Abstract
Maintaining cultural sensitivity has been a challenge in subjective wellbeing (SWB) research involving nonwestern populations, which continues to primarily use a quantitative approach and Westernoriginating measurements. Accounting for culturally specific characteristics of the study area and sample, we employed a concurrent mixed-methods phenomenological approach to uncover factors contributing to urban Chinese residents’ SWB in the context of their daily lives. Data from 65 semi-structured interviews in Shenzhen, China revealed five meta-themes, including harmony in interpersonal relationships, financial wellbeing and homeownership, health, physical and social environment, and intentional activities and mentality. Residents’ background contextual information was cross-referenced with the meta-themes to enrich data interpretation, unveiling the profound imprint of age and life stages, the broad-scale structural inequities associated with China’s household registration system, and the firm grip of traditional family core values and folk wisdom in the form of a transcendental mindset of inner peace and dignity. The results provide a contextualized understanding of the primary sources of SWB relevant to today’s urban Chinese residents, and offer valuable insight about the social-cultural complexities involved in “ordinary” Chinese residents’ pursuit of happiness that is co-shaped by individual effort, deep-rooted traditional values, and consequential social infrastructure and policies amidst the country’s deepening, transformative urbanization. Keywords: China, Cultural Sensitivity, Happiness, Mixed Methods, Phenomenological Approach, Socio-Cultural Context, Sources of Happiness, Subjective Wellbeing, Urban Resident
Keywords
Introduction
In the last four decades Chinese society has experienced dramatic improvements in material living standards (Ren et al., 2018), particularly in urban centers (Morgan & Wang, 2019), yet residents’ self-reported subjective wellbeing (SWB) has generally declined (Bartolini & Saracino, 2015). Researchers have suggested that the decline may be due to a variety of factors including, but not limited to, income comparison (i.e., residents’ position relative to upper income groups); ideological changes in the cultural meaning of economic success; environmental issues; tension between the state and society, and residents’ ability to cope with change (Brockmann et al., 2009; Deng et al., 2020; Graham et al., 2017; Han, 2015). While these explanations have merit, they likely fail to capture the dynamic interplay between everyday life, which has changed dramatically in China; rising expectations associated with upward mobility, particularly amongst urban residents; and factors contributing to residents’ SWB. Thus, the aim of this study was to explore today’s urban Chinese residents’ perspectives on factors affecting their SWB in the context of their daily lives and broader social-economic-cultural environment.
Existing SWB research in China has been predominantly quantitative, and relied on various scales designed to measure life satisfaction, happiness, or quality of life from a Western perspective (Davey & Rato, 2012). This approach is problematic for a number of reasons. First, scientific constructs such as happiness or quality of life have “qualitatively different meanings … [particularly in China]” (Hsu et al., 2017, p. 4); are reshaped within “the cultural framework of meanings/values/concepts” in a given country (Lu, 2001, p. 409); and “must be defined from the perspective of the person” (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005, p. 115). Much of the research on SWB has been conducted with what Heinrich et al. (2010) referred to as WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) participants. Studying SWB from the perspective of Chinese urban residents “may open windows to the intercultural differences that exist in the construction of wellbeing and enrich our understanding and experience of them” (Merino et al., 2020). In addition, relying on existing SWB scales to measure Chinese residents’ SWB likely fails to account for the dynamic realities of Chinese residents’ daily lives that have changed dramatically due to the vast transformations that have taken place in China over the last three decades. Citing the transformation of the country into a “pseudo-capitalist market economy,” accompanied by a movement towards what Yan (2010) refers to as an individualization of the social structure, Steele and Lynch (2013) recognized the need to study contributing factors of SWB as imbedded in individual circumstances and local contexts. Sources of happiness or the means for achieving happiness, they suggested, are what differentiate Chinese people from Western people. In this study we account for social-economic-cultural contexts by using a concurrent mixed methods phenomenological approach to uncover salient factors contributing to urban Chinese residents’ SWB.
Literature review
SWB defined
SWB has been variously defined as “optimal functioning and experience” (McMahan & Estes, 2011, p. 94), “the extent to which life has meaning, sometimes referred to as an authentic living, ‘living well’ or the ‘good life’” (McCabe & Johnson, 2013, p. 44), or “developing as a person, being fulfilled, and making a contribution to the community” (Shah & Marks, 2004, p. 2). Researchers have identified two dimensions of SWB—hedonic (i.e., frequency and intensity of emotional experiences or “experienced SWB”) and eudaimonic (i.e., perceptions of meaningfulness and sense of purpose or “evaluative SWB”) (Góngora & Castro Solano, 2015; Kahneman et al., 1997; Stone & Mackie, 2013; White & Dolan, 2009)—both of which have been found in layperson’s definitions of happiness (McMahan & Estes, 2011). Related, but conceptually distinct (Kahneman & Riis, 2005), the two dimensions may be connected with different sets of antecedents and consequences (Dodge et al., 2012; Kapteyn et al., 2015). In this study, we focused on the evaluative aspect of SWB.
Predicting factors of SWB
Lyubomirsky et al. (2005) identified set point, life circumstances, and intentional activities as the top three categories of predicting factors of SWB. A set point has been defined as the expected or central value within a person’s set range. The point, which is assumed to be fixed and stable over time (Cummins, 2011; Lyubomirsky et al., 2005), is thought to partially determine individuals’ long-term happiness level.
Life circumstances such as age, gender, income, marital status, and health status refers to “incidental, but relatively stable facts of an individual’s life” (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005, p. 117). SWB is thought to remain stable or to improve with age (Carstensen et al., 2000; Mather, 2012). Mixed results have been reported regarding the relationship between gender and SWB (Easterlin, 2003; Gonzalez-Carrasco et al., 2017; Graham & Chattopadhyay, 2013), possibly due to country-specific factors such as gender-based societal inequality, systematic economic and social stratification, living environments, and level and type of leisure engagement (Han, 2015; Zhou & Peng, 2018). Contradictory findings were also reported with respect to income and SWB, possibly due to inconsistent use of measures in terms of relative and absolute income (Blanchflower & Oswald, 2004; Helliwell & Putnam, 2005); individuals’ tendency to compare their economic position to others (Knight et al., 2009; Smith et al., 2013); and/or hedonic adaptation (i.e., adapting aspirations to changing circumstances; Vemuri & Costanza, 2006). Married individuals have consistently reported greater SWB than never-married or previously married (i.e., divorced, separated or widowed) individuals (Yang et al., 2019). Subjective perceptions of health condition, as opposed to objective health conditions, have also been shown to influence SWB (Shah & Marks, 2004), as has accessible and affordable healthcare (Wangmo, 2011).
Contextual factors—a subset of life circumstances—include the scope of individuals’ social connections (Helliwell & Putnam, 2005; Musikanski et al., 2017) and physical environment, including their home (Jeannotte et al., 2002; Smith et al., 2013; Vladisavljevic & Mentus, 2019). Social connections, which have been shown to create multiple positive outcomes such as a sense of belonging to one’s immediate group and larger community and a belief that society can develop positively (Cheng, 2004; Wangmo, 2011), may be the most important source of SWB (Bian et al., 2018). If, however, individuals compare their life with that of their social connections, negative outcomes may arise, leading to a decline in psychological wellbeing (Han, 2015). Various aspects of the environment, including availability of natural resources (Burns, 2005; Maller et al., 2002; Vemuri & Costanza, 2006), level of crime (Frey & Stutzer, 2002; Wassmer et al., 2009), pollution (Musikanski et al., 2017), and government policies regarding health care, unemployment insurance, social security and pensions (Ram, 2009), as well as residents’ perceptions of government corruption and competency (Musikanski et al., 2017), have also been linked to life satisfaction/overall wellbeing.
According to Luybomirsky et al. (2005), intentional activities offer “the best opportunities for sustainably increasing happiness” (p. 111) and can be initiated in both leisure and work domains. Viewed “as necessary for basic survival, and … a domain of the ‘good life’” (in Smith et al., 2013, p. 85), leisure engagement is believed to contribute to SWB through facilitating stress coping (Pressman et al., 2009), improving physical and mental health (Williams & Patterson, 2008), enhancing productivity (Sonnentag et al., 2010), and expanding individuals’ social networks (Smith et al., 2013). Quality work experiences, often measured in terms of job satisfaction and covering perceptions of compensation, autonomy and productivity (Musikanski et al., 2017; Verducci & Gardner, 2005), and flow experiences (Shah & Marks, 2004), which often cross the boundaries between leisure and work, have also been identified as an important source of wellbeing.
SWB research in China
The main approaches
SWB has become a focus of China’s national policy in recent years (Lin & Huang, 2018), mirroring the trend that policy makers around the world have become more concerned about their citizens’ wellbeing (Armenta et al., 2015). The vast majority of SWB studies conducted in mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and overseas Chinese communities have been quantitative and used Western-originated scales directly translated into Chinese or adapted for the Chinese context (Chen & Davey, 2008).For example, various researchers used the International Wellbeing Index or its component Personal Wellbeing Index (International Wellbeing Group, 2006) to study SWB among urban and/or rural Chinese residents (e.g., Chen & Davey, 2008; Davey et al., 2009; Huang & Xing, 2005; Nielsen et al., 2010; Webb, 2009). Others (e.g. Easterlin et al., 2012; Sun et al., 2016) adapted a single global measure of life satisfaction or SWB such as that from the World Values Survey (2020). Notably, a small number of locally-developed or adapted instruments exist, including the Chinese Happiness Inventory (Lu, 1998; Lu & Shih, 1997), the Chinese Adolescent Student’s Life Satisfaction Scale (Zhang et al., 2004), the SWB for Senior High School Students (Ding & Wang, 2004), the Subjective Wellbeing Scale for Chinese (Xing, 2005), the SWB Scale for Chinese citizens (Xing & Huang, 2007), and the Multiple SWB Questionnaire (Miao, 2003). These scales, however, are used significantly less ( Chen & Davey, 2008).
Lu and Shih (1997) pointed out that Western-originating measures have an intrapersonal focus and reflect a bias toward individualistic, Western values (also see Liu, 2006). They further argued that culture and value systems have a profound impact on both the conception of happiness and perceived sources of happiness in life. Lu et al. (2001) and Kwan et al. (1997) found corroborative evidence of the cultural-dependent effects of values on happiness in cross-cultural studies. In an effort to incorporate cultural sensitivity in research, a small number of researchers adopted a qualitative approach to studying SWB among Chinese. For example, Liu (2006) explored the meaning of quality of life (QOL) in China based on interviews with 16 Chinese residents and suggested that social thinking about QOL is a result of dialogical interaction between the individual and social-cultural conditions. Liu did not address factors that might influence people’s evaluation of life quality. Lu (2001) explored the conception of happiness (the synonym for SWB) held by undergraduate students in Taiwan and identified unique themes characteristic of Chinese folk psychology such as a dialectical view of happiness and unhappiness. Lu and Shih (1997) explored perceived sources of happiness among community residents in Taiwan. They identified nine major categories, and evidence of distinctive features of residents’ conception of happiness, in particular—contentment with life. They further suggested that compared to the Western conception of happiness, Chinese residents’ conception places greater emphasis on interpersonal evaluation and satisfaction. Given the sub-cultural differences in political, social, and economic characteristics between Taiwan and Mainland China (Lu et al., 2003), however, their findings may not represent the reality of SWB for urban residents in Mainland China. In this study, we adopt a concurrent mixed methods phenomenological approach to uncover salient factors contributing to urban residents’ SWB in Mainland China.
Links between SWB, life circumstances/contextual factors, and intentional activities
Sun et al. (2016) analyzed data from the Chinese Household Health Survey and found that when controlling for region and socio-economic characteristics, SWB decreased with age and then stabilized after people reached a retirement age. Mixed findings were reported regarding gender differences in SWB (c.f., Chen et al., 2015; Sun et al., 2016), with potential gaps likely explained by differences in leisure-time activities (Zhou & Peng, 2018). Researchers have also reported positive correlations between urban Chinese residents’ SWB and subjective health, education, and the presence of children, as well as higher levels of SWB in married individuals (Chen et al., 2015; Davey & Rato 2012; Sun et al., 2016).
A number of studies, including several based on population data (e.g., Han, 2015; Knight & Gunatilaka, 2010; Sun et al, 2016; Wang et al., 2019), documented positive associations between SWB and income, though Han (2015) found that, while income contributed to SWB among both urban and rural Chinese, it appeared to be a stronger predictor of urban residents’ SWB. Relatedly, studies focus on rural residents’ SWB found that, despite the poverty in rural China, people were generally satisfied with their lives (e.g. Davey et al, 2009; Knight et al., 2009; Webb, 2009). These studies, and others that examined rural-urban differences and income inequality (e.g., Jiang et al., 2012; Smyth & Qian, 2008; Wang et al., 2019) suggest that, social comparisons and relative income (compared with that of the past or reference groups), along with perceptions of income inequality, aspirations, and religious (e.g., Buddhist philosophy) or spiritual beliefs (e.g., one should accept life with a peaceful mind, hardship leads to enlightenment) all influence SWB in Chinese residents.
Homeownership has been identified as an important contextual factor in Chinese SWB studies. Researchers have linked Chinese residents’ home ownership to higher social identity/status (e.g., higher income and class, more educated), enhanced confidence and self-esteem, greater financial security, a stronger sense of community, better marriage prospects, and a small to modest increase in SWB (Ren et al., 2018; Zheng et al., 2020). Xiao et al. (2016) and Liu et al. (2017) linked neighborhood amenities (e.g., cleanliness, leisure facilities) to SWB. Hu (2013) noted some downsides of homeownership (e.g., less liquidity, mobility, flexibility, and financial stability) that may negatively affect SWB. Jiang et al. (2012) suggested that the pros and cons of homeownership may depend on the type and location (e.g., city center, rural area) of a home.
Economic and social stratification in the form of the hukou system constitutes another key social context for studies of Chinese SWB. Designed to restrict permanent movement from rural areas to city centers, hukou or household registration system 1 has been shown to create and maintain structural inequalities between rural and urban hukou holders (Dollar, 2007). Migrants from rural areas are denied the social welfare package (e.g., unemployment insurance, health care, pension, housing benefits, better education opportunities for children) afforded local urban Hukou residents (Zheng et al., 2020). While the Chinese government has implemented changes to address some of the inequalities associated with hukou (Tani, 2017), rural and urban residents continue to see significant gap in labor market outcomes, health status (Zhao, 2004) and leisure life (Su et al., 2006). For example, Demurger et al. (cited in Tani, 2017) documented constrained family living arrangements (e.g., children left behind in rural areas) negatively impacted the happiness of parents who migrated to cities to work. Jiang et al. (2012) and Chen (2013) reported hukou identity affected migrant’s happiness, particularly when perceived urban-rural disparity in income increased.
Interpersonal relationships or Guanxi have been considered as the core of Eastern society (Bian, 2006), with the potential to facilitate exchange between members in kinship networks and “dictate social interactions in society at large through the norms of grace … , favor, and reciprocity” (Bian et al., 2018, p. 2491). Bian et al. (2018) studied the effect of social networks on people’s SWB in several Eastern (rural and urban China) and Western societies (Australia, Britain) and found that informal social connections were stronger predictors (relative to formal social networks) of SWB across all societies. However, the pattern of cross-country differences did not support their hypothesis that informal networks had larger effects in a stronger relational culture such as China, raising questions about the possibly changing role of Guanxi in the social fabric of China (Hazelzet & Wissink, 2012).
A few researchers examined how intentional activities such as leisure engagement influence SWB. Using a national sample, Song (2014) found that free time and participation in leisure activities were positively related to life satisfaction among Chinese residents. Su et al. (2006) studied rural-urban differences in the pattern of leisure activities and life satisfaction and found that urban elderly residents were physically and mentally more active in using their leisure time, and perceived significantly higher levels of satisfaction. Graham et al. (2017) suggested that China’s decline in SWB may be associated with a disproportionate allocation of time to work (as opposed to leisure).
In summary, existing SWB research in China have been predominantly quantitative and influenced by Western theories and measurements. While it has offered many useful insights, the common use of a pre-determined measurement derived from a Western perspective with cultural validity based on a priori assumption often preludes a holistic understanding of the dynamic interplay between SWB perceptions, the local context, and culturally specific characteristics at both the individual and societal levels. This study is conducted on the premise that SWB is shaped by one’s unique life circumstances and cultural values as well as the broader social context that one lives in (Lu, 2001). This study aims to construct a contextualized understanding of factors contributing to urban Chinese residents’ SWB by accounting for their specific life circumstances and the broader social-economic environment.
Materials and methods
We used a concurrent mixed methods phenomenological approach to uncover factors contributing to urban Chinese residents’ SWB. This is a nested approach that allows researchers to prioritize one method of data collection (in this case, qualitative) while concurrently collecting complementary data (e.g., income, housing, Hukou status). Resulting data can “ … be conceptualized within a more sociological context, providing a more holistic social-psychological perspective” (Mayoh & Onwuegbuzie, 2015, p. 102) and cross-validated (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2010).
Study area
Shenzhen was chosen as the study area mainly because in many ways Shenzhen embodies an intense version of what has happened to many areas in China’s four-decade long urbanization. In the late 1970s Shenzhen was a seaside village of 34,000 people. Today Shenzhen is the fourth largest metropolitan city with the highest gross domestic product (GDP) and per capita GDP in mainland China (“Per capita gross,” 2019; “Top 10 Chinese,” 2019). Like other metropolitan cities in China, Shenzhen has experienced dramatic and extreme economic and social change, which has likely affected residents’ SWB (Han, 2015). The economic and social changes experienced by Shenzhen residents and factors affecting their SWB may offer prototypical indicators that will inform our understanding of what to expect in other urban areas in China.
Participants
We started recruiting study participants using maximum variation sampling to account for variabilities in three conditions—occupation, work status and education. This was based on past findings indicating SWB might differ based on these criteria. Mid-way through data collection, the research team found that participants’ discussion of factors contributing to their SWB were minimally related to variation in the three conditions, and therefore switched to snowball sampling. A change in sampling was deemed acceptable as qualitative researchers must be responsive to their data (Marshall & Rossman, 2010) and the intent of this study is not to generalize to the study site or all urban residents in China. No individuals were denied participation at any point in the study.
The final sample consisted of 65 adults aged 30 to 70 (average age = 45.8). The majority of participants was female (78.5%), married (81.5%) 2 , had children (83.1%), had lived in Shenzhen for 10 years or longer (71.4%), and was registered with the Shenzhen Hukou (63.1%). Over half of the participants were employed at the time of interview (58.5%) 3 , were working or had worked in the hospitality industry (55.4%), and had a high school or less education (53.8%).
Data collection
Building on Rubin and Rubin’s (2011) responsive interviewing model, we designed the interview protocol to answer two research questions: “How do urban Chinese residents’ define SWB”? and “What factors contribute to urban Chinese residents’ SWB”? In November 2016 the protocol was piloted via two focus groups with Chinese participants, one in China and one in the U.S. . The final one-on-one semi-structured interview protocol included 11 broad questions asked in Chinese. Each interview began with two questions designed to develop rapport and trust with participants (i.e., “How long have you lived in Shenzhen?” and “What changes have you observed in the city during your time here?”). They were followed by questions prompting participants to define happiness and discuss their perceptions of factors that affect their happiness. The term “xingfu” (幸福) or happiness was used because this term has become common rhetoric in Chinese, encompassing feelings and perceptions in various life domains including “friendship, learning, self-knowledge, virtue, and living in simplicity” (Hsu et al., 2017, p. 5). The term has also been widely adopted in SWB studies in China (Zhou & Peng, 2018). Open-ended follow-up questions were asked throughout the interview when probing was deemed necessary or useful (e.g., “You mentioned xxx, can you talk more about how it affects your happiness?”. The interview closed with two questions designed to give individuals a chance to add any additional thoughts they had about happiness and its role in their life. Complementary background information (i.e., age, education, employment status, gender, family income, marital status, presence of children, length of residency, Hukou status, home ownership) were also collected.
All interviews, each lasting up to 50 minutes and audio-recorded, were conducted in a quiet office on the campus of a university in Shenzhen in July and August 2017. Prior to the interview, participants were told they could leave at any time and that all interviews would be recorded and recordings would be destroyed after completion of the study. After the interview, the recording was immediately transcribed in Chinese.
After reviewing the results of the first few interviews, the researchers realized individuals were not revealing factors detrimental to their happiness. Two questions were subsequently added to encourage more balanced discussion. The first question, “If I want to score your level of happiness from 1 to 10, what is your score?” was used to set up the second question—“What caused you to have a happiness score lower than 10?” Because the focus of this study was individuals’ perspectives on factors affecting their happiness, only responses to the second question were analyzed.
Analytical framework
To analyze factors contributing to residents’ SWB, we used open coding and then axial coding (Corbin & Strauss, 2014). First, transcripts of the interviews were reviewed to obtain an overview of the data, followed by an in-depth review process that highlighted significant phrases or sentences pertaining directly to residents’ lived experience of happiness. The meanings associated with the significant phrases or sentences were assigned codes that were then compared and reduced into a set of 15 themes. As a final step, the researchers synthesized themes into a smaller number of meta-themes using an iterative process that involved cross-referencing quotes and identifying inherent connections among themes. A total of five meta-themes were retained and formed the organizing framework used in the presentation of results. This approach to presenting results is similar to one utilized by Lu (2001).
Methodological rigor was achieved through bracketing, attaining an adequate sample, and conducting interviews until saturation was reached (Meadows & Morse, 2005). Supplemental quantitative analyses (e.g., ANOVA) were performed when appropriate to validate the results derived through qualitative analysis. In the subsequent presentation of results, participant codes (e.g., R23 to denote Respondent 23) were used in place of real names to ensure anonymity.
Results
What is happiness?
The majority of participants did not elaborate on a definition of happiness. Instead, most immediately started to list factors that affected their happiness. Those who did attempt to define happiness (n = 16) indicated happiness is: a mental state of inner contentment; positive emotions or feelings, a lack of negative feelings, and/or the small satisfactions experienced in daily life; harmonious coexistence with others; no ill-being; and achieving goals. We also documented singular expressions of happiness reflecting ideologies unique to the Chinese culture. For example, R77 believed happiness lied in simplicity and being ordinary: “I just want to raise my daughter (to be an adult) and spend my later years like an ordinary person.” R46 noted that the Chinese word for happiness, “Xin Fu” (幸福), started with “Xin” (幸), which means fortune or good luck. He went on to elaborate that many fortunes in life are a result, at least partially, of luck. R26 described happiness as virtuous living: “ … As long as you work honestly, committing no wrongdoings that would harm the society and people, then you could attain happiness.”
The next section about sources of happiness provides more in-depth data about participants’ understanding and perception of happiness. We present our findings using the five-meta-theme framework that emerged from our data. Background contextual information is referenced where appropriate to enrich data interpretation.
Sources of happiness: Five meta-themes
Harmony in interpersonal relationships
Two layers of interpersonal harmony emerged from the interview data: family harmony and harmonious relationships with neighbors, colleagues, friends and others outside of one’s immediate family. Having a harmonious family was identified as the top contributing factor of happiness by the overwhelming majority of participants: 63 out of 65 participants explicitly expressed how central their family is to their wellbeing. As R82 stated: “only when they (my family) are happy and they are in a good place, I could be happy. I would always think of them first.”
The meaning and significance of family harmony were often accentuated in relation to other aspects of participants’ life. For instance, R18 said, “My happiness mainly comes from my family. Without my family, or if things aren’t good with my family, I won’t even have the mood to work.” R42 remarked, “If you don’t have good relationships with your family at home, then even if you have a house, it is meaningless.” R66 ranked family harmony more important than health: “Without harmony, how can you expect to be healthy? … A harmonious family is filled with laughter and puts you in a good mood every day. Good mood, good health.” For R16, the welfare of her family gave meaning to her being: “my biggest dream is to raise my kids … they are the whole purpose of us working our fingers to the bone … I hope my next generation can have a good life.” Ingrained in expressions like these were varying shades of fusion between “me” and “my family,” from “my family’s wellbeing” is “my wellbeing,” to “my family’s wellbeing” is the prerequisite of “my personal functioning and happiness.”
Family harmony also extended to the care and concern for the rest of one’s family. This was true across generations and for those who lived in a multi-generational home or alone. For instance, R19, a single woman living in Shenzhen alone, said knowing that her family might be worrying about her health affects her daily life and happiness. Happiness for R34 and R38, both living in multi-generational homes, was also linked to care and concern for a family member, but in this case specifically their mother-in-law. R34 was grateful to have her mother-in-law living with her and helping take care of her child while she worked a demanding job: “She is there while I am not … For me, this is happiness.” R38, on the other hand, was shifting her focus so she could now care for her mother-in-law:
My mother-in-law is showing signs of Alzheimer … My previous job did not leave me much time after work … I often came back home after 7 or 8 pm. Thanks to her … she has been there and taken care of all of us. Now she is old, it’s my turn to take care of her, even if it means giving up some opportunities at my job.
Some older participants, often retired, took pride in their adult children’s successes and accomplishments while also worrying about their children and wanting to share their burden.
The data also revealed other aspects of traditional Chinese family values that remained prominent in some people’s perception of happiness. When talking about her biggest accomplishment since she moved to Shenzhen, R37 remarked, “Getting married and having children! As the old saying goes, this is the first order of business.” As another example, R18 shared a concern that was affecting her: “I have two girls. I still want a boy. My parents all want a boy … I think boys and girls are the same. Their wish really puts pressure on me.” This notion of respecting parents’ will echoes the idea of filial piety emphasized by R67. On a different note, R83 expressed his excitement at the news his son and daughter-in-law were having a son. He then admitted that while many of his peers were ready to disown the traditional responsibility of helping raise grandchildren, he still felt obligated to lend a hand to his son and daughter-in-law, partly because his “very traditional” Hakkanese 4 wife was determined to help, and he would have to relieve her of some of the anticipated chores. R66 felt differently. She said,
I don’t want my son to live with me when he gets married. In my circle, nobody wants that. With the housing prices these days, young people may not be able to buy, but they can rent. I am happy to help here and there if they are really busy and need my help, but don’t expect me to live in the same apartment and be their maid! Absolutely not! I have my own life.
Twenty-nine (about 44%) of participants also talked about interpersonal relationships outside the family, including those within the community, at work, and with friends. Contrasting the importance consistently attributed to family relationships, the impact of non-family relationships on SWB varied across individuals. Younger participants spoke more of their connections with friends and colleagues. Older, retired residents appeared to be more involved in the community. Some participants felt having harmonious relationships with their neighbors had variously contributed to their happiness. These residents were more likely to live in established neighborhoods that enjoy good facilities (e.g., fitness centers, playgrounds, green spaces, medical center, quality daycare and schools) and community-based social activities (e.g., movies, organized tours). Other participants reported very little or superficial contact with neighbors and other community members. This may be due, as R35 reflected, to the fact that “all apartments here are armed with iron gates … people rarely call in at your home.”
In summary, our findings substantiated the importance of interpersonal relationships in collectivistic cultures (Kwan et al., 1997) and the socially-oriented characteristic of SWB among Chinese (Lu & Gilmour, 2004). Family harmony, in particular, emerged as one of the most prominent sources of happiness for Shenzhen residents. This result is consistent with existing findings about family relationships as a frequently cited contributing factor by people living in other countries (Chiasson et al., 1996).
Financial wellbeing and homeownership
Almost all participants (64 out of 65) offered responses related to financial wellbeing and homeownership when reflecting on factors that contributed to their happiness. Their remarks covered income, including disposable income, and expenses, homeownership, housing prices, including apartment rent, and material satisfaction. Housing prices emerged as the most salient topic and homeownership as the defining characteristic that divided the haves and the have-nots.
Forty-five (69.2%) people specifically commented on income and expenses. The participants generally agreed that higher incomes (e.g., salaries or pensions) were desirable and that they contributed or would contribute positively to one’s happiness. As R36 bluntly stated, “It all comes down to money. Happiness is linked with money.” Based on people’s expressed satisfaction with their financial situation, there were three discernable groups. The first group was not satisfied with their financial situation. Participants in this group reported low incomes and high financial stress, complained that prices were too high or salary increases were not proportional to rising prices and living expenses, and/or wished for a higher salary. The second group was content with their financial wellbeing. People in this group reported good pension income, had enough money to spend, and enjoyed physical comfort and material gratification. The third group reported modest satisfaction about their financial situation, but noted considerable repayment pressure or concerns about financial stress associated with purchasing a bigger house. Further inspection of participants’ background information revealed that participants’ financial situation was well aligned with their homeownership status. The majority of people in the first group did not own a home. Most people in the second group were retired homeowners. People in the last group were all homeowners and, with one exception, employed.
The categorical connections between individuals’ satisfaction with their financial situation and their homeownership status were evident throughout the interviews. Expressed thoughts on incomes and prices were often looped back to and were overshadowed by considerations of one’s homeownership status and housing prices. There was an even split of homeowners (n = 33) and non-homeowners (n = 31) in the sample. Upon close inspection, the two groups were comparable on income and age 5 but homeowners tended to arrive in Shenzhen much earlier (23.5 years vs. 10.8 years for non-homeowners) and had a Shenzhen Hukou (94% of homeowners had a Shenzhen Hukou vs. 92% of non-Shenzhen Hukou residents did not own a home) (see Table 1).
Participant homeownership and Hukou status.
aOne participant’s homeownership status is unknown.
Regardless of homeownership, participants shared a strong need to own a home in order to feel anchored. This sentiment was expressed by R66, who was a homeowner: “No house, no home. [Without your own house] you are no better than floating in this city … I would feel like a leaf not connected to the root.” When asked to name the top three factors that affected her happiness, she replied: “Buying a home, buying a home, buying a home.” More often individuals regarded the importance of owning a home as a given, which was conveyed not by explicit comments about its importance, but through the expressed pain and stress stemming from not being able to own or pay off a home, or in the case of the more fortunate, expressed sense of security, belonging, and content made possible by owning a home.
Participants unanimously acknowledged that today’s housing prices in Shenzhen are forbiddingly high. During the interview, those who were renting, considering buying, or paying a mortgage often talked at length about the enormous housing stress. R36, who was in his mid-30s and a non-homeowner, complained: “the housing price is so high [and continues to climb]. My income cannot keep up. It is depressing … It is hard to feel that I belong here … ” R43 wished she could afford a bigger apartment in a different school district, which would allow her to obtain “better education for my child, [live] more comfortably … .[and] feel much happier!” Having a mortgage also created a great deal of stress. R48, who was paying the mortgage with her entire salary, stated,
The housing in Shenzhen is too expensive. All my stress would be gone if the housing price goes down. If I didn’t have to pay the monthly mortgage, my life quality would improve considerably. Our mortgage payment adds up to over ¥10,000 a month. I could do/buy anything with that money [if it was freed up].
R78, in his late 50s, lamented, “The repayment pressure is huge … I don’t even want to talk about it. Since I was a young man I have worked like a dog, (jokingly) well, for real estate companies. It’s been decades and I soon will turn 60. I am still paying the loan.”
By contrast, many homeowners who arrived in Shenzhen decades earlier felt fortunate to have been able to acquire a property and pay it off before the price of homes increased. As mentioned before, they were the group most likely to report high levels of financial security and satisfaction, which in turn allowed them to enjoy high levels of material abundance and pursue satisfying leisure activities such as travel and volunteerism (see more in Intentional Activities). For instance, R85 indicated,
If I want to do something or buy stuff, I can just do it. My house is not bad. In fact, it is quite spacious, two-story … The wealth I have been accumulating since I came to Shenzhen allows me to be at a comfortable place now. I can tour around and go see the world. I feel very content.
Some homeowners have offered their adult child a place to live and have helped them financially. R85 indicated that his home and other material possessions helped elevate his family’s social status. He bragged about how his wealth, specifically his house, cars, and rental properties, put his son in an advantageous position on the “marriage market.” While these individuals have been able to help financially, many continue to worry about the huge housing stress on their adult children.
In summary, our data supported Hu’s (2013) and Zheng et al.’s (2020) finding that homeownership affects the overall happiness of urban Chinese residents. Moreover, our findings provided additional insight into the two paths through which homeownership may impact SWB: (a) homeownership affects SWB directly through the psychological satisfaction of owning a home, and (b) homeownership contributes to SWB indirectly through affecting individuals’ financial wellbeing. The dominating effect of homeownership observed in our study is a candid reflection of the social-economic reality being lived by billions of residents in urban China today.
Health
Over 60% (n = 40) of participants mentioned health as a contributing factor to their happiness. Many people stressed that good health was the foundation for everything and ranked it as a top factor affecting their happiness. For instance, R32 stated, “my personal health is of utmost importance. I feel if my body is not in a good state, then I cannot deal with my work, I won’t be good for my family either.” A number of participants emphasized the health of the entire family, as opposed to one’s own health. R53, for example, remarked, “My family’s health is the most important. A family would collapse without it and a family cannot be genuinely happy if one member is not healthy.” R56 described several episodes of her family members getting sick and how it affected the whole family’s wellbeing.
Health also appeared to be a more salient concern among older participants. They typically spent more time talking about their own health and prioritized this factor when assessing their levels of happiness. R83 described his daily exercise routine, which included a daily sunset walk to a nearby natural area and an after-dinner stroll outside as well as regular swimming. He said, “If you don’t have a healthy body, even if you have the money of the whole world, you won’t be able to enjoy it.” Several participants also mentioned the financial implications of getting sick: “you cannot afford to go to hospitals” (R26). Of note, with one exception (R68, taking medicine to manage depression), all participants spoke of only physical health. As revealed in previous sections, experiencing severe stress is not uncommon among our participants. Nevertheless, psychological wellbeing and mental health did not appear to be a visible issue for the majority of the participants in this study.
The broader physical and social environments
Physical environment was a salient factor, perhaps because our interviews started with questions about changes in and around Shenzhen in recent years and their potential impacts on daily life. Since the majority of participants had lived in Shenzhen for an extended period of time, they were able to offer detailed retrospective accounts. Among them, 36 (55.4%) participants talked about this factor in the context of their happiness. There was a general consensus that the overall infrastructure and physical environment of Shenzhen has improved dramatically over the years and affected people’s daily life in a positive way. These changes included improved public transportation (e.g., the subway, buses, and shared bikes); increased green spaces and parks; cleanliness of public spaces; and improved air quality. For example, R15 expressed his appreciation for green spaces: “The environment has a big impact on my mood. My work is stressful. I ride my bicycle to work every morning. Seeing the green trees and breathing the fresh air, I feel good. It helped relieve my stress.” The changes also encompassed new buildings, better roads, convenient shopping facilities, public safety, and advancement in technologies. With respect to public safety, R14 commented, “It is very safe here. You need not to worry when young children go out to play.” Many participants drew a comparison between Shenzhen and other big cities (e.g., Guangzhou, Shanghai, Beijing), their hometown, or the surrounding areas and concluded that Shenzhen was very habitable. All was not positive, however. Several participants reported mixed levels of satisfaction about the parking, education resources, and medical facilities in Shenzhen. And, R63 expressed nostalgic feelings about natural landscapes that were hard to find in Shenzhen.
Overall, the majority of participants noted a positive association between Shenzhen’s physical environment and their happiness, yet typically ranked this factor behind other contributing factors such as family or income in terms of importance. Several (e.g., R21, R71) participants explicitly indicated that physical environment was not essential to their happiness.
A number of participants also commented on some of the less tangible aspects of Shenzhen’s social environment such as equality and public welfare policies, which invoked mixed feelings. On a positive note, some older participants shared that Shenzhen’s seniors-ride-free bus service, senior subsidies, and free physical examination for seniors (in some communities) made them feel respected and cared for. R81 noted the good citizenship in Shenzhen (e.g., people waiting in line and yielding to seniors, pregnant women, and children on the subway or bus). A couple of younger individuals (e.g., R35) commented that Shenzhen was a welcoming city inclusive of high levels of social integrity; more expressed various levels of discontent. R77, for instance, commented on the competitive environment in Shenzhen and said, “it is a city hard to put down one’s roots.” R36 noted that Shenzhen was a city full of youthful energy and opportunities for those willing to work hard, but also acknowledged that the pace of life was “too fast” and left little room for social life, especially for singles. R32, who was paying a mortgage, remarked that Shenzhen was a stressful place to live for a middle-aged worker with a family to raise. She stated regretfully, “I should have stayed in my hometown. We could build our own house; we also have our old family house there. Life is more leisurely back home.”
Of note, many participants remarked on the increasing income gap and the dire reality of those on the bottom rung of the social ladder, the latter often exacerbated by Hukou-based institutional discriminations. Examples of differential treatments for non-Shenzhen Hukou residents included being ineligible for low-income public housing rentals, unemployment subsidies, and senior subsidies; tighter quotas for purchasing commodified apartments; less professional training opportunities; being denied reimbursement for medical costs for out-of-state insurance policy holders and access to public schools for children without a Shenzhen Hukou; and the higher age requirement for senior-ride-free bus services.
Cross-referencing education, our data showed that non-Shenzhen Hukou residents were more likely to have a lower level of education (80% had a high school or less education, vs. 35% for Shenzhen Hukou residents). These two aspects, combined with the previously mentioned lack of homeownership (Table 1), often put non-Shenzhen Hukou residents at the bottom of the urban social stratification. Some of them self-identified as the underclass poor (e.g., R18, R55) and many reported lower levels of happiness. R21, for example, communicated a hopeless outlook: There is little development room for me. Many newcomers hold a higher degree and have technical skills. I cannot compete with them. Locals [Shenzhen Hukou residents]also receive professional training. There are some for migrants like me, but not as many.No, I am not happy.
Some non-Shenzhen Hukou residents were separated from their spouse and children and living with the situation as their new norm. R23, who takes a bus to visit his wife and children in their hometown a couple of times a month, said:
I cannot afford to bring them (wife and children) over. My salary is too low. I cannot afford social security or housing provident fund either. … The round trips cost a lot. I have to cut my expenses elsewhere … All this financial stress makes me feel my head is crashing.
When talking about his future outlook, he admitted defeat: “I don’t have a high degree. I cannot demand a higher salary.”
To summarize, like a rising tide that lifts all boats, the modernized physical environment of Shenzhen has made a generally positive contribution to residents’ life quality. The impact of other aspects of the city’s social environment is less uniform, and because of its differentiating effect, this factor is especially telling and warrants more focused and in-depth examination.
Intentional activities and mentality
A total of 39 (60%) participants talked about intentional activities as a factor that contributed to their happiness. Older participants, often retired, reported more involvement in leisure activities, including exercises and outdoor recreation (e.g., swimming, dancing, walking, fishing); indoor leisure activities (e.g., singing, watching TV, playing Mahjong, eating out); socializing, traveling, and volunteering. In particular, five participants, all retired, volunteered regularly and derived profound satisfaction from helping others. R74 found volunteering in the community sent her “sense of happiness through the roof” while R82, who volunteered Monday through Friday and was busier than a full-time worker, enjoyed the positive energy in her chosen free-time activity. She said, “I used to be in bad mood and got angry often. Volunteering changed my outlook. I am a much happier person now.” R52 remarked that helping others and practicing charity helped accumulate blessings. Echoing the idea of karma in Buddhism, she said, “Today you helped others; tomorrow they’ll help you.” By comparison, younger participants emphasized more job-related pursuits, mainly as a means to enhance their chance to succeed in their career and to derive meaning beyond material gains. Their activities included persistence and intentional effort at work, setting goals, and seeking professional development opportunities.
Throughout the interview, many participants referred to a content mindset, or the ability to be content as a key to happiness. The majority spoke of this mindset in response to the question about whether they would compare their happiness with others’. With a few exceptions, participants generally rejected the idea of comparing, partly because it might invoke discontent or induce pressure for oneself. More importantly, many participants remarked that happiness was completely personal and subjective, and therefore could not be compared. Instead, they emphasized self-reflection, focusing on one’s own effort, and accepting one’s lot with gratitude.
Many participants emphasized intentional self-regulatory meditating and perspective shifting to achieve inner peace, maintain a sense of control, and attain true content that would lead to lasting happiness. Specifically, they suggested self-adjustment could take the form of setting realistic goals; suppressing selfish desires by counting what one has received as opposed to how much one has given; having self-respect and walking “with one’s head held high” (R16); reminding oneself of the unpredictability of fortunes and misfortunes in life; realizing that absolute happiness is unattainable; and viewing every day as a day gained, not a day lost. Others suggested one could self-regulate by comparing only with oneself and one’s past or comparing effort instead of haves, and using comparisons to motivate self-improvement. Interestingly, more younger participants emphasized the last notion of personal striving and hard work, which reflects Confucian values of hard work and achievement for the family, while echoing the idea of active pursuit of happiness through realizing potentials and achieving goals that characterizes the Euro-American culture (Lu & Gilmour, 2004).
Finally, several participants mentioned personality (e.g., sunny disposition, being an extrovert, being optimistic) as a contributing factor to happiness. These participants, however, often quickly connected these personality characteristics back to a certain mindset or philosophical approach, such as knowing the art of letting go, not taking offense easily, and not letting trivialities disturb one’s inner peace and joy.
In summary, our data revealed a clear imprint of age and associated life stages on the forms of intentional activities pursued by different participants. While the participants differed in what they chose to do to enhance their personal happiness, there was one striking similarity in what they believed would bring them closer to happiness: the ability to self-regulate internally to achieve a content mentality. As R81 put it: “The single most important factor that impacts our sense of happiness lies within our mind.” This emphasis on the power of one’s mindset and mind cultivation in accomplishing dignity and peace conveys a transcendental approach to happiness (and life in general) that has reflections in major Chinese traditional teachings (Lu, 2001).
Discussion
We used a concurrent mixed methods phenomenological approach to explore factors contributing to Shenzhen residents’ SWB in the context of their daily lives and the socio-economic-cultural environment in which they lived. Five meta-themes emerged from our iterative data analysis process: harmony in interpersonal relationships, financial wellbeing and homeownership, health, physical and social environments, and intentional activities and mentality.
The foremost contribution of this study lies in the contextualized understanding of perceived sources of happiness relevant to urban residents in Shenzhen, which likely mirror, to some degree, the experiences of millions of urban residents in China who are going through similar transformations as part of the country’s progressive urbanization. Secondly, while our results substantiated two of Lyubomirsky et al.’s (2005) three categories of happiness (i.e., circumstances and intentional activities), they elucidate the inter-dependence of factors that contribute to SWB and highlight the importance of accounting for culturally specific themes and characteristics that necessitate studying SWB in context.
Our results suggest that harmony within the family, which extended to parents and/or parents-in-law, emerged as the most salient contributing factor, echoing previous findings about the importance of family to SWB (Bian et al., 2018; Chen & Davey, 2008). Our findings also showcase how enduring traditional family core values continued to play a central role in the lives of Chinese residents today. Although individuals might differ in the degree to which they hold onto traditional beliefs about role expectations and relationships within the family unit (parents, spouse/partner, and children), it is clear that families remain the backbone of urban Chinese residents’ social world and, as such, directly and significantly affect their SWB.
By comparison, our results suggested that interpersonal relationships outside the family played a less significant role in affecting SWB. Participants reported mixed relationships with others in the community, reflecting the effect of different types of neighborhoods and the general trend of declining social interactions at the neighborhood level and weakening community ties since China entered the reform era (Hazelzet & Wissink, 2012). Younger participants were more likely to discuss the importance of friends and colleagues (as opposed to neighborhood relationships) to their SWB, possibly because attaining power, wealth, status, and influence are more salient for this age group (Bian et al., 2018), rendering work relationships and reference groups more central. This finding may also evidence increasing individualistic values among the younger generation of Chinese residents (Steele & Lynch, 2013; Yan, 2010).
An equally important factor affecting SWB was financial wellbeing and homeownership, wherein one’s homeownership status plays a determinant role in his/her financial wellbeing. Contrasting findings pertaining to rural Chinese residents that reported income as a relatively less important factor (e.g., Davey et al., 2009; Knight et al., 2009; Webb, 2009), our results indicated that higher income likely contributed positively to our participants’ happiness by allowing them to keep up with inflation and alleviating financial stress. Unlike rural residents who typically own a home or have access to a family house, for many urban residents/migrants, homeownership is not a given and needs to be acquired with a large sum of down payment and, if they can afford it, high monthly repayment, both of which make a compelling case for desiring a high household income (if a significant inheritance is out of the question). Once acquired, a home confers additional benefits such as a sense of security and belonging, and the opportunity to experience harmony in their personal relationships. These benefits extend beyond financial gains related to appreciation, financial liquidity, and improved credit, which have been reported previously in studies of homeownership and SWB (e.g., Goodman & Mayer, 2018). According to Han (2015), the financial wellbeing-SWB relationship has been shaped by the drastic transformations China experienced over the past several decades. Our findings suggest that this relationship is likely mediated by homeownership, the lack of which, exacerbated by the skyrocketing housing prices seen in much of urban China, contributes a major source of financial and emotional distress for many (see also Chen et al., 2019). While home or house continues to be a symbol of stability and responsibility, and viewed as fundamental to marriage and child rearing by the majority of Chinese (Hu, 2013), for those less financially stable, owning a home will remain an unattainable dream.
As in previous studies (e.g., Cheng, 2004), our findings regarding health reflect the imprint of age, with older participants viewing health as a more salient contributor to their SWB. Importantly, while some participants spoke about individual health, many emphasized the health of the entire family. Consistent with findings from past studies (e.g., Shah & Marks, 2004; Wangmo, 2011), participants also referenced healthcare; but often discussed it in the context of the broader social infrastructure and policies as well as inequities associated with the household registration system. Notably absent were explicit references to mental health, possibly due to the fact that mental illness remains poorly recognized in China as an issue associated with negative social stigmas (Huang et al., 2019). That said, the various levels of psychological distress revealed by many participants, particularly those lacking homeownership, financial security, and a positive outlook, echo Graham et al.’s (2017) contention that many Chinese residents’ mental health has deteriorated due to their inability to adapt to the country’s rapid economic growth, large scale migration to urban areas, rising income inequality, and dramatic changes in the size and composition of social networks.
The impact of physical environment (e.g., improved public transportation and increased green spaces and parks) on residents’ SWB seemed far-reaching and generally positive, corroborating earlier findings in Western countries (Burns, 2005; Vemuri & Costanza, 2006).Equity issues emerged as a salient theme in participants’ evaluation of the less tangible aspect of the social environment, particularly those related to public welfare policies, including the long-standing Hukou registration system. Many researchers (e.g., Jiang et al., 2012; Zheng et al., 2020) have documented how Hukou status affects individuals’ family living arrangements, family relationships, and overall happiness. Our results add to the literature by documenting clear links between Hukou status and government supported housing, subsidies, transportation, education, and healthcare. Combined, they suggest that Hukou-based institutional discrimination is at the root of why non-Hukou residents were affiliated with being labeled a “second-class citizen,” which may have far deeper ramifications for SWB beyond what has been identified in this study. In recent years, the Chinese government has emphasized “improving [city-dwelling] migrants’ wellbeing” as a key focus of its New-type Urbanization Plan (Lin & Huang, 2018, p. 237). Achieve such a goal will necessarily involve profound institutional changes, particularly those involving the household registration system. During this process of structural reform, residents representing various constituencies (e.g., migrants and non-migrants, individuals living in urban, suburban, and rural areas) should be invited to the table.
Findings about intentional activities revealed the moderating effect of life stages. While older adults, often retired, were more likely to derive happiness from their leisure pursuits, younger adults seemed to focus more on work. Graham et al. (2017) linked the decline in SWB in China to residents’ focus on work rather than leisure. We found that older adults are less likely to contribute to such a link. Even among younger populations, the nature of the link may vary based on how work is perceived. While some younger adults expressed dissatisfaction with their job, particularly when stress was high and pay was less than desirable, others viewed work, an intentional activity, as a means to achieve success and derive meaning beyond material gains. Future research may look at the role of the meaning of work in shaping perceptions of work as a source of happiness across different subgroups.
One of the most culturally distinctive findings that emerged from this study highlights participants’ repeated emphasis on a content mindset or the ability to be content as a key to their personal happiness. On the one hand, we can trace the roots of this widely-adopted folk wisdom to traditional Chinese philosophies that emphasize the idea of “let be” or “let go,” including the “wuwei” “无为” (inaction) notion in Taoism, the Confucian preaching of accepting the existing social order, and the Buddhist’s ideal of minimizing desires. On the other hand, this seemingly passive mentality exemplifies “a proactive way of re-channeling psychological energy to maintain control when control is seemingly unattainable” (Lu, 2001, p. 415). The coexistence of the above two sides illustrates the deep-rooted dialectical thinking characteristic of Chinese culture.
To summarize, our results evidence two (i.e., life circumstances/contexts and intentional activities) of the three main categories in Lyubomirsky et al.’s (2005) integrative model of happiness, yet extend beyond with depth and culturally specific insight. For many individuals in this study factors comprising the life circumstances and contexts category were neither discrete nor unrelated to intentional activities. Instead, factors interacted and jointly shaped individuals’ happiness. For example, financial wellbeing affected and was affected by homeownership. Both had implications for the attainment of a desirable, harmonious existence with the family (e.g., the ability to provide for and cohabit with family members). For many young adults, financial wellbeing and homeownership also defined a major tangible goal of their intentional activities. On the societal level, Hukou-based structural inequity not only directly affected individuals’ financial wellbeing, but also affected other aspects of personal wellbeing, including opportunities for professional development, individuals’ ability to bring left-behind children (and spouse) to the city, and access to health insurance reimbursement, just to name a few.
Lyubomirsky et al. (2005) stated that all life circumstances combined only account for eight to fifteen percent of the variance in happiness. This small effect may be due to individuals’ quick adaptation to new life circumstances and events. Unfortunately for this study’s participants (and likely other urban Chinese residents) who have limited control over a number of their life circumstances (e.g., Hukou status, increasing cost of living and housing prices), the likelihood of attaining or increasing happiness is slim, if not impossible. Lyubomirsky and colleagues suggest adopting new behaviors, specifically volitional activities (e.g., striving for important personal goals, supporting meaningful causes), which may account for up to 40% of the variance in happiness. While this strategy intuitively makes sense, the question remains whether adopting new behaviors will work for young urban Chinese residents whose personal goals revolve around work rather than leisure and whose social networks are limited and often don’t involve members of the broader community.
Limitations and recommendations for future research
We used the term, “xingfu” (幸福) or happiness as a proxy for SWB in our research. This term is part of the common parlance in China and has been adopted in official communications by the Chinese government over the past decade. As “ … part of rhetoric justifying the government’s ruling power … ” (Hsu et al., 2017, p. 6), this term might be associated with residents’ diminishing social trust (Han, 2015) and its use might have introduced potential biases. In the future researchers may want to consider alternative terms such as “kuaile” (快乐or happy) or “yukuai” (愉快or pleasant), “xiangshou shenghuo” (享受生活 or enjoying life), “shenghuo manyidu” (生活满意度 or life satisfaction), or “hao shenghuo” (好生活 or a good life) when studying happiness in China. Given that “humans capture and conceptualize reality by means of language,” and do so within their historical and cultural realities (Carlquist et al., 2017, p. 941), it would be worthwhile to examine how people actively interpret and construct meanings associated with various terms as they negotiate their sense of happiness.
While our results provide some insight to SWB and factors that contribute to it at the broader societal level (e.g., urban development), the data did not allow us to infer trends (e.g., rapid urbanization, evolving labor markets, increasing income inequality; see Steele & Lynch, 2013; Yan, 2010) beyond the limited retrospective reflections of changes incurred by our participants. Researchers should consider collecting longitudinal data to determine whether factors contributing to SWB change over time and why, and whether and how adaptation is occurring.
Other limitations involved the process of data collection. All individuals were interviewed on the campus of a public university, which may have impacted their level of comfort in disclosing feelings about and perceptions related to their personal wellbeing. Furthermore, researchers began each interview with a series of “easy” questions intended to develop rapport and trust, including one focused on recent changes in the city. Asking this question early on in the interview may have heightened participants’ focus on contextual factors such as the cost of housing, the city’s infrastructure, etc.
While we have already alluded to potential lines or foci of future research, there are additional topics that deserve attention. For example, living arrangements of families, mixed interpersonal relationships in the broader community, and the fact that harmony in family relationships was linked to individuals’ experiences in other life domains (e.g., work) suggest the need for a more nuanced understanding of how interpersonal relationships have evolved (and thus impacted SWB) in Chinese societies as a result of drastic social and economic changes over the past several decades (Chan et al., 2010; Lui & Fernando, 2018; Ren & Treiman, 2015). Having grown from a small village to a mega-city of migrants, Shenzhen and its residents’ interpersonal experiences offer a barometer of how Guanxi and its’ SWB implications may be evolving in the rest of China as the nation continues its massive urbanization. That said, collecting data from residents living in other urban areas and/or rural parts of China would extend our understanding of the possibly changing role of interpersonal relationships in shaping SWB.
Finally, the disparities in living conditions, life chances and SWB we observed between the “local” well-doers and migrant urban poor beg the question: Does the legacy of the household registration system continue to deepen the social-economic stratification in China? As China proceeds with its gradual reform of the household registration system, researchers interested in studying SWB and other social issues in the country should continue scrutinizing the far-reaching impact of institutional inequality (see Foye et al., 2017; Ren et al., 2018).
Conclusion
SWB has attracted increasing interest worldwide, yet advancing this line of research requires more culturally sensitive investigations. The results of this study provide just that in the context of urban China. Five meta-themes emerged from our data, capturing primary sources of happiness/SWB relevant to today’s urban Chinese residents. The interplay between residents’ perceptions of the salient factors and the reality of urban living offered valuable insight about the socio-cultural complexities involved in “ordinary” Chinese residents’ pursuit of happiness—a pursuit co-shaped by individual effort, deep-rooted traditional values, and consequential social infrastructure and policies amidst China’s deepening, transformative urbanization.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities (19JNYH06) and National Natural Science Foundation of China (41671146 and 41801124).
