Abstract
Sixty-four percent of US jail inmates are reported to suffer from mental health issues, compared to just 18.9% of the general population. This disparity becomes greater when considering a broader definition of disability, and individuals with disabilities are overrepresented in correctional facilities. They are often left without the ability to find employment at reentry, with Supplementary Security Income (SSI) and Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) providing pathways to housing and improved living conditions. However, complicated application procedures often result in the formerly jailed returning to prior lifestyles and rearrests. This study explores SSI/SSDI systems at two Massachusetts county jails.
Introduction
Snow and Briar (1990) called jails “modern day asylums, housing the mentally ill, public inebriates, drug addicts, developmentally disabled and people with various medical problems” (p. 147). The past decade reveals that jails and houses of correction are still considered “the largest mental health facilities” in US counties (Fisher et al., 2000; Lamb & Weinberger, 2005; Jail Administrator, 2018; Torrey et al., 2010). Reports by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) have consistently placed prisoners and specifically jail inmates at significantly higher risk of disability and mental health issues than the general public (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006, 2015).
For many ex-offenders with disabilities, mental health issues, and other co-occurring disorders, the steady income provided by Supplemental Security Income (SSI) and Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) presents a possible pathway to housing and health insurance, decreasing the risk of recidivism (Dennis et al., 2011; Dennis et al., 2014). However, slow processing times and low approval rates among first- time federal benefit applicants jeopardize the chances of successful integration into society, placing these returning citizens at a greater risk of homelessness and a subsequent return to offending behaviors (Dennis et al., 2014).
The Social Security Administration (SSA) recommends utilizing the correctional pre-release setting, the period before release when the focus is on inmate work, education, and treatment aimed at reintegration into society, to link individuals with its disability programs (Dennis et al., 2014) and to support the reintegration process. However, county jails across the United States do not have a standardized policy for re-entry services for inmates with disabilities (Morrissey et al., 2007), meaning that jail inmates have vastly different service experiences, depending on the facility in which they are housed (Osher et al., 2003; Steadman & Veysey, 1997).
This project addresses the lack of a standardized policy for pre-release disability services in county jails by seeking to identify disabled inmate barriers to accessing SSI and SSDI from inside two Massachusetts county jail facilities. This research explores the policies of the SSA at each of the county jails through interviews with incarcerated individuals with disabilities. Rather than viewing a person solely through a disability lens, individual inmate experiences were perceived as a projected journey to employment through the correctional facilities’ available SSA program by applying a holistic approach to their re-entry process (Ollerenshaw & Creswell, 2002). Using this approach supports a broader perspective regarding the question of jail barriers to federal benefits for these individuals as whole beings and persons with individual challenges and assets.
Background and Research Questions
Despite the optimistic self-perceptions of many inmates preparing to leave prison, the issue of financial security and accompanying risks that follow (namely re-offending) remain some of the main concerns of ex-offenders upon re-entry (Kazura, 2001; Visher & O’Connell, 2012). Cash benefits of SSI and SSDI for those that are eligible are suspended upon incarceration for a full calendar month, and the benefits of SSDI-recipients are suspended after 30 continuous days of conviction and confinement. Both benefits may be reinstated at a local Social Security Administration office upon re-entry with evidence of release documents (Social Security Administration, 2017a). However, ex-offenders with disabilities receiving SSI lose their eligibility for benefits after 12 continuous calendar months of incarceration, effectively terminating their benefits application (Social Security Administration, 2017a). Unlike suspension, ex-offenders with disabilities must reapply for benefits and reestablish their disability status upon release.
The loss of SSI eligibility over prolonged incarceration periods, the disabling conditions of imprisonment, and the long application processing times often result in ex-offenders’ going months–sometimes years–without the support of benefits. This increases the probability of exposure to previous criminal lifestyles (Cuellar & Cheema, 2012). Furthermore, the correctional environment itself can have lasting effects on mental and physical health functions that may exacerbate existing disabling conditions, or create an eligible profile for disability benefits for previously non-disabled inmates (Cuellar & Cheema, 2012; Massoglia, 2008). Given these factors, the number of people with disabilities in the correctional system is increasing. Alongside this growth, inadequate or disconnected re-entry planning practices place inmates with disabilities and mental health disorders at a greater risk of homelessness and re-arrest, consequently complicating their benefits application process (Osher et al., 2002).
Homeless and disabled ex-offenders recognize that obtaining SSI or SSDI is a crucial first step to securing health care and housing. However, the combination of disabilities and the co-occurring circumstances of a life on the streets pose additional challenges for this population to accruing benefits from these services (Dennis et al., 2011; Kauff et al., 2009).The pre-release procedure for SSI/SSDI allows individuals at risk of homelessness to work toward a steady flow of income while incarcerated. Importantly, it reduces the anxiety of re-entry and increases chances of securing housing.
This study sought to understand the roadblocks to obtaining SSI and SSDI for jailed inmates with disabilities, addressing two questions: (1) Do the two Massachusetts county jails have an organized system in place of implementing SSA's available programs? (2) How do inmates with disabilities navigate the “Disability Determination” process of the SSA to gain eligibility for federal benefits?
The accessibility of these cash-assistance programs for this population were reviewed at two Massachusetts institutions: Facility 1, one of the state's most overcrowded and under-resourced county jails; and Facility 2, which is considered the state's best county facility for reentry programming. This investigation contributes to the literature by evaluating the accessibility and availability of SSA's federal benefits for some of the most marginalized groups of the disability community.
Before tackling the accessibility of SSA's federal benefits in jails, it is important to understand the applicants’ benefits eligibility criteria. Determining eligibility for SSI/SSDI is a complicated process comprised of assessing the applicant's age, disability status, and income level. The SSA website presents the basic factors of eligibility for each program. For SSDI, only those who have worked in jobs covered by Social Security are eligible, given that they have worked “long enough and recently enough,” and whose conditions meet the SSA's definition of disability (Social Security Administration, 2020). The applicant's age at the time of disability determines whether their working hours meet the required quota. The website also offers the following definition for disability: a condition in which: 1. The applicant cannot return to the work they did before; 2. SSA determines that the applicant cannot adjust to other work due to disability; 3. The disability has lasted or expected to last at least a year or result in death. In order to qualify for SSI, the applicant has to have little to no income and meet one of the following categories: 1. Blindness; 2. Over 65 years of age; 3. Have a disability as defined by the SSA (SSA, 2020).
Assisting inmates with disabilities to obtain federal benefits to pay for medical and housing bills is an important step for a successful transition as they prepare to leave prisons and jails (Conly, 2005). The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) sponsored the SSI/SSDI Outreach, Access and Recovery (SOAR) program in 2005 to support individuals who are homeless or at risk of homelessness navigate the SSA's benefits application and to promote approval rating for those eligible. Due to the high numbers of individuals who are homeless in correctional settings, the SOAR model has been used in some jails across the country. One of the main functions of SAOR is assisting states in strategic planning for the establishment of cross-agency collaboration, which in correctional settings signifies facilitating communications between key stakeholders in the benefits application process and connecting inmates with disabilities with providers in the community (Dennis et al., 2014; Kauff et al., 2009). In a pilot study in two county jail facilities in New Jersey, SOAR-trained staff screened inmates for SSI/SSDI eligibility and linked eligible candidates to community providers who were made aware that SSI approval equates healthcare (Medicaid) access (Dennis et al., 2014). Both Dennis et al. (2014) and Conly (2005) emphasized the importance of connecting inmates to community providers before they leave correctional settings. However, Conly (2005) further emphasizes that securing a provider in the community is only one part of an effective integration process. A study by White et al. (2012) explains that jail inmates who completed their pre- and post-release support programs had fewer and slower rates of recidivism. However, the same research points to a gap in our understanding of the individual barriers and the motivation indicators for program nonparticipants, suggesting there are underlying reasons that impact the individuals’ access to services.
Bland and Bolas (2014) identify the high level of investment of SOAR-trained case managers in an individual’s SSI/SSDI application as one of the key elements of SOAR. Considering the overwhelming representation of individuals with mental health and co-occurring disorders in jails and how under-resourced these facilities are, it is natural that the success of the pilot studies was contingent on the intervention of a group of trained professionals from outside the jails (Peters & Bekman, 2007). While the SOAR model has had a consistently high success rate, raising SSI/SSDI initial allowance rates from 29% in 2017 to 65% in 2018, (SOAR work, 2018) the two county jails in this study had not been successful in implementing the model at their facilities. The time-consuming, labor-intensive, and complex nature of SOAR's implementation has deterred some of the most under-resourced jails most in need of these services from successfully applying SOAR's principles.
SSA's Approach to Disability Assessment
SSA has a strict set of regulations that determine whether a person is eligible for disability benefits, based on their medical and/or mental health condition. Fulfilling the eligibility criteria requires compiling necessary medical documents and/or, in the absence of medical documents, attending consultative examinations (CE) with SSA-contracted medical providers (Kauff et al., 2009). These pre-requisite steps make eligibility determination a cumbersome process that places ex-offenders with severe disabilities, and specifically those who are homeless, at a great disadvantage (Bilder & Mechanic, 2003). Additionally, external elements can play a role in an individual's vulnerability. Research shows that formal and informal social connections during and after incarceration promote chances of re-entry success (Kazura, 2001). Families and social connections have proven helpful in assisting ex-offenders to navigate the SSI/SSDI application procedure (Kauff et al., 2009).
The current study seeks to examine the SSA's policy for disability assessment, considering the array of factors that determine an individual's vulnerability, such as the degree of their impairment and their ability to work, their social connections, financial situation, and their knowledge of the system. Little research has explored the success of programs that facilitate the process of reentry from the perspective of still-incarcerated inmates (White et al., 2012). Considering the fact that the National Institute of Justice (2014) placed recidivism rates at 76.6% within five years of release, there are many imprisoned repeat offenders whose insights on program pitfalls could be extremely beneficial to improving jail policies.
Research Methods
Site Selection
Two Massachusetts men's resident county jail facilities were the project sites, where 22 inmate interviews and several interviews with jail administrators were conducted. The facilities were chosen based on their differing agreement statuses with their local SSA office. Such agreements with the SSA office can range from the basic issuance of social security cards prior to release to the complex process of assessing pre-release inmates for SSI/SSDI eligibility by SOAR-trained professionals. Only two out of the 14 Massachusetts county jails have an agreement with their SSA office (MSA, Jail Administrator, May 23, 2018). One facility in the project has an agreement with its local SSA office; the other does not. Their selection was appropriate for this research which sought to compare whether the existence of an agreement with the SSA office impacts the inmates’ ability to obtain federal benefits prior to release. Table 1 summarizes the characteristics of the facilities, including population size, annual budget, and resources. However, regardless of their varying resources, currently, neither jail has the ability to offer pre-release SSI/SSDI applications for their residents.
Comparison of Population, Resources and Ability to Submit pre-Release SSI/SSDI Applications Between County Jail 1 and County Jail 2.
Participant Recruitment
The data come from voluntary, semi-structured interviews with participants at both facilities. Interviews took place individually without a correctional officer present for 30–60 min. Applicants were recruited via snowball sampling using a study fact sheet disseminated in several facility locations. Questions focused on the process of applying to SSI/SSDI and the respondents’ ability to re-apply or reinstate their benefits while incarcerated. The interview complement consisted of 22 in-depth interviews - 10 at one facility and 12 at the other. Following the University's Institutional Review Board (IRB)'s instructions, the project refrained from using written consent forms to further protect participant confidentiality. Instead, oral consent was obtained, and all interviews were recorded with respondents’ permission. The University's IRB approved the project, and additional permission was obtained from each of the facilities to conduct the interviews.
All interviewees had reported at least one form of disability and had applied, been approved for, and/or initiated a claim for SSI/SSDI. The profile of the study participants varied. Respondents’ ages ranged from 20 years to early 60 s, and first-time offenders to repeat offenders with 11 or more past incarcerations. The education level was on a continuum from ‘illiterate’ to ‘possessing two master's degrees,’ with the average education level at the eighth grade. Disability types also ranged from physical to mental health issues, as well as developmental and intellectual disabilities.
Interviews were transcribed, and the data were then entered into the ATLAS.ti software for analysis and theme coding. Minor details in the quotes have been changed to protect the participants’ confidentiality (Morse & Coulehan, 2015). During the analysis process, the focus was on listening for what helped the applicants and what impaired their ability to complete a successful SSI/SSDI application. Analysis began with identifying certain words or themes in the transcribed text, with the intention of understanding the contextual use of the words (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). A certain amount of interpretation was applied in discovering the underlying meanings of the words. For example, when participants used the word support, follow up questions revealed that it meant different things to different people. So, while the category the importance of social support applies to many in the study, its implications might vary depending on the individual (Joffe & Yardley, 2004).
During the data analysis process, preliminary findings suggested that there were barriers on an institutional level that inhibited individuals from accessing federal benefits. In order to learn more about these institutional hurdles, one county jail administrator at County Jail 1 and two administrators at County Jail 2 were interviewed, supporting an iterative approach to data collection (Srivastava & Hopwood, 2009). A key aspect of this process was inquiring about the jail's relationship with their local SSA office and its ability to implement the SOAR program to assist eligible individuals to obtain SSI/SSDI.
Findings
This investigation began with the assumption that, due to SSA's policy for pre-release procedures, jails allow SSI/SSDI applications to be submitted 90 days prior to release. However, data revealed that neither the jails, nor their local SSA offices, were familiar with the pre-release procedure. The lack of the pre-release procedure program in the jails indicated there were communication impediments among agencies that work on re-entry issues. This finding changed the course of the research and allowed the researcher to explore the manner in which the system failed inmates and the larger entities that housed them; in this case, the jails.
The identified themes also documented several individual obstacles for disabled inmates in attempting to obtain federal benefits. In addition to these challenges, field observation, participant data, and personal correspondence pointed to barriers on a different level which impaired the jail's ability to implement the SSA's pre-release procedure. Each is discussed below.
Individual Barriers
Four factors emerged that outline the most prominent inmate challenges to obtaining federal benefits. These factors are: 1. Disability; 2. Risk of homelessness; 3. Lack of social support; and 4. Exposure to criminal activity.
Disability
Regardless of their disability type, almost all participants criticized the inaccessibility of the SSI/SSDI's application process. Some described the application as complicated and lengthy, while others indicated that their disability made it difficult to complete the application. For instance, some recounted abandoning their applications after being confronted with the crowds at their local SSA office. Ali is a long-term recipient of federal benefits who is diagnosed with severe anxiety and depression disorders. However, his frequent incarcerations and the subsequent termination of his benefits mean that he often has to reapply for SSI and reestablish his disability status. While he is confident that he is eligible for benefits, his disability is a barrier against continued support.
I left [the SSA office] due to anxiety. There was a lot of people around. A lot of noise and stuff like that so I ended up leaving due to that. – Ali
Another inmate pointed to the overwhelming amount of documentation required: They [counselors] started helping me out, but when it came down to the paperwork and everything, I was doing it [the SSI/SSDI application] on my own. It was why I never got finished. – Ned
In the cases above, applicant disability is both the basis for their claim and the obstacle that limits their access to benefits. Bilder and Mechanic (2003) describe the process of gaining SSI/SSDI eligibility as “guided by the extent of a person's disability, financial need, and access to information and assistance.” (p. 3).They further explain that the “success in gaining benefits depends on the extent of a person's impairments and on access to sophisticated help in navigating the application and adjudication process.” (p. 3). Bilder & Mechanic's description of benefits-applicants’ interaction with the eligibility process underlines the importance of accessibility as a foundation for a system that is intended to assist disabled people who have limited access to information and external assistance. Participants described discouraging interactions with SSA caseworkers or CEs that often resulted in abandoned or unfinished applications. If the cash benefits of SSI/SSDI are considered an accommodative measure of the federal government for such individuals who are incapable of returning to work, the means of accessing them should also be accessible.
Homelessness
Over 50% of respondents had experienced homelessness at some point in their lives. Many foresaw homeless shelters as their only option for housing after release. Homelessness presents clear challenges toward a successful SSI/SSDI application, such as a lack of a mailing address, limited means of transportation and communications, and restricted access to belongings (medical records). All of these are substantial practical barriers; however, many participants described the environment of homeless shelters and “the streets” as the greatest challenge of homelessness.
Those places [homeless shelters] are … It's like a homecoming of addicts. – Rasoul
Rasoul's analogy highlights how the lack of support in the environment of homeless shelters contributes to the cycle of recidivism. Without additional support, homeless ex-offenders’ plans at reentry are limited to homeless shelters, which send them back to their lifestyle before incarceration.
I left here after doing seven years with one month of pre-release, and I got a room at the YMCA. I was all for it. I’m good, I got my own place, I got a job, I’m ready. I wasn't [ready], you know? Then I started noticing that I really needed that help, but it was too late for me, you know? I was already in too deep [in drugs] where I couldn't … I either had to keep on going that way, or stay homeless, or, you know. – Ned
Ned's story illustrates a case of relapse back into an old lifestyle despite his initial determination to choose a different path after incarceration: I was all for it. His involvement with drugs at the time prevented him from seeking the help he needed. Homeless individuals are probably the biggest beneficiaries of pre-release SSI/SSDI procedures, as any support in the community can distance their reliance on their old previous network and friends. Ned has tried unsuccessfully to apply for SSI prior to release to secure housing. Another man reflects: Even at the shelter in Worcester they only let you stay there for two days if you haven't had a permanent residence in Worcester in the last two years or something like that. You have to have it [mailing address] for anybody when you’re getting a job if they need to contact you, send literature to you, you have to have a permanent address. – Rodrigo
These cases all demonstrate that some of the major challenges to individuals at risk of homelessness are relapsing back into the old lifestyle, limited communications, and re-arrest. A study by Chamberlain and Johnson (2013) discovered five different pathways to adult homelessness: youth to adulthood, housing crisis, substance abuse, mental health, and family breakdown. They recommend the adoption of individualized interventions based on the need of each group. This recommendation would speak to the experience of respondents in this project. Ned, for instance, admits that he needed support and time in order to break the cycle of homelessness. Whether direct or indirect, the cash benefits of SSI/SSDI can be used to access the appropriate services for individuals at risk of homelessness towards better living arrangements (Dennis et al., 2011). Several expressed faith in their ability to withstand the challenges of homelessness for short periods of time with a guarantee for improved situations. Seeking pre-release applications to SSI/SSDI was viewed as one way of securing such a guarantee for the future.
Lack of social support
Families, friends, and other forms of social support greatly influence ex-offenders’ reentry success and help in their social security benefits applications. Many participants expressed gratitude in the support of their community network for their assistance in transportation to the SSA's doctor's appointments and filling applications. Moreover, social support can act as a motivator for many individuals to seek the cash benefits of SSI/SSDI as ways to improve their living situations after release. One respondent said: I know that my mother, she's going to push me and I’m just going to stay focused on the task of everything, that she's always there and encouraging me to do the right thing and go forward and follow through on everything I start, which is another issue. That's why I couldn't keep a job or wouldn't go to my appointments and stuff like that. She's just always followed through, follow through because I’d start it, get it started and then it's just like given up once I get in my state of mind with depression or feeling down or bad or you know, about myself. – Ali
For Ali, his mother's influence is a critical piece of maintaining accountability. Another respondent added: … as soon as you go out then you see your old friends, or anybody for that matter using, you’re gonna wanna do that. You’re gonna … I’ve been clean for a while. One it’ll be okay. You know? That's the mindset. Versus having the right support. As soon as you think about even stepping out that door, make that phone call or go to that family member whoever it may be. Your mother, your father, if they’re available. A close relative. Just reach out to them. Like in my case I had a lot of pride and it took me many many years to really sit across from a person and tell them, “Hey, this happened to me.” Or, “I’m going through this.” – Alex
Alex's example distinguishes between the “right” and the “wrong” kind of social influence and emphasizes that, in some cases, the path to help-seeking can be a complicated and lengthy process in itself. Petersilia (2003) asserts that ex-offenders without family members have decreased chances of living crime-free lives, and many have families who are unwilling to resolve past conflict and establish meaningful relationships. Alex is hopeful about his future after release. He plans to apply for SSI/SSDI benefits with the support of services in the community, and has plans to move out of Massachusetts to get reacquainted with his newly-mended family ties.
Exposure to criminal activity
Previous criminal activity also becomes a challenge for many inmates in their SSI/SSDI applications. The process of gaining eligibility for SSI/SSDI is a difficult procedure for many; but what sets the inmates’ population apart from the rest of SSI/SSDI applicants is their exposure to criminal behaviors. One man explains that when job hunting becomes difficult, involvement in crime provides an alternative flow of income: Because if we don't have no income, what are we gonna do for income? It was being difficult to get a job, which means revert back to what we know to make ends meet, and that's not always legal. – Greg
All cases of recidivism in the collected data described resorting to criminal acts either as a quick source of money or as a means for self-medication in lieu of counseling services. When asked what happens when his benefits get suspended for missing the SSA doctor's appointment, a long-time SSDI recipient explained that he ended up in jail every time. Another inmate describes self-medicating when things became difficult in his personal life: I decided to work at the time because all of my conditions, I took all my medication, but after me and my girlfriend split up in Massachusetts then all this depression came back, and I was involved in drugs. That's when I started hearing voices and all that. That's one of the things that caused me to come back here [jail] again because I was out of control. – John
Despite a general sense of optimism for change, many current inmates struggle with the idea that their criminal records, limited job experiences, and lower education record, compounded with their disability, leave criminal activity as their only option for income or therapy. All participants have initiated an application to SSI/SSDI as a last measure. In many cases, these barriers to applying to federal benefits discouraged them to complete the application or reapply.
Additionally, the structure of correctional settings can provide a supportive environment for disable inmates to overcome their individual obstacles to initiate the SSI/SSDI application process. However, the lack of a standardized process to support this program points to a set of institutional roadblocks that have hindered the jails’ ability to offer this service.
Institutional Barriers
Despite a stated willingness to participate, jails in this research project encountered significant barriers to setting up the SSI/SSDI pre-release procedure program at their facilities. In other words, some of the challenges to accessing federal benefits are not a consequence of individual inmate characteristics, but rather of the inter-organizational struggles between jails and the SSA. In these cases, the lack of inter-agency collaboration, low resources at the facilities’ level, and inaccessible programming produce institutional barriers.
This section will highlight situations in which jail officials described their attempts to contact the Social Security Administration and were met with impediments to implementing the pre-release program and facilitating inmates’ access to federal benefits. County Jail 1 has had an agreement with their local social security office for years to issue social security cards for inmates prior to release. In 2018, the facility was approached by Policy Research Associates, a third party contracted with the SSA to update their agreement to include the prelease procedure program, granting them the ability to submit SSI/SSDI inmate applications 90 days prior to release. However, members of the County Jail 1 administration reported in the interviews that they were unable to implement the pre-release procedure at that time, citing the local SSA's office's lack of knowledge of the program. Jail administrators credited the research study for sparking new conversations around the implementation of the pre-release and SOAR programs at each facility. The conversations were projected to happen in May 2019 with local SSA officials. Officials at County Jail 2 had similar experiences related to information roadblocks with their local SSA office. The County Jail 2 administrator recalls completing training at the SOAR project in New York City a few years ago, only to be informed that Massachusetts was one of two states without a SOAR program coordinator. Following the New York training, he contacted their local SSA office.
After numerous attempts to try to talk to a live person, once I believe we talked to an assistant office supervisor that had no idea what the SOAR program was and I asked to have that message relay that I would like to talk to someone in that office about the SOAR program and I never got a call back.
These past attempts at establishing agreements with the SSA office had resulted in a strained relationship between the two entities. The following vignette, which occurred during the data collection process, further illustrates the nature of the problem.
During the data collection process at County Jail 2, the researcher had several conversations with jail officials on ways to improve the re-entry services for jail inmates. They appeared open to any suggestions that would enhance the quality and breadth of services for these populations, and they were interested in specifically establishing agreements with the SSA. Unfortunately, they had found the local SSA office unresponsive to their requests for collaboration (not answering calls, responding to emails, and the like), and asked the researcher to make the connections with the SSA program coordinators.
This placed the researcher in an unusual position as her role was to collect data–not to resolve conflict. However, following conversations with trusted colleagues, the researcher acted as an intermediary between County Jail 2 and the Massachusetts Coordinator for the SOAR program to follow up on promises to assist the inmate population. Despite a prompt response from the SOAR coordinator, County Jail 2 officials did not respond to her offer of assistance and the facility's re-entry services remain unchanged.
The above example recasts the issue beyond the policy pitfalls within each county jail system. Instead, it presents the jail as an entity that navigates a larger system with a set of institutional challenges. This outlook shifts our perspective on the lack of a standardized SSA program implementation system in county jails and introduces different stakeholders, like the local SSA offices and other organizations working on re-entry efforts. Notably, greater stakeholder involvement and wider systems’ mapping does not necessarily mean that the problem requires a complex solution. Examining individuals’ success stories who have overcome the existing challenges reveal the system's greatest shortcomings.
Using the Resources of the SSA Toward a Career Plan: Rasoul's Story
One individual was able to navigate the system, despite the individual hurdles and institutional barriers. His case highlights the extreme measures one inmate took to access these federal benefits, and describes the disabling effect of existing roadblocks.
Rasoul has been a repeat offender for over two decades. After a series of unsuccessful SSI applications––made from within the community–– for physical injuries he had sustained from extreme sports and physical labor, he was able to hire a law firm, known for taking on failed SSI cases pro bono, to represent him during his incarceration. Rasoul appeared in court via a video conference call and was approved for retroactive benefits upon release. Additionally, using materials a relative had sent him, he contacted the SSA to request a copy of the latest Red Book, a reference source about employment-related provisions of the SSI and SSDI benefits and how to obtain them. After studying the Red Book materials, he corresponded with an SSA Work Incentive Liaison to get advice and information about employee and support programs for individuals with disabilities. He is now enrolled at a county-jail-contracted university in a certificate program, which allows him to use his incarceration experience to develop a business model for his future career. He was scheduled to graduate in fall of 2019, and has plans to continue his studies both while incarcerated and after release. Further, he is working on a future career plan with the support of his family. During the interview, he referred to the highlighted Individual Development Accounts (IDA) section of the Red Book. The IDAs are trust-like bank accounts that allow individuals with disabilities to save their earnings to use as students or new home or business owners. Deposits to the accounts are matched by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) dollar-for-dollar, with an addition of up to $2,000 from the federal government (Social Security Administration, 2017b). He is also considering taking advantage of the SSA's Ticket to Work program, which expands his career options upon release.
Rasoul's case illustrates how education and family support can help mitigate some of the individual challenges, as well as the institutional barriers stemming from the lack of an institutionalized jail system for applying to SSI/SSDIs and outdated jail programs. He was able to find programs in the SSA that applied to his situation and work toward a future that will help break his cycle of recidivism.
Implications and Conclusion
The analysis of the individual and the institutional barriers experienced by incarcerated individuals with disabilities documents that this population is among the most vulnerable of eligible SSI/SSDI applicants. Further, jails as their primary support centers do not have the adequate resources to accommodate these inmates’ needs. Additionally, the data showed that many inmates expressed unrealistic expectations of SSI/SSDI, indicating a lack of preparedness for the reality of re-entry (Braucht & Bailey-Smith, 2006). Recall that even Conly (2005) and other advocates of the pre-release procedure program in jails have also championed the cause of mental health and other support services during and post incarceration (Dennis et al., 2014) - and emphasized that SSI/SSDI is not enough. The increase in financial and social supports during incarceration and at reentry points to the shift in the care of individuals with mental health disorders, from patients in hospitals to offenders in jails and prisons (Lamb & Weinberger, 2005). Many disabled individuals represented in jails do not belong in the correctional justice system, and the support of SSI/SSDI assists their reintegration into society. Lee characterizes the benefits of social security as his last hope, “When I asked for help, the American way screwed me and then the only thing that was left was social security. Social security was the last thing. Everything else failed.”
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The opinions and conclusions expressed are solely those of the author(s) and do not represent the opinions or policy of Policy Research, Inc., SSA or any other agency of the Federal Government.
Funding
The research reported herein was performed pursuant to a grant from Policy Research, Inc. as part of the U.S. Social Security Administration’s (SSA’s) Analyzing Relationships Between Disability, Rehabilitation and Work.