Economics of English: Examining the Demand for English Proficiency in the Vietnamese Job Market

Abstract

Located in the economics of language, the present study seeks to contribute towards understanding the Vietnamese job market’s demand for competency in using English. The globalization of English and the global flow of capital are factors that are changing the linguistic landscape of the world of work. However, there has been limited research on the changing role of English in the job market, particularly in developing societies. An understanding of the labour market’s demand that candidates are proficient in English is critical given that language educators are under pressure to meet industry demands and prepare graduates for the world of work. Against this background, we investigated the demand for English proficency in the Vietnamese labour market by examining two samples of job advertisements. The advertisements were published in 2015 and 2018 on a popular job website. Based on our analysis, we attest to the growing importance of English and to higher levels of English proficiency demands, although these demands varied across job sectors. We suggest implications for educators, policy makers, job seekers, employers and researchers.

Keywords

Economics of English English and employability job advertisements globalization Vietnam

Introduction

The economics of language (or language economics) is an emerging interdisciplinary sub-field which sits at the interface of economics and language (Chiswick and Miller, 2007; Gazzola and Wickstrom, 2016; Grin, 1996; Grin, 2014; Lamberton, 2002). It seeks close collaboration between economists and language academics in understanding linguistic processes by applying economic concepts and tools. Some key areas in language studies including language and migration (e.g. Hoang and Hamid, 2017; Piller and Takahashi, 2011; Rassool, 2012), language and development (e.g. Coleman, 2011; Djite, 2014; Erling and Seargeant, 2013) and language for specific purposes (e.g. Hutchinson and Waters, 1987; Nguyen, 2017) can be brought under the purview of the economics of language. Measuring the economic potential of languages or language proficiency is of key interest in language economics which is typically achieved by utilizing employment and income data (see Chiswick and Miller, 2014; Grin, 2006).

The economics of language has its major focus on the economics of English, given its status as the language of globalization (Ammon, 2010; Grin, 2001; Hamid, 2016). English is integral to the world econocultural system (Brutt-Griffler, 2002), which includes the world market, business community, technology, science and culture and intellectual life on a global scale. Compared to other international languages, English is believed to have much higher economic significance (see Ammon, 2010). Therefore, recent policies and practices of English language education (e.g. early English, English as a medium of instruction and communicative language teaching) in emerging English-using nations are often justified by referring to its instrumental potential for individuals and communities (see Hamid, 2016). English is believed to be a key factor in global competition for human capital, trade and investment; it is considered an imperative for social mobility for individuals and economic development for nations in a globalized environment (Erling and Seargeant, 2013; Spring, 2015).

The beginning of the English-labour market connections can be located in English-speaking migrant societies (language in migration, as above) where migrants who do not have an English background consider acquiring English proficiency to be essential for their economic and social survival and wellbeing (Chiswick and Miller, 2007; Chowdhury and Hamid, 2016; Piller and Takahashi, 2011). With the global spread of English and the globalization of capital, the role of English has been emphasized in the labour market in emerging English-using nations as well (Bui et al., 2017; Majhanovich, 2014).

The economic potential of English as a global language has received wider attention in a globalized world (Ammon, 2010; Hamid, 2016; Holborow, 2007; Majhanovich, 2014). A growing body of research has examined the relationship between English proficiency and employability (Barsoum, 2014; Bui et al., 2017; Erling, 2015); English and earning differences (Bleakley and Chin, 2004; Casale and Posel, 2011; see Erling, 2014 for a review), and English for individual mobility and national economic development (Erling, 2015; Hamid, 2015). Studies conducted in various settings have confirmed that the ability to communicate in English is a highly regarded employability factor (Bui et al., 2017; Erling et al., 2013), and that ‘English language aptitude works as one of the important determining factors to get a job, to earn higher salary, and to get other advantages in the employment market’ (Roshid and Chowdhury, 2013: 70).

While the value of English in the new economy cannot be denied, a singular emphasis on its instrumental potential may present a fragmented view of languages and their true potential (May, 2003; Petrovic, 2015; Ricento, 2015). On the other hand, establishing causal relationships between language and economic outcomes including trade or employment is itself a difficult task given the methodological challenges in isolating the true effects of English proficiency from a multitude of factors involved in the process (Erling, 2015; Erling and Seargeant, 2013). While concrete evidence may be hard to establish (see Djite, 2014), the gap seems to be filled by popular perceptions and discourses of English and its instrumental potential (Erling et al., 2013; Hamid, 2015). Often the association of English with employability is based on the assumption that English is demanded by employers. This demand is understandable in English-dominant societies such as Singapore and Hong Kong, but there has been limited evidence for this demand in places where national languages are dominant. The present article seeks to contribute to research on English and employment by examining the demand for English in the job market. Although it focuses on the Vietnamese context, the insights will be useful for comparable societies, particularly those in Asia.

English and the Job Market in Vietnam

Vietnam is a typical Expanding Circle country where English has had no connection to Anglo-American colonial rule. However, English has come to play a critical role in this nation, as in the whole region, which has adopted English as the official language for the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The 1986 economic reform, which led to opening Vietnam to the world for trade and investment, and the joining of ASEAN and the World Trade Organization boosted the demand for English. The increasing presence of English in education is a response to its perceived necessity outside of education, in Vietnam and in the region (Hamid and Nguyen, 2016; Nguyen, 2017; Vu, 2015).

English has been linked to Vietnam’s national vision of decoupling the economy from its agricultural roots and linking it to industry by 2020. Vietnam has undertaken major education reforms (see Hamid et al., 2018) aiming to improve the education system so that graduates are able to fulfill industry needs in this economic transition. As English is believed to play an important role in business and employment, the Ministry of Education and Training has made greater policy efforts to improve students’ English proficiency. A national foreign language project called ‘Project 2020’ (2008–2020) has been implemented and its main aim is to ensure that ‘most of the Vietnamese students would be able to use a foreign language, especially English, confidently in their study, daily communication and work by 2020’ (Toan, 2013). English is currently a compulsory subject in primary education (Nguyen, 2011). At the tertiary level, students are required to pass a standardized English test and obtain a certificate of English Level 3 (Intermediate level) on the Framework of English Proficiency in Vietnam for graduation. This framework consists of six levels which are compatible with those of the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR: A1, A2; B1, B2; C1, C2). Students may opt for the International English Language Testing System (IELTS), Test of English for International Communication (TOEIC) or the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) to demonstrate the same level of proficiency for graduation purposes.

English as a requirement for graduation and employment has presented challenges for students and graduates. Students who are about to graduate are confused about the level of English proficiency required by the education system and/or by job recruiters. For example, they do not know whether passing the university English examination is sufficient to satisfy the language demands of the job market. They are also unsure about the value of international English language certificates in meeting those demands. Questions about English language certificates and levels of English proficiency for employment come up time and time again on online forums for students and job-seekers. These forums include vnexpress.net/tintuc/giaoduc. Commentators analyse the pros and cons of English proficiency certificates and suggest advice for job-seekers along the lines of ‘the more, the better’. In this spirit, mastering the four skills of English is considered more efficient than two skills. Therefore, an IELTS certificate is likely to be more beneficial than TOEIC Reading and Listening or Writing and Speaking tests. International certificates of IELTS, TOEFL or TOEIC are generally considered more reliable than a national certificate of English proficiency. However, many Vietnamese citizens cannot afford to pay for these certificates. For example, an IELTS test in Vietnam costs 4,750,000 VND (US$205). This fee for an English certificate, which becomes invalid after two years, is about twice the amount of the monthly salary for an average Vietnamese employee. More problematically, young graduates may spend a substantial amount of money to earn an IELTS certificate but they may discover in the end that what they needed was a TOEIC Reading and Writing certificate, not IELTS. Furthermore, the level of English needed for a competitive advantage in the job market is unclear. Given that only 20% of all students taking the university English entrance examination in 2015 scored above 5 out of 10 (with an average score of 3.48), Vietnamese students may need to begin working towards employers’ demands for English on the very first day of their student life and pursue this goal throughout their student lives (see Bui et al., 2017).

English language teachers working at the tertiary level must also step up to the challenges faced by students in mastering the English proficiency levels employers demand. Teachers are expected to lift students’ English proficiency, despite often being hampered by limited resources and difficult circumstances including heavy teaching loads and inadequate salaries. Although teachers need to think about the world of work when planning and executing their English language courses, they may not have a clear understanding of the level of English competency demanded by the job market. Without formal mechanisms for university and industry interactions, language departments may not receive the input necessary from industry to aid their academic planning. However, students often seek advice from English teachers about what the job market’s English proficiency demands might be. While working as an English teacher in a Vietnamese university, one of the authors of the present article had to provide informal advice to students about English and employment. The advice students sought from their teachers is an additional reason for the present study. Although working with employers and employees in different sectors might have provided a better way of understanding what the job market demands in terms of English proficiency, examining job advertisements was considered a more feasible option. Advertisements were less demanding on time and resources. This route also offered an opportunity to access a large number of jobs across various sectors for analysis. The specific questions that guided the study include:

How important is English in the Vietnamese job market?

What is the level of English proficiency that is demanded by employers?

Are there variations in the demands of the four skills of English across sectors?

While the relationship between English proficiency and employability has drawn growing attention from researchers (Barsoum, 2014; Casale and Posel, 2011; Dustmann and Fabbr, 2003; Lindley, 2002), the Vietnamese context has remained underexplored (see Bui et al., 2017). The growing demand for English in the job market is occasionally reported in the media by referring to such incidents as students not satisfying language requirements for university admission or employers’ linguistic demands. However, there is no clear understanding of the extent of the demand for English based on systematic analysis of reliable data. Teachers are keen on preparing students for the world of work. Students are also willing to invest in developing English language skills that will give them maximum returns. What they need is an understanding of the nature of the job market’s English demands. In their study on English as an employability skill involving over 600 tertiary students, Bui et al. (2017) called for research from the perspectives of various stakeholders including employers. Aiming to contribute to an understanding of the demand for English from the perspective of employers, the present study examines job advertisements in various sectors. These advertisements were posted on www.vietnamworks.com, the most popular website for employment.

The leading website for employers and jobseekers in Vietnam is www.vietnamworks.com. The site has operated for over 14 years and is well-known for its commitment to correct information about jobs. It advertises job vacancies at companies that have established business profiles. The website displays fresh jobs posted by recruiters for 30 days. Each day, about 200 new jobs are posted on the site, which serves over 1.3 million job seekers monthly and over 8,000 employers annually (see http://www.vietnamworks.com/why-vietnamworks). Therefore, the website appears to be a reliable source of information about jobs and job requirements in Vietnam.

Methods of Analysis and Findings

What is the Level of Demand for English in the Job Market?

Our main purpose in this study is to bring to light employers’ demand for English. More specifically, the extent to which jobs posted on the website required English language proficiency from job applicants. We collected two samples of job advertisements in 2015 and 2018 in order to provide a more reliable view of the demand for English. We believe that the two samples collected about three years apart from each other would also enable an understanding of the changing demand for English for employment. We went through several stages as outlined below in order to generate our findings. The steps taken for the first sample of data collection were repeated on the second occasion.

At the first stage, five main occupational groups were established to classify all jobs advertised on the website. The aim was to understand the differentiated nature of the demand for English and English language skills across occupations. These job groups were chosen based on (1) their popularity and, therefore, their representative characteristics; and (2) employment updates on job changes by the Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs of Vietnam (MOLISA). Within each of the five groups, the jobs were sub-categorized. These groups and job categories are presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

Occupational Groups and Job Categories.

OccupationalGroups	1	2	3	4	5
	Science and Technology	Economics and Business	Education, Healthcare and Communication	Agriculture and Forestry	Construction and Traffic
Job categories	Chemical/ Biochemical Electrical/ Electronics IT engineering Mechanical Production/ Process Telecommunications	Banking Customer service Finance/ Investment Marketing Sales	Education/ Training Health/ Medical Care TV/ Media/ Newspaper	- Agriculture/ Forestry	Civil/ Construction -Architecture/ Interior Design

At the second stage, we aimed to find out the number of jobs posted in each category and to identify those jobs that mentioned ‘English’ as a requirement for recruitment. Both aims were relatively easy to achieve as the website enables searching job categories and skills using a search window reproduced in Figure 1. As can be seen from the figure, the number of jobs can be identified by typing the category in the ‘All categories’ section while skills can be typed into the ‘Enter job title, position, skills…’ section.

Figure 1.

Window for searching jobs on www.vietnamjobs.com.

For example, all Chemical/Biochemical jobs can be identified by selecting the Chemical/ Biochemical category from the ‘All categories’ box and clicking ‘Search’. The results will be displayed with the number of jobs, for instance: ‘We found 200 jobs for you’.

In the next step, the word ‘English’ was typed in the skill sector, selecting a job category (e.g. Chemical/Biochemical). This would display the number of jobs which mentioned ‘English’ from the oldest to the newest advertisements. Advertisements were written either in English or Vietnamese. Although it was more likely for jobs published in English to require English proficiency, many of those published in Vietnamese also required English skills. Examining employers’ motivation for publishing job advertisements in English or Vietnamese can be an important line of inquiry, but this was not possible within the scope of the present study. As already indicated, there were job advertisements which did not mention ‘English’ but required ‘English’ as one of the required skills. These advertisements were written in Vietnamese and used the Vietnamese equivalent for ‘English’ which is ‘Tiếng Anh’. To ensure the accuracy of the findings and to avoid counting the same job more than once, the previous step was repeated by typing ‘English Tiếng Anh’ on the search window. Consequently, all job advertisements that mentioned either English or ‘Tiếng Anh’ were displayed.

After tallying the jobs that mentioned English/Tiếng Anh, the total number of jobs for each of the five occupational groups was calculated. The results are presented in Table 2 for both samples of job advertisements.

Table 2.

Percentages of Job Advertisements Mentioning English or Tiếng Anh in 2015 and 2018.

	All Jobs		Jobs Mentioning English/Tiếng Anh		Percentages
	2015	2018	2015	2018	2015	2018
Group 1: Science and Technology	3120	5954	2150	4217	68.91	70.83
Group 2: Economics and Business	3404	7257	2075	4721	60.96	65.05
Group 3: Education, Healthcare	674	1050	448	766	66.47	72.95
Group 4: Agriculture and Forestry	85	122	59	77	69.41	63.11
Group 5: Construction and Traffic	708	690	445	373	62.85	54.06
Total	7991	15073	5177	10154	64.79	67.37

Table 2 shows 7,991 jobs were advertised on the website in October-November 2015 when the research was initiated. In 2018, when we collected the second sample, the number of jobs almost doubled. The jobs advertised during both periods were located in the private sector (e.g. Education centres, limited liability companies and joint stock companies), with only a handful of jobs in each group being located in the state sector. Of all jobs, about 65% mentioned English/Tiếng Anh in 2015 and 67% in 2018. English is demanded by jobs in all occupational groups and the variation ranged between 61% and 68% in 2015 and between 54% to 73% in 2018. This demand for English can be considered high given the status of English in the country and the number of people who would be proficient users of English (Bui et al., 2017). Job seekers with English proficiency are likely to have an advantage in the job market, provided they satisfy other requirements.

As Table 2 shows, the two groups offering the largest number of jobs in both periods are Group 1: Science and Technology and Group 2: Economics and Business. Agriculture and Forestry had the smallest number of job vacancies during the period (85 advertisements in 2015 and 122 in 2018). These three sectors may provide a general indication of the transformation of the economy, from agriculture to industry, mentioned earlier in the article.

However, there was also a change between the 2015 and 2018 samples. In 2018, Group 3 jobs outnumbered those in Group 5 to secure the third position with 1,050 jobs compared to that of Group 5 which included only 690 jobs. Also notably, while the number of jobs increased from 2015 to 2018 in all other groups, those in Group 5 decreased, although by a small margin.

Basic, Intermediate or Advanced English?

The second aim of the research was to identify the level of English proficiency required by recruiters. For this aim, initially 499 job advertisements from the five occupational groups in the 2015 sample (59 for Forestry and Agriculture and 110 each for the four other groups) were randomly selected for examination with a particular focus on the level of proficiency required. For each of these selected advertisements, the English proficiency requirements were noted down and classified into three levels: Basic (or not compulsory), Intermediate, and Advanced. Each level covers a wide range of proficiency. On the basis of the description of the language requirements, it is difficult to specify the range confidently with reference to common language proficiency scales. Nevertheless, in order to avoid complete vagueness, we reminded ourselves of the CEFR levels of A, B and C in thinking about the Basic, Intermediate and Advanced levels respectively. The three levels of English proficiency together with examples of requirements as mentioned in the advertisements are summarized in Table 3.

Table 3.

Examples of Levels of English Required by the Job Advertisements.

Requirement Level	Description	Example of Requirements in the Advertisements
1	Basic or not compulsory	Knowing English is a plus
2	Intermediate	Must be able to communicate in English at an intermediate level
3	Advanced	High level of fluency in English

This classification produced a distribution of the levels of proficiency for the 499 jobs reported in Table 4. As can be seen, the highest number of jobs (83) in Economics and Business required the highest level of proficiency in English. This is understandable because this group is the most globalized job sector and requires transnational communication using English. More than 50% of the jobs in Education and Healthcare and Civil and Construction required an advanced level of English. While this percentage appears reasonable for the former sector, it may appear to be too high for the latter sector. However, the level of English proficiency depends on job type and its location. For example, managerial or specialist positions would require higher levels of English in the Civil and Construction sector. A significant number of Science and Technology job advertisements asked for an intermediate level of English. Advanced English was required by only 14 jobs in the selected sub-sample. It may be that the majority of the jobs in this sector were of a technical type for which intermediate English might have been considered adequate.

Table 4.

Levels of English Demanded by Jobs Across Sectors in 2015 and 2018.

Occupational Groups	Basic		Intermediate		Advanced		Total
	2015	2018	2015	2018	2015	2018	2015(n= 499)	2018(n= 522)
Economics and Business	5	31	22	40	83	49	110	120
Agriculture and Forestry	6	11	9	28	44	3	59	42
Education and Health Care	8	28	39	42	63	50	110	120
Science and Technology	23	38	73	53	14	29	110	120
Civil and Construction	27	37	21	65	62	18	110	120

To compare the level of English proficiency required by jobs in the five sectors, we attributed differentiated value to the three levels of English proficiency (Basic = 1, Intermediate = 2, Advanced = 3) and calculated the average for each of the sectors. For illustration, in Science and Technology, 23 jobs required basic English, 73 jobs required intermediate English and 14 jobs required advanced English. The average English proficiency score for this sector was 1.92 (23*1+73*2+14*3 =211/110). The averages for each sector are reported in Figure 2.

Figure 2.

Average levels of English proficiency demanded across sectors in 2015 and 2018.

Among the five job sectors, Economics and Business required the highest level of English which had the average score of 2.71, while Science and Technology required the lowest (1.92). The other three sectors required high intermediate English with the averages ranging between 2.32 (Civil and Construction) and Agriculture and Forestry (2.64). Thus, English seems to be an important requirement for jobs across sectors. Candidates with a basic level of English may not fare well in this job environment.

The steps described above were repeated for the sample of job advertisements in 2018 and 522 advertisements were randomly selected for analysis following the same procedures (see Table 4). Average levels of English proficiency across the five sectors were calculated using the same formula and are reported in Figure 2 together with the averages for 2015. Overall, the data collected in 2018 showed a downturn in the levels of English required by employers. In the 2015 data, there was a trend which indicated that candidates with high Intermediate or Advanced English were favoured by recruiters. In 2018, recruiters appear to have lowered their demand for English (see Figure 2). We are unable to provide verified reasons for this change, but speculate that the lower level of demand for English proficiency may have been a response to the reality of the levels of English candidates actually bring to the job market (Bui et al., 2017).

Figure 2 also shows that among the five job areas in 2018, Group 3: Education and Healthcare required the highest level of English with the average level being 2.18, while Group 4: Agriculture and Forestry required the lowest level (1.81). The other three areas asked for Intermediate or lower Intermediate English with 1.93 for Science and Technology, 2.15 for Economics and Business and 1.84 for Construction and Traffic.

Which English Language Skills are Demanded by Which Sectors?

This study’s third aim was to investigate the demands of the four English language skills of Listening, Reading, Speaking and Writing across sectors. Specifically, we aimed to find out whether some language skills dominated certain jobs more than others. As there were differences in the language requirements mentioned in the advertisements, the randomly selected jobs in each group (see Table 4) were examined in detail. From these advertisements, those emphasizing certain skills were counted. For example, if an advertisement mentioned ‘reading and writing in English fluently’, 1 point was awarded for Reading and 1 point for Writing. More examples of rewarding points for language skills are presented in Table 5.

Table 5.

Examples of English Language Skills and Their Weightings.

English Language Requirements	Points Awarded When an English Skill is Mentioned
‘reading and writing in English fluently’	1 point added for Reading and 1 point for Writing
‘able to speak English at a conversational level all day with both customers and colleagues’	1 point added for Listening and 1 point for Speaking
‘good command of English will be preferred’.	0 points for any skill

Figure 3 provides information about the way the four English skills were demanded across the job sectors in 2015 and 2018. In 2015, Reading and Writing were important for Science and Technology jobs while Listening, Speaking as well as Writing were important for Civil and Construction jobs. Economics and Business demanded Speaking, Listening as well as Writing, although not to the same extent of Civil and Construction jobs.

Figure 3.

Distribution of the four skills of English across sectors.

In 2018, Science and Technology jobs emphasized spoken communicative skills with advertisements mentioning Speaking and Listening about 55 times. This outweighed Writing which was mentioned about 20 times. In this group, Reading was also important which was mentioned about 48 times. Similar patterns were noted for Education and Healthcare and Economics and Business jobs which preferred Speaking and Listening to Reading and Writing. For Agriculture and Forestry jobs, Reading skills were considered most important and was mentioned around 53 times in the counted advertisements, followed by Speaking and Listening (48 times) and Writing (25 times). By contrast, Speaking and Listening are two skills emphasized by Construction and Traffic jobs being mentioned about 60 times.

Overall, a comparison of the 2015 and 2018 data suggests three points. First, there was a growing importance of English in the Vietnamese labour market. In 2015, the number of jobs demanding English/Tieng Anh and the macro skills were not as many and as clearly demanded as in 2018. Second, this growth in the demand for English seemed to have been toned down by asking for more modest levels of English proficiency during the period. As we noted earlier, not many jobs in 2018 demanded Advanced English (which is probably minimally available and/or not needed) from candidates. Finally, the majority of jobs in the Vietnamese market required more Speaking and Listening than Reading and Writing. The last finding appears somewhat unusual because it can be assumed that many professionals need to read manuals and documents, but may not have to speak in English in their professional lives. Further investigation may provide insights into this issue.

Discussion

This present study was conducted on over 23,000 job advertisements posted on the most popular website for job seekers and recruiters in Vietnam in 2015 and 2018. The findings of the analysis indicate that demand for English in the Vietnamese job market was high with over 65% of the jobs advertised requiring English ability in 2015. Despite some differences across sectors, higher than intermediate level of English is what was demanded as a minimum by the majority of employers during this period. In 2018, a higher proportion of jobs demanded English but there was some adjustment as the majority of employers looked for the intermediate level of English from job applicants. The demand for English as we reported in the study suggests employers were mindful of wanting to recruit employees who had functional or communicative skills enabling them to succeed in the demands of their jobs. Moreover, the basic level of English may not have a place in the competitive and changing world of jobs in a society like Vietnam. In general, although skill demands varied across sectors, Listening and Speaking skills appear to be more important than Reading and Writing, particularly for more recent jobs in the market.

We acknowledge that our samples of jobs and the method of our analysis provided one particular perspective on the demand for English in the job market. In order to enhance the reliability of our findings and to draw a more realistic account of English in employment, we collected two samples of job advertisements about three years apart from each other. We understand that the attribution of arbitrary values to levels of English proficiency (1, 2 or 3) can only be taken as suggestive and not as an accurate representation of the levels of English demanded by employers. Nevertheless, our approach provides a differentiated understanding of the demand for English in the job market as per our aim in the research. Although our methodology aimed at understanding what employers demanded from their would-be employees in terms of English, we are aware that this demand may be critiqued as theoretical only which may or may not reflect the actual demand for English for the roles advertised. It is also possible to argue that employers may demand English as one of the recruitment criteria, regardless of the necessity of English in performing the job roles (Hamid, 2015). Despite these potential shortcomings, the growing demand for English in the job market as reported in the article appears plausible; this has also been reported in other studies in Vietnam (e.g. Bui et al., 2017; Nguyen, 2017). This growing demand for English can be seen as a reflection of the global spread of English on the one hand and the growing influence of globalization and global capital in local economies and job markets on the other hand (e.g. Holborow, 2007).

While the growing importance of English and the reported level of English proficiency demanded by employers is palpable, we could detect gaps existing between the levels of English demanded by employers and what is supplied by the education sector. As we have reported, most recruiters in the occupational groups require an advanced or an intermediate level of English. However, the majority of undergraduates are found to struggle to demonstrate even the lower level of proficiency set as a requirement for their graduation (Bui et al., 2017). In 2014, four years into the implementation of Project 2020, Vietnam was still listed as one of the countries with a low level of English proficiency as per the English First Proficiency Index (English First, 2014). Improving citizens’ English language proficiency was the primary aim of the national foreign language project. While addressing national English proficiency needs through ambitious undertakings such as the Project 2020 appears to be the right direction for policy, achieving the target remains a formidable pursuit for education policy makers. The goal also appears to be unrealistic within the time limit, given the current pace of progress and achievement (Nguyen, 2016).

The demand for English reported in the article implicates the education sector, particularly higher education. Whether educational institutions should be guided by the capitalist needs of industry can be debated, but there is little doubt that educational institutions should pay attention to developing students’ functional competence in English. An important point to note is that employers do not demand specific grades in English; they are after the actual ability to use language communicatively so that employees can fulfil the English language demands of the jobs. The call for English competency from employers suggests that education practice should consider assessing students’ ability to use language in different contexts; if the current practice of producing grades does not tell us about their ability to use language, then there has to be a change in focus in assessment practice. Even if we have reservations about educational institutions striving to meet the demands of the job market, this emphasis on developing functional ability needs to be recognized for the sake of education itself.

It is also significant that the job advertisements do not demand the actual scores job seekers received or certificates from the national or international proficiency tests such TOEFL, IELTS or TOEIC. Regardless of what certificates of language proficiency job seekers have obtained, employers are interested in verifying candidates’ functional ability through the recruitment process. This may be good news for students and parents, as they can be reassured that they are not required to purchase expensive courses resulting in international English proficiency tests and contribute to their commercial and hegemonic ends. This would also be welcome for teachers and local institutions who might otherwise be burdened by an inferiority complex vis-à-vis global tests of English. The longterm goal is that teachers should support their students in developing a functional proficiency in the English language itself.

Conclusion

Globalization’s influence and the global flows of capital have changed the language demands of the job market in the economies of the Global South. English as a preeminent language of globalization and the globalized economy has emerged as an important language for internal and external communication within various job sectors. Our analysis of job advertisements on the most popular job site in Vietnam illustrates this changing linguistic landscape in the world of jobs. Employers demand English from job seekers and this is more than the basic level of English; employers require an ability to function in the language in the workplace. Importantly, employees do not need to demonstrate this ability by submitting local or global certificates of English or grades obtained from academic English studies. We believe that these insights will be useful for students and graduate job seekers, education providers and policy makers in the country. Students will have a clear sense of the demand for English, as they prepare themselves for the world of work. Instead of pursuing various English certificates at a high price or submitting to grade-mania, students need to invest in developing functional English competence both within and beyond formal instruction. Educational institutions need to be guided – although not dictated – by the enhanced position of English in the job market in setting their curricular goals and instructional methods and strategies. Policy makers need to deliver the existing policy promises about English by allocating resources and expertise.

Employers also need to be more proactive about their willingness to support and cooperate with educational institutions. While current discourses about education servicing industry’s needs are in their favour, employers need to appreciate they need to help foster English language skills which in turn help them to fulfil their own capitalist gains. Despite every effort, a language classroom may not fully equip students with the communicative needs of the workplace. This is simply because we cannot bring the workplace to the classroom, for practical as well as philosophical reasons. Arranging internships or industry placements during the period of study is useful, but these arrangements are beyond the capacity and resources of educational institutions given the size of student populations in the country. Consequently, employers should also be willing to provide on the job language training for some employees. This consideration may have implications for the level of importance assigned to English compared to other recruitment criteria.

Our current knowledge of the language demands of the job market in Vietnam and other developing societies is limited. The present study aims to contribute to this knowledge in a modest way. We need more research in Vietnam and other societies to understand the changing linguistic landscape of the job market under the influence of globalization. We also need to work with employers and employees to develop a better understanding of the use of English in various job sectors.

Footnotes

Author’s Note

Linh Dieu Doan is now an Independent researcher.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The study reported in the article was supported by the University of Queensland School of Education International Alumni Travel Award received by the first author.

References

Ammon

(2010) World languages: trends and futures. In: Coupland

(ed.) The Handbook of Language and Globalization. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 101–22.

Barsoum

(2014) The Employment Crisis of Female Graduates in Egypt: An Ethnographic Account. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press.

Bleakley

Chin

(2004) Language skills and earnings: evidence from childhood immigrants. The Review of Economics and Statistics 86(2): 481–96.

Brutt-Griffler

(2002) World English: A Study of its Development. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.

Bui

Nguyen

TTT

Nguyen

(2017) English as a key employability capacity: perspectives from Vietnamese students and lecturers. Language Education in Asia 8(2): 144–56.

Casale

Posel

(2011) English language proficiency and earnings in a developing country: the case of South Africa. The Journal of Socio-Economics 40: 385–93.

Chiswick

Miller

(2007) The Economics of Language: International Analyses. London and New York: Routledge.

Chiswick

Miller

(2014) International migration and the economics of language. Discussion paper 7880. Available at: https://ideas-repec-org.ezproxy.library.uq.edu.au/p/iza/izadps/dp7880.html

Chowdhury

Hamid

(2016) Language, migration and social wellbeing: a narrative inquiry into the lives of low English proficiency Bangladeshi migrants in Australia. Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 39(1): 8–31.

10.

Coleman

(ed.) (2011) Dreams and Realities: Developing Countries and the English Language. London: The British Council.

11.

Djite

(2014) Language and development: theories and sobering realities. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 225:147–61.

12.

Dustmann

Fabbr

(2003) Language proficiency and labour market performance of immigrants in the UK. The Economic Journal 113: 695–717.

13.

Erling

(2014) The role of English in skills development in South Asia: policies, interventions and existing evidence. Available at: https://www.britishcouncil.lk/sites/default/files/role_of_english_in_skills_development_in_south_asia_inside.pdf

14.

Erling

(2015) The Relationship between English and Employability in the Middle East and North Africa. London: The British Council.

15.

Erling

Hamid

Seargeant

(2013) Grassroots attitudes to English as a language for international development in Bangladesh. In: Erling

Seargeant

(eds) English and Development: Policy, Pedagogy and Globalization. Bristol; Buffalo; Toronto: Multilingual Matters.

16.

Erling

Seargeant

(eds) (2013) English and Development: Policy, Pedagogy and Globalization. Bristol; Buffalo; Toronto: Multilingual Matters.

17.

English First (2014) Vietnam listed among countries with low English proficiency. Available at: http://tuoitrenews.vn/education/24423/vietnam-listed-among-countries-with-low-english-proficiency

18.

Gazzola

Wickström

B-A

(eds) (2016) The Economics of Language Policy. Cambridge: MIT Press.

19.

Grin

(1996) Economic approaches to language and language planning: an introduction. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 121: 1–16.

20.

Grin

(2001) English as economic value: facts and fallacies. World Englishes 20(1): 65–78.

21.

Grin

(2006) Economic considerations in language policy. In: Ricento

(ed.) An Introduction to Language Policy: Theory and Method. Malden, MA: Wiley Blackwell, 77–94.

22.

Grin

(2014) 50 years of economics in language policy: critical assessment and priorities. ELF working paper 13. Available at: http://www.unige.ch/traduction-interpretation/recherches/groupes/elf/documents/elfwp13.pdf

23.

Hamid

(2015) English and employability, mobility and development: an auto-ethnographic exploration. Global Education Dialogue. Colombo: British Council. Available at: http://www.britishcouncil.org.bd/sites/default/files/bc_think_piece_obaid_hamid_08_10_2015.pdf

24.

Hamid

(2016) The politics of language in education in a global polity. In: Mundy

Green

Lingard

Verger

(eds) The Handbook of Global Education Policy. London: Wiley Blackwell, 259–74.

25.

Hamid

Nguyen

HTM

(2016) Globalization, English language policy and teacher agency. Focus on Asia. International Education Journal: Comparative Perspectives 15(1): 26–44.

26.

Hamid

Nguyen

Phan

HTT

(2018) Agency and language-in-education policy in Vietnamese higher education. In: Glasgow

Bouchard

(eds) Researching Agency in Language Policy and Planning. New York: Routledge, 102–24.

27.

Hoang

NTH

Hamid

(2017) ‘A fair go for all?’ Australia’s language-in-migration policy. Discourse 38(6): 836–50.

28.

Hutchinson

Waters

(1987) English for Specific Purposes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

29.

Lamberton

(ed.) (2002) The Economics of Language. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

30.

Lindley

(2002) The English language fluency and earnings of ethnic minorities in Britain. Scottish Journal of Political Economy 49(4): 467–87.

31.

Majhanovich

(2014) Neo-liberalism, globalization, language policy and practice issues in the Asia-Pacific region. Asia Pacific Journal of Education 34(2): 168–83.

32.

May

(2003) Rearticulating the case for minority language rights. Current Issues in Language Planning 4(2): 95–125.

33.

Nguyen

HTM

(2011) Primary English language education policy in Vietnam: insights from implementation. Current Issues in Language Planning 12(2): 225–49.

34.

Nguyen

TCN

(2017) Aligning English for Specific Purposes (ESP) curriculum with industry needs: language practices for Vietnam’s globalised workplaces. PhD thesis, Queensland University of Technology, Australia.

35.

Nguyen

(2016) Global language policy borrowing and individual agency in Vietnamese higher education. PhD thesis, The University of Queensland, Australia.

36.

Petrovic

(2015) A Post-liberal Approach to Language Policy in Education. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.

37.

Piller

Takahashi

(2011) Language, migration and human rights. In: Wodak

Johnstone

Kerswill

(eds) The Sage Handbook of Sociolinguistics. London: SAGE Publications, 583–97.

38.

Rassool

(2012) English and migration. In: Hewings

Tagg

(eds) The Politics of English: Conflict, Competition, Co-existence. Milton Keynes: The Open University, 47–92.

39.

Ricento

(ed.) (2015) Language Policy and Political Economy: English in a Global Context. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

40.

Roshid

Chowdhury

(2013) English language proficiency and employment: a case study of Bangladeshi graduates in Australian employment market. Mevlana International Journal of Education 3(1): 68–81.

41.

Spring

(2015) Economization of Education: Human Capital, Global Corporations, Skill-based Schooling. London and New York: Routledge.

42.

Toan

(2013) English teaching in Vietnam: teacher ‘re-education’. Available at: http://tuoitrenews.vn/education/8231/english-teaching-in-vietnam-teacher-reeducation

43.

HTV

(2015) English as a lingua franca in the Vietnamese hotel industry: communicative strategies and their implications for vocational education. PhD thesis, Curtin University, Australia.