive costs and slow speed frustrate attempts at meeting release expectations.
Theme 2: Transportation deficiencies exacerbate vulnerability
Women participants in four of nine reviewed articles (that included women) discussed the dangers they feared and/or experienced related to transportation. Whittemore’s (2008) ethnographic description of jail release incorporates the first-person account of Anita: The daily head count for prisoners was taken at 12:01 a.m., one minute after midnight. If an inmate is eligible for release, he or she is held throughout the evening until the official post-midnight count takes place, and then they are released to the streets. "Damn, it’s pretty bad, that area around the jail." Anita said that she walked out of jail into the middle of a crowd of pimps, drug pushers, and thieves. No buses run in that area of town until after five in the morning. “You got no money, no place to go. You don’t know anybody. What do they expect you to do? You want to turn around and go back in [the jail].”(Whittemore, 2008, p. 112)
As with the earlier quotation, Whittemore confirmed with jail contacts that they did indeed release detainees at this hour (Whittemore, 2008). Anita paints a bleak picture of midnight release and the gauntlet of predators who, knowing of her limited resources and options, wait to take advantage of her isolation and vulnerability.
The dangers faced by women returning citizens are frequently cited related to transportation well beyond the time of release. Residences and other resources located in unsafe neighborhoods may also pose risks for women returning citizens. One woman explained: Yeah, just walking [puts me in danger or a difficult situation] depends on where I got to go, what neighborhood I’m walking to. You know, like they give out—like we have free—like free food—like the community serves—and I walk down . . . (Northcutt Bohmert, 2016, p. 1535)
To summarize our findings, we turn again to the Richie’s (2001) quote from the beginning of this section. This woman paints a detailed picture of her daily routine and how the transportation available to her, the demands of her obligations, and her neighborhood of residence combine to increase her vulnerability: I start my day running to drop my urine (drug testing).…I am so tired that I sometimes fall asleep on my way home from work at 2 a.m. and that’s dangerous given where I live. And then the next day I have to start over again. I don’t mind being busy and working hard. . . that’s part of my recovery. But this situation that is setting me up to fail. I just can’t keep up and I don’t know where to start. (Richie, 2001, pp. 380–381)
This quote highlights and contextualizes the dangers related to transportation, emphasizing her long day, the obligatory nature of that day, the expenditure of time riding the bus to appointments, and the high stakes that accrue from the failure of meeting her obligations, even as she acknowledges that it is very likely she will fail. Her story emphasizes the sheer exhaustion of her routine and the role that place and transportation play in increasing her vulnerability.
Discussion
The purpose of this QIMS was to synthesize the reported experiences of returning citizens as related to reentry transportation challenges. What little research exists on this topic indicates that appropriate resources, research or otherwise, have not been dedicated to reducing or removing these barriers. During the last four decades, the U.S. incarcerated population increased 500%, with the current rate of incarceration at 639 per 100,000 (The Sentencing Project, 2020). While prior-offenders are held responsible for their crimes and successful reentry, communities have not been held accountable for supporting reentry. The correctional system in the state that this research was conducted provides citizens exiting prison $50 and a bus ticket to their home county. Both returning citizens from jails and prisons are expected to find housing, employment, meet probation or parole obligations, maintain stable mental health, and resist drug use.
The experiences outlined here make it clear that navigating these expectations with existing transportation systems can seriously jeopardize access to opportunities, not to mention actual reentry success. While transportation is consistently listed among the top needs for reentry, many studies situate housing and employment ahead of transportation (for examples see La Vigne et al., 2008; Nhan et al., 2017). However, as Bohmert (2016) points out, transportation is more important than work experience or education in locating and keeping employment (Lichtenwalter et al., 2006). Further, access to stronger housing markets for EJ populations, and cost, inefficiency, and availability, the primary findings here prohibiting transportation access, are creations of the community. As Nhan et al. (2017) explain, transportation is vital to connect the pieces of reentry but “is one of the least frequently provided services” (p. 17).
Safe, dependable transportation is of particular concern for women. Lack of community planning and thoughtful policy regarding transportation access exacerbates gendered vulnerability. In her study, Bohmert (2016) found justice-involved women were more likely to live in areas without nearby grocery stores, sidewalks, or frequent busses—areas she termed “car dependent.” Further, justice-involved women were more likely to live in high crime areas, particularly violent crime, making it unsafe to walk or take public transportation. In addition to issues of social structure, criminal-justice policies of releasing women in high crime areas in the middle of the night, for example, seem to communicate a disregard for their safety and well-being.
Transportation planners at the turn of the 20th century saw transportation facilities, “not as ends in themselves but as tools for providing access between cities and suburbs, work and home” (Bowman et al., 2009, p. 162). Transportation was viewed as multi-modal, simultaneously stressing the importance of a variety of ways to navigate space. As automobile traffic increased, the demand for highways, byways, and freeways did as well. The planning, though, was dictated by the needs of the wealthy and not the needs of all citizens (Bowman et al., 2009). Transportation investments tend to elevate road construction and major metro projects aimed at increasing vehicle efficiency instead of providing appropriate access to goods and services for EJ populations (Lucas, 2007). Public transportation has become the purview of the poor without consideration of the needs of those it “serves.”
Lucas (2007) recognizes public transportation as under-planned and under-resourced. Although the “poverty of transportation” for EJ populations has occupied a spot among federally protected civil rights, the right to transportation justice has taken a backseat to enforcing criminal justice. Recognizing transportation as a human right elevates safety for all citizens by increasing success for returning citizens and reducing likelihood of reoffending.
Because qualitative research related to transportation barriers facing returning citizens is relatively scant, few studies were available on which to base these findings. The study’s expansive selection method ensured that as many transportation-related inquiries were included as possible. From this review, it is evident that transportation barriers intertwine with other reentry obstacles and deserve increased research attention. Additionally, qualitative research is not generalizable. The units of analysis used here reflect the experiences of a fraction of the over100,000,000 experiences of community reentry every year in the United States.
To elevate the transportation rights for all citizens, cities should consider adding to and restructuring existing routes that ensure EJ populations may access the goods and services already available across many communities. However, restructuring may be cost prohibitive and time-extensive. Communities may consider supporting ride-share services as a timelier and less expensive alternative. Additionally, ride-share services can be implemented in rural areas where traditional public transportation resources are lacking.
The health of a community is, in part, tied to crime rates. Planning for meeting the needs of returning citizens should be considered a crime-reduction strategy. Locating employment opportunities, goods, services, and housing within existing transportation networks will increase the likelihood of successful reentry and reduce the cost of the over-utilized criminal justice system.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
