Abstract
The article examines the assimilation dynamics and functioning of ethnic organisations of a small immigrant Bengali community in the Kansas City, USA. Indian Bengalis in Overland Park (a suburban neighbourhood) formed a closely knit group and bonding social capital was sustained through activities of ethnic associations, consumption of ethnic amenities, and through weekend parties/get-togethers. Such ethnic bonding and meagre ethnic/racial diversity in the city (compared to the larger cities of the USA) are found to be contributing to slow and limited assimilation of Bengalis to the American society. These findings challenge the existing erudition that assimilation increases with improvement in socio-economic standing and suburbanisation of immigrants. Further, the article finds that assimilation there is segmental and ethnic associations not only provide a comfort zone to the immigrants in a culturally and racially different country but also play a prominent role in preserving the ethnic identity of its members.
Introduction
Immigration accounts for significant growth of population in the USA. Asian Indians constitute the third largest immigrant group in the USA after the Mexican and the Chinese (Ruiz, 2015). Today there are more than 4,402,362 Asian Indians in the USA, constituting 1.3 per cent of the USA population (US Census Bureau, 2017). In terms of educational qualifications, 77 per cent of Asian Indians (aged 25 and above) have undergraduate or higher degrees compared to 29 per cent among the immigrant groups and 31 per cent among the mainstream population in the same age cohort in 2015 (Zong & Batalova, 2017). Further, many of them are associated with the science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) professions (ibid.).
Studies on ethnic immigrants have often invoked theoretical questions. Hence this study explaining the settlement and adjustment of Indian immigrants in the USA, of course, invokes an appropriate theoretical perspective. According to the Assimilation perspective, in the process of adjustment to the host society, immigrants tend to give up their languages, ethnic identities, practices, and other cultural uniqueness to blend with the American mainstream population (Gordon, 1964; Park, 1930; Park & Burgess, 1969 [1921]). The perspective further proposes that residential mobility of the immigrants follow their pattern of acculturation and social mobility in the host nation. Further, they envision residential mobility as an essential step for more complete assimilation in the mainstream society (Zelinsky & Lee, 1998).
As the immigrant stock to the USA became highly diverse over the years, the Pluralist perspective proved to be better equipped in explaining the adjustment strategies of the immigrants (Ratner, 1987). The Pluralist perspective has evolved in contrast to the ‘melting pot’ or assimilationist approach. This perspective contends that immigrants form their self-sustaining ethnic communities in the host society and simultaneously engage in the polity, economy, and civil life of the mainstream society. Like the assimilation perspective, the pluralist perspective also entails a spatial dimension in proposing that immigrant communities form mosaic of ethnic enclaves in the host society (Klaff, 1980). Nonetheless, the pluralistic perspective has been found to be inadequate in explaining the adjustment process of recent immigrants who manage to ‘flourish at the outset’ and exhibit residential propinquity with the mainstream population and not with their co-ethnics. This takes us closer to the concept of ‘heterolocalism’ which has been used to explain such peculiar socio-spatial behaviour of recent immigrants. Etymologically the concept can be traced to its Greek (‘heteros’ meaning ‘different’) and Latin (‘locus’ meaning ‘place’) roots (Zelinsky & Lee, 1998). The heterolocal model, therefore, highlights the peculiar tendency of the recent immigrants, of shared ethnic background, to enter an area from distant origins and promptly adopting a dispersed settlement pattern, yet maintaining close ties with each other through a variety of means (ibid.). This piece of research, therefore, aims to investigate the impact of heterolocalism on the assimilation patterns and peculiar co-ethnic bonding among the Bengali professional immigrants in Kansas City, a middle-sized city in the USA.
Equally pertinent are the empirical studies on patterns of assimilation among ethnic immigrants in USA and the relevance of concept ‘heterolocalism’ there.
The Assimilation of Asians in the United States
One of the earliest theorisations about assimilation and immigrant’s integration in the host society was proposed by the Chicago School. Park (1930) defined social assimilation as, ‘the name given to the process or processes by which peoples of diverse racial origins and different cultural heritages, occupying a common territory, achieve a cultural solidarity sufficient at least to sustain a national existence’. In fact, Park and Burgess (1921) viewed assimilation to be the last stage of the ‘race-relations cycle’ with the prior stages being contact, competition, and accommodation. Thus, he considered assimilation to be a progressive and irreversible process (ibid.). For the Chicago School, spatial distribution of groups in a city is a function of differential human capital and so social mobility leads to residential assimilation (Alba & Nee, 1997).
The concept of assimilation was further elaborated by Milton Gordon. Gordon (1964) believed that ‘structural assimilation’ is the key to the complete assimilation process. He defined structural assimilation as ‘entrance of the minority group into the social cliques, clubs, and institutions of the core society at the primary group level’. Structural assimilation will thus result in decrease in prejudice against the minorities, erosion of ethnic identities, and rise of inter-group marriages (Alba & Nee, 1997). Gordon’s proposition is, however, criticised for ignoring the effect of the immigrant culture on the culture of the host society and for considering American culture to be a homogenous entity (ibid.).
From the theories proposed by Park and Burgess (1921) and Gordon (1964), we may derive that assimilation is a function of social mobility and increases with socio-economic status. Apart from social mobility and Fernandez (1998) proposed that English speaking ability positively affects assimilation in the USA. This is so because English language proficiency is closely related to occupational success in the United States of America. Another factor underlined by theorists as a contributing factor to assimilation is the degree of residential segregation (Massey, 1981) which is crucial because it provides for a rough measure of the degree to which immigrant groups are spatially distanced from facilities and amenities in the mainstream American society. Studies have, however, suggested that recent immigrants are only moderately segregated from the White majority in the USA (Alba & Nee, 1997). Asian and Hispanic immigrants, in particular, are less residentially segregated from the White majority than that of African Americans (ibid.). In their research, Alba and Logan (1993) have suggested that residential assimilation with the White majority increases with improvement in socio-economic standing, English proficiency, and duration of stay in the USA. However, the influence of family in nurturing specific attitudes among its members towards assimilation and ethnic identity cannot be overlooked. For example, Bacon (1996), in his study of five immigrant families (namely the Nagars, Iyengars, Kumars, Shenoys, Shankars), discusses the process of adjustment that immigrant families undergo in a foreign land and how the notion of ‘Indianness’ contributes to individual and collective identity formation.
Khandelwal (1995) observed that Indian immigrants in their initial years settle in crowded neighbourhoods like Flushing and Elmhurst of New York and subsequently move to more desirable location in suburban areas. Since the cost of living is higher in the suburban areas, the movement signifies achievement of economic stability on the part of the Indian immigrants after their initial years of struggle. The suburban movement of Indians is accompanied by increased participation and involvement in civic activities which otherwise implies assimilation (ibid.).
In discussing about assimilation of Indians in overseas condition, mention must be made of Fisher’s hypotheses. It proposes that immigrants desiring to return back to homeland are more likely to maintain their ethnic divisiveness (Fisher, 1980). Such immigrants maintain ties and actively engage their families back in homeland. In a similar vein, Judge (2011) in his study identifies ‘racial and cultural differences’ as important hurdles in the assimilation process. Likewise, Gibson (1988) in his study of assimilation of Punjabi Sikhs in Sacramento Valley, San Francisco, pointed out the forced assimilation that Punjabi children were subjected to in their school. In their attempt to maintain their identity, the parents encouraged their children to maintain their identity and resist conformist pressures. Yet, they encouraged their children to adhere to the school norms and adopt the ‘good’ things of the American culture. In sum, they adopted the strategy of accommodation and acculturation without assimilation (ibid.).
Finally, the question arises whether immigrants prefer to assimilate or remain deterritorialised in an age characterised by electronics communication revolution. Critics prefer to use the word ‘transnational’ to refer to the practices and relationships linking immigrants to their country of origin (Smith, 2005). In other words, ‘transnationalism’ refers to ‘the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement’ (Basch et al., 1994). Transnationalism manifests ethnic identity and it can be evidenced, for example, from the support that the Indian cricket team receives from Indo-Trinidadians or Indo-Guyanese while playing in the Caribbean. As Gosine (1990) writes (the Indo-Trinidadians and Indo-Guyanese) fans ‘run out into the cricket field during play…to adorn the Indian players with garlends [sic] and sometimes even expensive jewelry’.
It may be noted that transnationalism like heterolocalism involves freedom from the constraints of spatial dimension and the liberty to be associated with one’s group. However, unlike heterolocalism, transnationalism operates at a higher level of geographical abstraction (Zelinsky & Lee, 1998). Thus, we use the term ‘heterolocal’ to describe the inter-ethnic close ties that spatially dispersed Bengali community members maintain with each other in Kansas City and ‘transnational’ to describe the sustainable ties that these Bengalis maintain with India. We found that after moving to the Kansas City, the immigrants promptly adopt a dispersed pattern of residential settlement and yet they maintain close ties with each other. Such ties were sustained through telephonic communication, events of Bengali associations, weekend parties and get-togethers, etc. Further, we observed that the workplace and residence of the Bengali immigrants were separated by a considerable distance.
Role of Ethnic Associations in the Context of Assimilation
Immigrants typically form ethnic associations when settling abroad and Indians are no exception. These associations do serve to maintain the ethnic culture of the immigrants and facilitate their adjustment in an alien environment. Rangaswamy’s (2000) study of the Indo-American Center in Chicago gives a detailed analysis of the functioning of an ethnic association in the USA. One of the prominent programmes offered by the Center is the Citizen’s Outreach Program. The programme prepares immigrants to apply for citizenship in the USA, offers English language coaching, and also lessons in USA history, constitution, and government to help immigrants to apply for USA citizenship. The centre also encourages civic engagement among the Indians as was evident from the various activities (free medical camp, inter-community sports tournament, etc.) that it organised (ibid.).
In his discussion of Indian American Networking Association (IANA) in Dallas, Dhingra (2003) underlines the functionality of ethnic associations in projecting the ‘model minority’ image in the host society. Apart from actively promoting civic engagement, IANA strives to counter the negative stereotypes that Americans have about Indians. Nevertheless, in their attempt to maintain the ‘model minority’ image, IANA downplayed and overlooked incidents of racial harassment and hate crimes in the area in the post 9/11 period (ibid.).
Brettell (2012) makes similar observation in her discussion on Indian Association of North Texas (IANT) in Dallas-Fort Worth (DFW). Apart from celebrating the cultural festivals, the association aims at achieving social and political incorporation of Indians in the USA. IANT also publishes a monthly magazine named ‘Bharati’, comprising of articles that help immigrants to successfully thrive in the American society.
Such view of ethnic associations is complimented by Cornell and Hartmann (1998), who believe that though ethnic associations strive to maintain cultural and religious heritage of immigrants, they lose much of their importance once the immigrants are residentially, occupationally, and socially absorbed in the host society. From the above discussions, we derive an essentialist view of ethnic associations in USA. Readers deduce that Indian ethnic associations are largely homogenous in nature and contribute towards assimilation of Indians in the USA. Insightful analysis by Bhat and Bhaskar (2007) revealed that ethnic associations apart from being divided into caste lines, for example, The Telugu Association of North America (TANA) and American Telugu Association (ATA), may also be divided on the basis of their objectives and activities.
Knowledge Gap on the Assimilation Process
This article highlights the assimilation pattern of a Bengali immigrant group in a mid-sized city where their presence is very limited. Kansas City had an estimated population of only 488,943 in 2017 and was 37th most populous city of the country (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). As per the US Census Bureau (2010), the Indian population in Kansas City and its neighbourhood was only 7,000. Therefore, Kansas City displays less ethnic/racial diversity than the metropolis of the nation. Evidentially speaking, the percentage of White population in Kansas City was 59.2 per cent (compared to 44 in New York), African American population was 29 per cent (25.5 in New York), Hispanic population was 10 per cent (28.6 in New York), Asian population was 2.5 per cent (12.7 in New York) (ibid.).
As the authors intended to examine assimilation pattern of a small immigrant group in a mid-sized city (Tier 4 City), Bengali population (700 as per the records of Bengali associations in Kansas City) in Kansas City was a qualified choice. The authors, thus, also examined the assimilation pattern and ethnic bonding of immigrants in an environment characterised by less diversity. This is important because existing research has only examined assimilation pattern of immigrants in the gateway cities of the USA where various ethnic and immigrant communities have substantial representations. In other words, this study examines the assimilation process of Bengali-Indians in an American city and American state distinguished by limited presence of immigrants.
The research, therefore, examines two variables like, ‘Levels of assimilation’ and ‘Dependence on ethnic amenities/associations’ by immigrant Bengalis in Kansas City in the course of its analysis. Based on the literature review and the identified knowledge gaps, the study explores the following research questions:
What purposes do ethnic amenities and associations serve to the immigrant Bengali professionals in the Kansas City Metropolitan Area? This research question is based on the hypothesis, derived from the existing literature, that ethnic associations of Indians in the USA largely facilitate assimilation of the immigrants through their civic/cultural engagements in the host society (Brettell, 2012; Dhingra, 2003) and hence lose much of their importance once the assimilation process is accomplished. How does the assimilation process proceed for Bengali immigrants who are increasingly settling in the suburban areas of Kansas City? Does suburbanisation necessarily lead to the culmination of assimilation process? Further, this research question is based on the ‘suburbanisation hypothesis’, derived from the existing literature, that assimilation is a function of social mobility (Gordon, 1964; Park & Burgess, 1921) and acquired residential propinquity with the mainstream White population in the suburbs (Alba & Nee, 1997; Khandelwal, 1995).
Methods of the Study
The study is empirical and qualitative in nature with observation and interviews as the main tools of data collection. Bengali immigrants and their families residing in the Kansas City Metropolitan Area were the subjects of the study. Kansas City had three Bengali associations (i.e., the Kansas City Bengali Association (KCBA), Sangam: Association of Bengalis in Kansas City, and Pratichi Club of Kansas City) and assistance of these associations were taken to identify the research subjects. Following the snowball sampling technique, the immigrants who agreed to be interviewed were requested to identify other possible respondents.
Open-ended interviews were conducted among seventy-five respondents, and ‘saturation’ technique was used to determine the number of respondents. Follow up questions were asked in case of any ambiguity or when responses demanded further clarification. All the interviews were recorded and later were transcribed. That apart detailed process notes were taken. Finally, the website of the associations, their events and celebrations, and literary artefacts (magazines, articles, drawings, etc.) were studied for richer insights. For maintaining anonymity in this study, the actual names of the respondents are replaced with alphanumeric characters. The profile of the sample is provided in Table 1. The sample included forty IT professionals, twenty-eight scientific professionals (i.e., academics, research associates, doctoral students, architects, consultants, physician, etc.), seven other occupations (small business owners, homemakers, school and college students, etc.). In terms of educational qualifications, fifty-four respondents were professionals/postgraduate degree holders, fourteen respondents were graduates, and seven were undergraduates (homemakers and students).
Profile of Sample Immigrant Bengalis in Kansas City
Findings and Analysis
Ethnic Amenities and Associations
Interviews revealed that immigrants valued the presence of ethnic amenities (such as ethnic grocery stores, ethnic restaurants, theatres screening Indian Hindi/Bangla movies, temples, etc.) in Kansas City. However, they prioritised ethnic grocery store and temples over other ethnic amenities. The reason being the services of Indian restaurants and theatres screening Hindi/Bangla movies could be reproduced in the home setting.
Kansas City has approximately twenty Indian grocery stores and they have a comprehensive stock of Indian groceries and household items. Thus, the Bengali-Indian professionals preferred to have an Indian grocery store in town because they need Indian spices, edible oil, pulses, Indian fish, and vegetables to cook their food at home. As respondent I described:
‘We have three Indian grocery stores nearby our house. They have exhaustive collections of Indian grocery products and household items. Can you believe that they even import fish (the Bengali delicacies like ‘Hilsa’ and ‘Pabda’) to cater to the Bengalis? If I were to think hard to point out what’s unavailable in the stores, I would say very few. Because we (Bengalis) regularly cook Indian dishes at our homes, it is essential to have Indian grocery stores in town’.
Immigrants believed that ethnic food is a marker of their identity and the very taste, sight, and smell of ethnic food items invoked a sense of nostalgia. Ethnic diasporas could be differentiated on the basis of their food habits and culinary methods. Thus, bonding with co-ethnics over food was well evident in the events, parties, and get-togethers. X, a long-term migrant to the USA, shared:
‘Bengalis are known for their love for food. So, ethnic food (beguni, posto, luchi, koshamangsho, etc.) forms an integral part of all Bengali events. We left India but not our food’.
As a matter of fact, Bengali events, get-togethers, and festivals were always accompanied by potluck parties, in which all the invitees contributed a dish. Such parties thus allowed invitees to try a variety of ethnic dishes and delicacies without burdening the host with cooking all the dishes by themselves. So, the concept of ‘hosting a party’ is redefined in the land of plenty where the host contributes with time and space and not with food. In contrast to the tradition in India the host is supposed to do all. This is an instance, where ethnics adopted mainstream American culture when it added to their convenience. As respondent Q posited:
‘Life in America is very fast and so we cannot afford to prepare all day long for a party. Generally, when we host a party, we make it potluck party and the host provides only the space and time for organizing the party…. Thus, we adopt elements of American culture when it suits us’.
Among the various sites of conviviality of Bengalis in Kansas City, the Hindu Temple and Cultural Center occupies a prominent place. It catered to the Hindu community in the area irrespective of their ethnic differences. It celebrates almost all the major Hindu festivals and recently organised RathaYatra. As the name suggests, the centre is closely associated with the preservation of Hindu culture and imparting it to the second-generation immigrants. In line with its objectives, the centre regularly offers lessons in ‘bhajan’ and traditional Indian dance forms. Some of the Bengali kids were observed to be attending such classes. Interestingly, it was found that temple attendance varied according to the age of the respondents. While the elderly immigrants were found to be regularly visiting temples, the younger immigrants are visiting temples only when there were some religious occasions.
The extent of dependence of the respondents on various ethnic amenities is summarised in Table 2.
Extent of Dependence on Ethnic Amenities in Kansas City
The Bengali immigrants were also found to be actively involved with the Bengali associations in the city. Kansas City had three Bengali associations namely, Sangam: Association of Bengalis in Kansas City; Pratichi Club of Kansas City and the Kansas City Bengali Association (KCBA). All the respondents were associated with at least one of the organisations.
The ‘Sangam: Association of Bengalis in Kansas City’ was established in 1995 and it aimed at promoting cultural, literary and religious tradition of Bengalis in the Midwest Region of the USA. Apart from celebrating most of the Bengali festivals like Durga Puja, Kali Puja, etc., Sangam publishes an annual magazine ‘Desh Bidesh’. This annual magazine is a collection of Bengali and English articles, poems and paintings.
The Pratichi Club of Kansas City is the second association of Bengalis in the area. The uniqueness of the association stems from the fact it focuses on fostering various art forms within the local community. In this spirit, it has organised several musical concerts, dance performances and workshops in the past.
The Kansas City Bengali Association (KCBA) was established in 2010. As per the constitution of KCBA, the association celebrates authentic ‘Bengalism’ and promotes Bengali identity among its members. The association does not restrict its initiatives to organising social and cultural programmes, throughout the year, like, Mahalaya celebration, Durga Puja, Kali Puja (Diwali), Saraswati Puja, Holi, Poila Baisakh celebration, and so on. It also organises celebrity performances (e.g., Babul Supriyo, Saptak Bhattacharjee and Somlata Acharya, etc.). Its members actively participate in singing, recitation of poems/verses, Natok (drama), Shrutinatok, and so on. Its website provides Bengali calendar, links to Bengali news channels and various Bengali recipes.
The purpose of ethnic association was further elaborated by D in the following words:
‘Our ethnic associations not only help maintain our customs and traditions, they inculcate among our younger generation the Bengali culture. The associations regularly organize events comprising of plays, speech only theatre, recitations, etc. We experience a sense of belonging in such parties’.
Respondent J1 shared differently:
‘I am an active member of Pratichi. I feel without Bengali associations we will feel alienated….. We Bengalis cannot do without Durga Puja, it is organized to make us feel at home’.
Care was taken to adhere to most of intricate customs while celebrating any religious festival. For instance, the priest appointed for any of the festivals happened to be a Brahmin member, members left their shoes aside when participating in Puja, vegetarian Prasad was distributed during the Puja celebrations, etc. Interestingly, during the Saraswati Puja, few children were found to undergo ‘haatekhari’ (initiation ceremony to education) and that too the very first word that the children wrote (holding the hand of the priest) was in Bengali vernacular. Respondent K2, the father of the child undergoing ‘haatekhari’ explained:
‘My son is four year old and today he will be undergoing “haatekhori”. Since we are organizing Saraswati Puja here, we (the respondent and his wife) thought why to let go this opportunity. The ceremony may not have much meaning for others, but it gives us a sense of continuity to our cultural past’.
The associations also organised Bengali language classes for the children and the parents emphasised on their children not only learning the language but also knowing the correct pronunciation and accent of a particular word. Respondent O aptly described the uniqueness of a Bengali ethnic association in the following words:
‘Apart from religious occasions, Bengali associations organize many cultural activities like enacting plays, poetry recitations, musical concerts, etc. These events satisfy our “cultural” thirst that form an indispensable part of our “Bengali-ness”. Such events are not organized by other Indian associations as these cater to all ethnicities from India and not just to Bengalis’.
The activities of the ethnic associations and the varied involvement of immigrants to those associations are presented in Table 3. The table is indicative of the fact that the Bengali immigrants have high level of involvement with their ethnic associations in Kansas City. Particularly KCBA being culturally very active, shows very high level of involvements. And this is very likely to counter the process of assimilation of immigrants to the mainstream American society.
Varied Levels of Involvement of Immigrants with Their Ethnic Associations
Apart from the events and activities organised by the Bengali associations, Bengali families regularly arranged for parties and get-togethers. Such get-togethers are basically potluck parties and guests were found to be discussing varied social issues over food. Parties are helpful for strengthening the bonding social capital among the immigrants. Respondent G2 explained functionality of the Bengali get-togethers in the following words:
‘Here in the USA we badly miss the good old days in Kolkata. Especially, we miss the Bengali adda (gossip and chit-chat corner) that we share with our friends. Parties basically attempt to recreate the ambience of Bengali adda. We eat ilish (hilsa fish), paturi, sing Rabindra Sangeet, watch Uttam Kumar enacted movies to reminisce our bygone days’.
Most of these small but regular gatherings are for catching up with old friends. Respondent O, who is a frequent organiser of Bengali get-togethers in Kansas City says, ‘Bengalis reciprocate the invitations of their friends and hence one party often leads to another. Thus, there is a party almost every weekend and sometimes people are forced to be selective about attending parties. But it is likely to strain social relations within the small community’.
An elderly professional underlined the importance of parties in maintaining a closely-knit Bengali community. Such get-togethers provide the platform for maintaining and renewing the ethnic ties. As Respondent X elucidated:
‘We are in a foreign land. Here co-ethnics are like your family. Parties give us the chance to renew your ties with fellow Bengalis in the town. These are the people whom we can rely upon in times of distress. We stand by each other at times of urgency and distress’.
Thus, the ethnic bonding does not stay limited to sharing ethnic/cultural amenities only. The ethnic bonding often goes beyond and gets transformed into a social capital. Unwittingly the immigrants invest heavily in cultivating family/personal relations where they behave like extended family members in India. The mutual trust built on reciprocity of presents/visits on family occasions leads to lasting relations that comes handy at times of urgency and distress. This could be possible greatly because of the small size of the community.
Assimilation of Bengalis in Suburban Neighbourhoods
Bengalis in Kansas City reside in the Overland Park, a posh suburban neighbourhood having all the urban amenities. In fact, Overland Park area is one of the most highly rated suburban neighbourhoods in the USA. In 2010, the Money magazine ranked the Overland Park as the seventh best city to reside. Similarly, in 2009 Business week magazine recognised Overland Park as one of the best places to raise kids and U.S. News rated Kansas City third in the list of ten best places to raise children.
However, Bengalis reside in the Overland Park mainly for availing the better schooling opportunities available in the area. The Blue Valley School District in the Overland Park area is one of the most renowned school districts of the country. Interestingly, Bengalis in the Overland Park area are residentially dispersed and residential clustering is not observed among them. Thus, borrowing from Zelinsky and Lee (1998), we have used the term ‘heterolocalism’ to describe the lack of spatial propinquity among Bengali professionals in Kansas City.
The assimilation of the Bengali immigrants could be articulated into economic, cultural and political dimensions.
Economic Dimension
Overland Park is also the headquarter of many Fortune 500 companies such as the YRC Worldwide, Black and Veatch, Waddell and Reed, Ash Grove Cement Company, Examinetics, Compass Minerals and Ferrellgas, etc. Many of the immigrants were engaged in these companies and considered themselves to be economically assimilated. In the words of respondent G:
‘Yes, economically I consider myself assimilated to the life in the USA… I feel that I have overachieved by migrating to the USA. In five years of my job in the USA, I have had enough money to travel around the world. Apart from being professionally successful, I have bought a house in a posh locality, changed five cars in five years and so things have happened for me’.
Respondents believed that in offices they work shoulder to shoulder with their American colleagues and felt their proficiency in the English language aids this process. Interestingly, several respondents believed that the assimilation of immigrants to the mainstream culture is a function of the economic situation of the host country. As Respondent S noted:
‘I feel that it is challenging for immigrants to assimilate in the present situation of economic recession. This is so because there is a covert feeling among the Americans that immigrants are here to take away their jobs. I feel that it will pose a greater challenge if America faces economic stagnation in the coming years. I believe immigrants are accepted to the USA only because poverty level is comparatively less in this country. The moment natives start developing a sense of deprivation, immigrants will face issues on getting accepted to American society’.
Many respondents, however, posited that their greater involvement and responsibilities in the office leave them with very little time to socialise with the Americans outside the office environment. Given their busy schedule, Bengali professionals admitted they could have assimilated better if they had fewer family responsibilities and lesser attachments to Bengali associations in Kansas City. Respondent C reflected:
‘I consider myself to be fully assimilated in my job environment, but I am not so well assimilated in the social sphere. I believe that I could have assimilated more if I were single and was less associated with Bengali organizations in Kansas City. Now, because of the family responsibilities I hardly have time to interact with American neighbors/friends beyond office hours’.
Cultural Dimension
Many professionals appreciated the fact that immigrants are well-received in the USA and are not forced to forsake any aspects of their own culture. They believed that the accommodating nature of the host society helps them to maintain and practice their culture. Respondent M reflected in a similar manner:
‘I believe that America is the only country where immigrants can reside without forsaking any aspects of their culture….I have seen many Indian women buying groceries in Kansas City wearing a saree (a traditional attire of Indian women) without anybody bothering them’.
Most immigrants appreciated the culture of pluralism existing in the USA. In the words of respondent D, a long-time resident in the USA:
‘Culture in the USA is often described as a “salad bowl” and I consider myself to be a part of the “salad bowl”’.
The ‘time period of migration’ was perceived to have influenced the assimilation process. Respondents believed that earlier immigrants were forced to assimilate because of the limited presence of co-ethnics in the USA. Respondent R1 reasoned:
‘I feel that the “period of migration” should be an important consideration for the assimilation process. For instance, Mrs. X (the oldest Bengali in Kansas City, who came here 45 years ago) was forced to assimilate because she was the only Indian in Kansas City. She had to mingle with Americans to have a social life’.
Some other immigrants believed that the presence of a sizeable co-ethnics in the city reduces the chance of interaction and assimilation with the mainstream American society. Bengali get-together and events organised by Bengali associations engage the professionals during their leisure hours and thus restricts their chances of assimilation with the mainstream American society outside the office. As respondent T observed:
‘The level of assimilation with the American society depends on the city in which you reside. For instance, in Kansas City, there are quite a few Bengali families and I prefer to mingle with them. Conversely, when I was in Boise, Idaho, there was only one Bengali family and so my initiative of assimilating with the Americans increased. And, I had a very good experience about it and was well-received by the Americans. Sometimes I feel that the fault lies with us and we don’t take adequate measures to know and mingle with the mainstream society when we have a substantial presence of co-ethnics in the town’.
With regard to mannerism and etiquettes, most professionals believed that they have acquired ‘cultural capital’ required to navigate in the American society. However, those who stated that they were in the process of acquiring the necessary ‘cultural capital’, appreciated the fact that such etiquettes were never enforced on them. Respondent K elucidates:
‘It takes time for the new immigrants to get accustomed to the American ways of life….I, for instance, took my own time to get adjusted to the table manners, accustomed to greeting the strangers when I had eye contact, holding the door open for someone coming behind me, etc. ….The society allowed me to adjust at my own pace’.
Political Dimension
The immigrant professionals interviewed were mostly H1B visa and Green Card holders. While the Green Card holders are eligible to vote in the local elections, they are not allowed to vote in the federal elections. So, their political assimilation is to some extent restricted by the state. Otherwise also we had little evidence supporting their participation in local self-government in Kansas City/Missouri. As Respondent I posited:
‘I am a Green Card Holder and am not allowed to cast my vote in the federal elections…. It is on the day of election that I am made to realize that I don’t belong to the USA. So, I would say that I am not politically assimilated to this society’.
Respondent A contested in a similar vein:
‘The State is apprehensive that if it allows immigrants to vote, it will draw more immigrants to the country…. I don’t understand if the state can accept tax from me, why can’t it allow me to cast my vote?’
In terms of involvement in civic and charitable activities, few Bengali professionals were found to be involved in such activities. Some respondents, for example, mentioned about their involvement in relief work for the victims of the tornado in Joplin, Missouri. Yet, they recognised that their hectic work schedule and family responsibilities come in the way of more political and community participations.
In concordance with Smith’s (2005) portrayal of transnational ties that Ticuani immigrants had with Mexico, the Bengali immigrants were found to share similar ties with India. With the tremendous proliferation of communication technologies and mass media, the respondents were found to be very much in touch with the political and social happenings in India. Respondent C revealed:
‘Yes, I am very much aware of the current happenings in India and, I read 3–4 Indian newspapers and follow TV news channels regularly. I am well-acquainted with the current political scenario in India…. Also, I should add that “Facebook” helps me to stay updated about happenings in India…. I with Indian friends often exchange views about important happenings in India on Facebook. I should say that staying aware of happenings in India is easier now than it was a few years ago’.
Thus by and large most first-generation immigrants considered their assimilation as segmental.
Crediting the contribution of technology towards the maintenance of transnational ties, respondent S shared that, apart from regular email exchanges, means of social media like, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, WhatsApp, and so on, have facilitated regular exchanges with friends/relatives in India. Respondents were found to be extremely familiar also with the various Indian Government initiatives, such as Pravasi Bharatiya Bima Yojna, Persons of Indian Origin Card, Overseas Citizens of India, Scholarship Programme for Diaspora Children, etc., for the oversea Indians. Thus, we find that the Indian state is actively creating Diaspora rather than Diaspora transcending and being liberated from the state.
The varied responses of Bengali immigrants on different indicators of assimilation, as depicted in Table 4, are indicative of their segmental assimilation to the American society. The respondents evidently have acquired very well the economic mobility, residential mobility, spoken English proficiency, and English etiquettes and mannerisms. But they acquired very little in terms of inter-racial marriages, dietary habits, dressing habits, and involvement in neighbourhood activities. Thus, they are found to be lagging behind on the indicators of socio-cultural assimilation.
Varied Levels of Assimilation Among Immigrants on Different Indicators
Derivations and Conclusion
The study examined the functioning of ethnic organisations and assimilation dynamics of a small Bengali community in a mid-sized city of the USA. While research on assimilation and residential segregation have always focused on gateway cities of the USA characterised by larger presence of immigrants, this study examined the assimilation process in a city and state distinguished by limited presence of immigrants.
Bengalis mostly reside in the Overland Park area and their choice is primarily based on the presence of good schools in the neighbourhood. They formed a close-knit unit and their bonding social capital was sustained through cultural activities of ethnic associations, ethnic amenities (in the form of ethnic grocery stores, temple, periodicals, etc.), ethnic festivals, weekend parties and get-togethers. Actually, such bonding social capital positively affected the retention of Bengalis in the city. These could well be the reason for segmental assimilation.
To elaborate, Kansas City does not offer the quality and kind of urban exposure opportunities as provided by the larger cities of the USA like Chicago, New York, Washington DC, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, Houston, etc. Since ethnics in the bigger cities have varieties of urban exposure opportunities (e.g., very large scale Malls like, Destiny USA/Mall of America/King of Prussia, etc., amusement parks and resorts like Disneyland, art galleries, concert halls, monuments, museums, places of historical importance, great/international cultural events and exhibitions, etc.), they do not feel the urge to stay confined within their ethnic associations. There is also a corresponding rise in civic participation as illustrated from the functioning of civic associations in New York and Dallas (Brettell, 2012; Dhingra, 2003).
Furthermore, this study has found that residential mobility to the white neighbourhoods may be attained at the initial years of migration sans the well-accomplished acculturation process. This could happen because of the faster economic mobility/assimilation achieved by the immigrants. But this finding is in contravention to the assumption of classical assimilation theory and Khandelwal’s (1995) study that ethnic enclaves serve as a springboard for eventual integration in the mainstream society. The findings, therefore, challenged the notion that assimilation process comes to an end when the immigrants move slowly to the suburban neighbourhoods from the core areas (downtown) of the city endowed with good infrastructure. The heterolocalism model that was adopted in this study adds to the pluralistic model in highlighting that Bengali immigrants in Kansas City achieved residential propinquity with the mainstream population at the very outset of their settlement and they do not display clustering with co-ethnics.
Apart from portraying and perpetuating the ‘model-minority image’ and providing opportunities for civic engagement (Dhingra, 2003; Rangaswamy, 2000), the study establishes that ethnic associations, in a small but homogenous community, equip immigrants with ‘ethnic capital’ that sustains the community despite heterolocalism. The lack of residential clustering among Bengalis in Kansas City implies that the maintenance of bonding social capital does not require close geographical propinquity. In short, we found that suburbanisation does not necessarily imply assimilation.
The study revealed that most respondents considered that American society offers ample opportunities for the immigrants to assimilate. Importantly, they emphasised the fact that they are not forced to forsake any aspects of their culture in the United States. While improvement in socioeconomic standing, acculturation (measured in terms of English proficiency), and duration of stay in the United States are typically recognised as assimilating factors (Alba & Logan, 1993), this study identified other variables such as the accent of English speaking, the time period of migration, and the presence of co-ethnics in the city that differentially influence the assimilation chances of immigrants in the mainstream society.
Nonetheless, a majority of respondents considered their assimilation to American society to be segmental. While they considered themselves to be fully assimilated in their job environment, they did not consider this to be true in the social and political sphere. Their assimilation to the job environment is reflective of their better economic well-being which further results in their movement to suburban neighbourhoods. But this early movement to residential suburbs caused by their professional well-being is only reflective of their segmental assimilation to the mainstream American society. In spite of being in a residential suburban neighbourhood the immigrants had little involvement in their neighbourhood activities or community participation. Furthermore, the denial of some of the prominent civic rights coupled with strong transnational ties was found to manifest the ethnic identities of the immigrants. This phenomenon is indeed segmental assimilation. Hence it becomes too obvious that overindulgence of Bengali immigrants with their ethnic associations and their subsequent ethnic bonding slowed down their socio-cultural assimilation to American society. Thus, a finer ethnic bonding may be holding back the socio-cultural assimilation process of the immigrants in Kansas City but cannot be conclusively said to be so. Because racism in the USA is not fully dead and it worked as deterrent to assimilation of Indian immigrants to mainstream American society. Thus, it seems both pull and push factors are together at work. The very fact, that ethnic associations are thriving because of the overindulgence of ethnic immigrants, is indicative of the pull factor (native spirit) at work. Similarly, the slowdown of the socio-cultural assimilation process of the immigrants owing to over-indulgence with ethnic associations is also indicative of the repelling push factor (tacit racism in American society) at work. The ethnic associations do provide a comfort zone to the immigrants in a foreign country where the host society is culturally and racially different making assimilation a very long drawn process. The very fear of racially induced implicit social rejections keeps the immigrants close-knit. These findings deviate from the arguments made by earlier researchers like Piore (1979) and Massey (1981) that assimilation necessarily follows social mobility, suggesting that this proposition cannot necessarily be generalised. Nevertheless, it is a trendsetting finding.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
Acknowledge with thanks to Prof. W. Richard Goe, Professor of Sociology, Kansas State University, for his support and advice.
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.