Abstract
The book under review sets the challenging task of analysing certain complex facets of the lived reality of the Indian queer. It is written in a context of global concerns for ‘sexual minorities’ which is expedited by the judicial intervention and state activism in favour of their rights. Simultaneously, one finds a gradual, yet steady rise in the voices of these groups in different platforms including publications and portrayal of insider’s views and life experiences. Interestingly, Criminal Love is written by a gay activist who brings together the major concerns of queer theory and analyse them against the complex and multifaceted experiences of the Indian queers. The book helps us to delink issues of alternative sexuality from the gender and refines our understanding of the politics of sex that is marred with contrasting voices and representations of the sexual identities.
The book contains nine chapters, apart from an introduction by Thomas Waugh, each of which deals with a particular theme, though ‘there are occasional overlaps and repetitions’ (p. xvi) as some of these chapters are written and published at different points of time. The book is a wonderful exercise in explaining fluidity of our identities. It demonstrates how alternative sexuality is not a monolith and people classified under each of the category like gay, lesbian, MSM (men who have sex with men), transgender, intersex or queer represent distinct ideology and different way of life. This is notwithstanding the term ‘queer’ becoming an umbrella term for all. More importantly, ‘queerness’ (destabilisation of normativity) is hardly carried out by the members of these sexual minority groups. Rather, many of them strengthen normativity.
Interestingly, Butler’s formulation of ‘gender as performance’ is extended by the author to explain how performative aspect of sexuality applies more to man than to woman. In the second chapter, Rao shows how homosexuality is not monolithic due to the presence of plural practices among them. Here, he brings in the case of MSMs who keep their gay identity hidden because of the social pressure. Hence, MSMs, though attracted to people of their own sex, become a part of the mainstream by getting married and producing children. Interestingly, MSMs constitute a large part of the total queer population in India. Yet, they ‘neither constitute an identity nor a preference’ (p. 19). Citing the Kinsey Study Report on Human Sexuality, Rao avers that heterosexuality is just one of the six types of sexual preferences prevalent in human society.
Rao then goes on to explain how the identification of a clear queer identity is problematic. Thus, bisexuals are a part of queer even though within the family they are heteronormative. Again, MSMs, by projecting themselves as penetrators, essentialise the body. Such essentialism strengthens normativity. MSMs, therefore, are far from transgressive or radical. To Rao, only a ‘few same-sex identities in the country, then, such as transgender and hijra identities, emerge truly queer’ (p. 25). Rao is probably not aware of the recent research findings on how the hijras of South Asia also confirm certain normative categories. It is interesting that axes like caste, class, religion, kinship, region are used to construct identities of Indian sexual minorities.
Rao, however, is quick to recognise that many of the Indian hijras are not trans-women in true sense as they do not carry out sex-change operation (p. 32). He illustrates his observation with fascinating case histories to argue that many trans-man and trans-women are in reality ‘fictive’ as they are both masculine and feminine at the same time. This led him to explain the complex relationship between the gender and sexuality.
In the third chapter, Rao goes on to explain complex normativities and spectrum of sexualities. Thus, if a homosexual is a ‘free’ man for being a penetrator, the penetrated is a slave; hence, the action of a penetrator is not substantially different from the patriarchal heterosexual man. Following Foucault, Rao argues that the average homosexual man of today is ‘sodomite’ like those in ancient Greece. As against them, the slave and the boy deconstruct the idea of sexuality as performance because he is not the penetrator. Rao extends Foucault’s critique of monosexuality practiced by the homosexuals to argue that ideas like the Gay Pride or gay marriage do not dismantle status quo. As against these, Rao reiterates Foucauldian justification that ‘to be gay is to be in a state of becoming’ (p. 51). This is because while ‘being’ is essentialist, ‘becoming’ is anti-essentialist. In this context, Rao demanded dissolution of monosexual gay support groups or community. Interestingly, lesbians, who normally uphold feminist arguments against patriarchy, come into conflict with the gay men. Given such complexity, the gay-lesbian continuum or coalition, for Rao, is a myth. Not only this, Rao also demonstrates how even a feminist-lesbian continuum is a myth in the Indian context. Hence, he suggests that any universalising spectrum of sexuality will have a little efficacy in real life.
The fourth chapter on homosexuality reveals how non-sexual and genderneutral relation is considered normal in India. While referring to cultural differences between the east and west, Rao argues that any Indian man holding hand with another man in the public is not considered odd, though a westerner might consider this as a gay relation. Interestingly, for Rao, such friendship and intimacy creates cover for sexual minorities in India.
Rao takes up the question of homophobia in the next chapter. The three agencies, which disfavour homosexuality are religion, law and medicine. Making use of revelations made in Ruth Vanita and Saleem Kidwai’s celebrated volume Same Sex Love in India; Readings from Literature and History, Rao argues that homosexuality was tolerated in India since the time immemorial, and it was the Victorians who foisted their quaint morality on us. Lord Macaulay introduced the anti-gay law in India in 1869, and in all of England’s colonies, Section 377 was introduced.
The next chapter reveals how Indian lesbians face stiff challenge to reveal their identity. Such acts are considered perversion, an issue discussed in the next chapter, and are socially and politically ridiculed. As a result, ‘political lesbianism’ (homosexuality) becomes a rational choice even for those lesbians who have to marry a man. Such pseudo practices normalise heteronormativity.
Rao’s survey of Indian literature in chapter eight reveals the presence of censorship of queer literary history despite our long history of toleration of same sex love. This has created widespread misconceptions and myths about the life and choices of sexual minorities. Even in the mainstream movies and television serials, heteronormativity is popularised. Given such a context, he places the whole debate involving section 377 of our Indian Penal Court in the last chapter. As the book was published before our Supreme Court could decriminalise homosexuality, Rao’s effort to take stock of legal hurdles, including his choice for the major title of the book, is now a matter of history.
Though the book is not written by a sociologist, there are many sociological and anthropological aspects particularly related to the life of sexual minorities. Reading this book will help the students to clear many misconceptions about sexuality and gender in India.