Paradox of Tribal Integration Amidst Resistance: A Study of Bakarwals in Jammu and Kashmir

Introduction

Since India’s independence, the tribal areas have witnessed modernisation, which has brought about significant social, economic, cultural, political and infrastructural changes (Malik, 2020). The tribal people of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) are no exception to these changes. Historically, J&K has been considerably influenced by deep-seated historical, socio-psychological and economic factors. Its strategic importance, sensitive borders, geographical location, cultural heritage, demographic composition and intra-regional diversities make it more vulnerable to external challenges. J&K has been a source of conflict and animosity between India and Pakistan since 1947. Furthermore, political instability and conflicts, such as the insurgency since 1989, add complexity to local people’s sociocultural fabric, shaping the context for understanding the impact of militancy on their traditional way of life.

J&K is the homeland of sixteen Scheduled Tribal communities. Among them, twelve were given formal status under the Constitution (Jammu & Kashmir) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1989 and the Constitution (Jammu & Kashmir) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1991. On 12 February 2024, four further tribes have been included in the list. The tribes or tribal communities listed are designated as Scheduled Tribes (STs): (a) Balti, (b) Beda, (c) Bot, Boto, (d) Brokpa, Drokpa Dard, Shin, (e) Changpa, (f) Garra, (g) Mon, (h) Purigpa, (i) Gujjar, (j) Bakarwal, (k) Gaddi, (l) Sippi, (m) Paddari Tribe, (n) Pahari Ethnic Group, (o) Purigpa and (p) Sippi. According to the 2011 census, the STs in the state have a population of 1,493,299, accounting for 11.9% of the total population in J&K. Relevant to this article, the Bakarwal tribe is included in the list under the Constitution Scheduled Tribes Order Amendment Act, 1991. Thereupon, the Bakarwals were enumerated officially for the first time during the Census 2001 (Dar, 2023) and are considered the second-largest tribe after Gujjars in J&K. According to the 2011 census, the population of Bakarwals is 113,198, which constitute 7.58% of the total tribal population. Interestingly, Bakarwals share similarities and affinities with Gujjars regarding ethnicity, history, culture, language and traditional lineages (Rajput et al., 2022; Singh, 1997). However, Bakarwals also stand juxtaposed with Gujjars, revealing the contrasting lifestyles and occupations. Gujjars are often associated with settled agriculture and cattle herding, though Bakarwals traditionally engage in pastoral nomadism, reflecting the rich diversity within these communities. Indeed, the Gujjar–Bakarwal communities are frequently treated as a singular entity due to shared ethnic and historical ties, underscoring the complexities of identity perception and the nuanced relationships that exist within these interconnected groups. Both are economically vulnerable and politically underrepresented (Javaid & Sengupat, 2024).

The history of settlement of various tribes and cultural groups in J&K is a record of constant impulses of immigration. The earliest documentary reference to the Bakarwals of J&K goes back to 1899. They are not only culturally akin to the Gujjar of the greater Punjab, Swat-Kohistan and the Kashmir area but also to Pashtun, Awan and other communities towards the west and southwest (Rao & Casimir, 1982). Subsequently, it is contested whether the Bakarwals are originally from a specific pastoral community or ‘transhumant villagers’ who are now collectively recognised as the Bakarwals of J&K (Sharma, 2009). It is thus complex to highlight crucial features of their migration to the terrains of J&K (Khatana, 1984; Rahi, 2016). Some believe that the major reason for their immigration was political and economic, while the main immigration was on account of the search for pasture lands (Khatana, 1984).

Bakarwals belong to the Sunni sect of Islam and live in both regions, Jammu and Kashmir, although most of them reside in the Jammu division, especially in the Pir Panjal Range (Sofi, 2013). People call them Bakarwals as they raise big herds of goats known as ‘Bakri’. Most Bakarwals speak Bakarwali, a dialect of Gorjari related to Rajasthani–Haryanvi. Linguistically, Bakarwals are more like the Dogri, Pahari and Punjabi-speaking communities of the Jammu-Poonch belt as compared to the Kashmiri-speaking people in the valley (Sharma, 2009). While primarily dependent on their livestock, Bakarwals also have agricultural and allied jobs. They sell livestock, milk, wool and the hides of animals at the markets, especially during their summer pasturage. They own sheep, goats and horses or mules and dogs, but at times, they also rear the livestock of others on a contract basis. The Bakarwals live in mobile tents instead of permanent houses. The portability of these mobile tents facilitates their transportation from one place to another (Mohan et al., 2023).

The article examines the paradox of integration amidst resistance among the Bakarwal tribe of J&K. Their status as ST leads to an intergroup conflict between the Bakarwals and the Paharis, the immediate local population (Bhat, 2014). Due to this animosity, the Scheduled Tribes Order (Amendment) Bill, 2023 was introduced in Lok Sabha on 26 July 2023 to include four more such communities in the list, as noted in 2024. The study is qualitative in nature and is based on narratives of the Bakarwal community. The data collection and analysis were conducted by the first author from July to November 2023. A total number of 23 interviews were conducted, mostly from Rajouri, Anantnag and Kulgam. The second author significantly contributed to refining the themes and writing the article. The participants’ responses were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim, followed by translation into English. More importantly, cultural sensitivity was considered central to obtaining better rapport and increased cooperation from the Bakarwals.

Everyday Life and Resistance of the Bakarwals

This section focuses on how Bakarwals (Adler et al., 1987; Heller, 2015) are vulnerable to exploitation in their daily lives. Schutz (1967) highlighted the central importance of the meanings that individuals attach to different situations in everyday life. It decodes and recodes, telling grounds of collective order and diversity, inclusion and exclusion patterns. Moreover, it describes the processes of innovation and structuration (Clifford & Marcus, 1986). An engagement with lived experiences allows one to understand the ‘tacit practice’ through which everyday reality unfolds itself (Johansson & Vinthagen, 2019). While the act of resistance in such everyday practices might be small, scattered or tacit, they are very significant in questioning power structures and highlighting the value of human rights. Johansson and Vinthagen’s (2019, pp. 9–10) concept of everyday resistance is relevant here. They dissociate the idea of everyday resistance from ‘intention’ or consciousness about the act of resisting and focus on the larger circumstances within which such acts happen. Surviving conditions of domination are made up of acts that are ‘purposefully hidden or disguised’, occur in frameworks of power that take multiple forms in everyday contexts, are imbued in history extending over generations, and are contingent on the changing conditions. This formulation helps in comprehending the contemporary dynamics of everyday resistance among the Bakarwal, as they endure hardships to keep up with their traditional livelihood of pastoralism. Everyday resistance, for the Bakarwal, is the mode of survival.

For the Bakarwal, mobility poses one such site of everyday resistance. The livelihood of Bakarwals nomads is based on the domestication of livestock and transhumance or seasonal migration (Barfield, 2011; Dyson-Hudson & Dyson-Hudson, 1980). Their mobility, along with that of livestock, is an environmental response to harsh conditions (Koocheki & Gliessman, 2005). Mobility, a vital element of the pastoral way of life, was significantly hindered because of wider political developments (Mahajan, 2021) and conflictual situations (Parvaiz, 2018). Pastoralism is comprised of transhumance and a nomadic way of life (Namgay et al., 2013), and pastoral nomads migrate according to a seasonal schedule (Jahnke, 1982). It is considered an ancient form of self-sufficiency that is still widely used in modern culture (Weber & Horst, 2011). More importantly, pastoralism came first and then came settled agriculture (Flannery, 1965; Khazanov, 1994), as people moved to areas with irregular precipitation and/or low output. Bakarwals thus began to depend on domesticated livestock for sustenance rather than on agrarian produce (Cummins, 2009; Salzman, 2004). During the transhumance or seasonal movement, they encounter numerous difficulties and threats, such as unpaved paths, road accidents, violent conflicts, bandit robberies, remote travel paths, attacks by animals and a deficiency of health care and improved educational opportunities (Rajput et al., 2022). Also, increasing border skirmishes endanger their lives and herds and prevent them from staying in the upper reaches or following their usual migratory paths (Rajput et al., 2022). Their mobility and traditional way of life make them particularly vulnerable during times of political and military unrest. The Bakarwal community, which was regarded as an independent and exciting tribe in the past, is currently neglected by the government.

The second site of everyday resistance is evident in their continuance of nomadic lifestyle despite governmental initiatives to sedentarise them. One of the ways of bringing the Bakarwal into the mainstream has been to provide reservations to them. While critically evaluating the topic of reservation, myth and reality, Louis (2003) stated succinctly that there has been no marked improvement in their social condition even after several decades of the implementation of reservation policy. The instrument of reservation or protective discrimination is nothing but an attempt to create conditions so that those placed in grossly iniquitous conditions can compete with the traditionally privileged (Oommen, 2011). Reservations and reserves perpetuated racial segregation, administrative paternalism and lower-class status for Indian people (Robert, 1985). Marc (1984) argued that the rationale behind the reservation policy is that the historically disadvantaged population should be provided with preferential treatment. However, there are huge implementation problems that also affect the Bakarwals. Puri (2009) highlights the understanding of the paradoxical outcome concerning resistance and participation in J&K. The narratives of Bakarwals from the field clearly showed how despite positive affirmations provided by the government, the Bakarwals lag in progress and development. Sharma (2009) elaborated that about 97% of Bakarwals lead nomadic and about 3% lead a sedentary life, while Parvez Dewan showed that only 1% have been sedentarised. Therefore, pastoralism remains the primary means of livelihood (Ingold, 1996). As pastoralism is a primary occupation for several people, it will continue, especially in the Greater Himalayas and Central Asia (Sharma, 2009).

It is revealed from narratives collected by community members that they continue to be marginalised because of a lack of governmental intervention. Analyses of the government programmes provided to Bakarwals for transiting their migrations eventually fall short of the desired outcome because much of the population is left without access and only the wealthier section benefit from government projects. The government promises of mobile clinics for Bakarwals remain unmet, as veterinary doctors seldom accompany the community in the forests, leaving livestock without adequate care and burdening the community with reliance on limited resources and traditional healing methods. Some members of the Bakarwal community narrated:

Living near forest areas compounds our struggles, as we lack access to healthcare facilities, resorting to makeshift solutions like carrying patients on unsafe native tools during medical emergencies due to the absence of nearby medical facilities.

Besides healthcare concerns and issues, Bakarwals fight for enduring traditions and rugged existence. There is an inexpressible struggle related to the right to education. In the core of Bakarwal camps, under the open skies and in the swirling dust, children gather eagerly, clutching tattered books and worn-out pencils to enhance their capacities. Therefore, their hunger for knowledge has been tangible, a beacon of hope amid the harsh realities of their nomadic lifestyle. However, their education journey is troubled by severe challenges including language differences, a lack of culturally relevant teaching materials and discrimination exacerbating the sense of alienation, and thereby access to formal education is often a distant dream. The curriculum in mainstream schools often fails to resonate with the rich traditions and values of the Bakarwal community. With their transient way of life, moving from one grazing ground to another illustrates that attending regular schools becomes logistically impossible. The nearest school may be miles away, inaccessible across treacherous terrain, making it difficult for these children to receive education persistently. So, it reflects the Bakarwal tribe is an example of educational marginalisation and exclusion within the fabric of India’s diverse cultures, given their low literacy rates and limited access to school. Their limited educational possibilities keep them in the lower strata of society and severely hinder their chances of socio-economic improvement. While interacting with some Bakarwals, they narrated:

We move around a lot; we spend half a year in the Pir Panjal Range and another half a year in Kashmir, so it is difficult for our kids to get a regular education. We anticipate that the government will support us so that we can establish ourselves in a specific area.

Thus, education for tribals is not just a matter of academic learning but also a gateway to promote inclusivity, and integration and provide opportunities for them by investing in tribal education and contributing to building a more equitable society. For the Bakarwals, the educational prospects are bleak, especially after-school education. Very few students succeed in continuing their education. Due to a combination of institutional support deficiencies, socio-economic limitations, and systemic impediments, thus the majority of Bakarwal students are unable to pursue higher education. A Bakarwal in Kulgam area narrated that ‘only a few children were able to attend nearby schools adjacent to temporary deras, but after we relocate to winter pastures, they will not be able to attend the same schools’. This highlights the significant educational gap and the reason for an increase in dropout rates. A closer examination of different age groups within these families revealed that most Bakarwals either never attended school or, if given the opportunity, received education only up to below primary level. When asked about the educational attainment of their families, a few respondents narrated, ‘even those among our children who have managed to attain some level of education find it challenging to secure government jobs’. One respondent further argued that ‘the lack of mobile schools makes our academic journey worse. Also, the makeshift schools lack even the most basic facilities’.

The lack of educational opportunities perpetuates a cycle of poverty and limited possibilities for the Bakarwal people. Individuals with less education are more vulnerable to exploitation, have fewer career prospects, and experience less social mobility. The ensuing intergenerational cycle of educational deprivation solidifies the community’s second-class status as citizens and prevents them from breaking free from the confines of marginalisation. In both regions, a few respondents mentioned that ‘we are being assured of many government schemes, but have rarely witnessed any tangible benefits from them. The gap between the theory and practice of these schemes worsens our challenges to finding education, healthcare and stable work’.

The third site of resistance is in response to being denied forest rights under the STs, and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006—also known as the Forest Rights Act or FRA, 2006. FRA was initially implemented in 2008 and then amended in 2012. This Act aimed to provide compensation and a protected means of support through community conservation to help guard forests. It ensures the livelihood and food security of forest-dependent communities and allows forest-dwelling communities to claim rights of ownership and accessibility of forest resources (Satpathy, 2017). Furthermore, the Act officially recognises three types of rights, namely land rights, rights to use and collect forest produce and rights to protect and conserve (ibid). Nevertheless, the great expectations raised by the Act have been dashed due to a combination of factors, including the state’s insufficient policy response and the Act’s delayed implementation of community forest rights (Sarap, 2017). The Tribal Affairs Department, in partnership with the Forest Department, arranged historic events in September 2021 to formally launch the FRA in Srinagar and Jammu. Tribal forest residents received titles from the Lieutenant Governor of the Union Territory of J&K. The initial move towards empowering these groups was taken following a protracted lack of interest in the state respecting their rights (Choudhary, 2023). This Act is an essential instrument for achieving good governance since it guarantees social justice, equality, fundamental human rights, grassroots democracy and transparency and it is a genuine attempt to give marginalised groups fundamental human rights protection and provision (Jazib, 2021). Also, numerous environmental concerns regarding forest policies surfaced during the late 1970s (Sarap & Sarangi, 2016). One of the persons from a group of Bakarwals narrated:

Our ancestral nomadic lifestyle is rooted in forests and pastures but faces threats from inadequate forest preservation policies, leading to land closures and loss of vital grazing areas, severely affecting the socio-economic well-being. We demand forest rights and access to traditional pastures, advocating for shelters along migratory routes to sustain our nomadic lifestyle. Legal restrictions on gathering firewood for cooking intensify economic struggles, increasing reliance on scarce or expensive alternatives, further straining resources.

Exploring the Field Narratives of Bakarwals

This section highlights the narratives of Bakarwals that capture an emic or insider perspective of life, work and relationship with the larger society and the state. Exploring the narratives (Cohan & Shires, 2002; Hyvärinen, 2008; Kreiswirth, 2000; Langellier & Peterson, 2004; Schmidt, 2008; Walker, 2004) has special significance for the tribal community (Islam et al., 2014; Saunkeah et al., 2021). This study employs the notion of subjectivity to assert that there is a perception held by the Bakarwals that has contributed to the formation of their daily habitual existence. While we believe subjectivity is a compilation of personal encounters, ideological convictions and the authority exerted over individual dispositions and choices. The Bakarwals with the flock in Anantnag narrated:

We are nomadic and travel every year from the plains of Jammu to the pastures in the terrains of Pir Panjal and other Himalayan ranges to feed our livestock the green grass growing on these mountains. By the end of March, we start to travel, and by the end of September, we are trawling back through the same route every year. We remain there in the mountains for more than three months until the end of summer. We have been coming here since childhood, as this is our ancestral occupation. We spend three months in the mountains and five months in the plains, adhering to a seasonal rhythm that shapes our nomadic lifestyle. During our time in the mountains, if someone falls ill, we transport them back on horseback. However, in cases of serious illness, individuals often succumb due to the absence of medical facilities, leaving us with no recourse but to mourn their loss in the rugged terrain. The advent of roads has ushered in significant changes in our lives, yet not all for the better, as it has altered the fabric of our existence in ways that challenge our traditional way of life.

The following are the primary reasons for Bakarwals facing significant losses and challenges: first, they are forced to migrate through hazardous and crowded roads with high traffic; second volatility due to the growing construction of highways and residential areas; third, they face mistreatment from the forest officials and traffic police, as they see their migration as a luxury or rather a nuisance; fourth, the unavailability of better healthcare and good education; and fifth, political instability, social exclusion, economic deprivation, and ethnic crises impact their everyday lives. One lady among the Bakarwal community stated that ‘the introduction of roads has disrupted our lifestyle and livelihoods, causing frequent delays due to traffic congestion and posing dangers to our livestock through road accidents, with no recourse for compensation from the vehicles responsible’. She also mentioned that ‘we feel safe in unsafe terrains as societies treat or consider us other’. They bully and harass us because of our costumes. It feels that we have no dignity and no rights. Her husband narrated that ‘it is like we are wretched on earth’.

The Bakarwals are being squeezed from both sides by the fencing of forest territory on the one hand and the increasing number of settled inhabitants on the other. When there were no roads, they used to climb up the mountains and were healthy and fit. Now, a group of Bakarwals narrated:

Our habit of walking up and down the mountain slopes is gone and so are our fitness levels. The natural beauty that we used to enjoy while travelling is also not there anymore. Climate change and unpredictable weather have also made our travels very difficult. Our free movement has been hampered, as most of the areas are fenced up now.

More importantly, the narratives of the Bakarwal community encapsulate their diverse perspectives and concerns regarding reservation policies and socio-economic development. A few Bakarwals have advocated reservation policies, contending that historical marginalisation and socio-economic disadvantages warrant affirmative action measures to enhance their access to education, employment and other opportunities, thereby addressing disparities within their community. Some Bakarwals have voiced concerns regarding the effective implementation of reservation policies, citing apprehensions about bureaucratic obstacles, corruption or insufficient outreach efforts that have hindered their ability to benefit from reservation quotas fully. Speaking on reservation rules, several Bakarwal community members emphasised how important it is to preserve their cultural identity, values, beliefs and customs. They could push for recognition and participation in decision-making processes to ensure that their unique needs and viewpoints are appropriately considered. Despite the existence of reservation policies, some of them mentioned that ‘we still encounter ongoing challenges and discrimination, both within and outside our community’. This underscores the necessity for comprehensive measures to tackle systemic inequalities and foster social inclusion, extending beyond mere reliance on reservation quotas. Certain Bakarwals have chosen to prioritise empowerment and self-determination rather than solely relying on reservation policies. They advocate for initiatives fostering education, skill development, entrepreneurship and community-led development as enduring avenues toward socio-economic progress. In essence, the Bakarwals’ narrative on reservation policies embodies a nuanced interweaving of historical injustices, cultural identity, socio-economic realities and current aspirations for empowerment and inclusion. A comprehensive grasp of their multifaceted perspectives and concerns is imperative for devising policies that foster equitable development and social justice throughout their community in post-2019 J&K.

Conclusion

While many development activities have been planned and undertaken, and many administrative readjustments attempted to achieve Bakarwals’ stability and progress, there remains an expression of neglect, suspicion and unhappiness. In the present tribal situation, a pertinent question arises: what do Bakarwals expect from society and the government? Surely, their welfare is not different from that of the general welfare of society. Irrespective of different political systems, levels of technology and economy, and religious and cultural affiliations, we find today a general restlessness among the Bakarwal community of the entire Union Territory of J&K. The Bakarwals have resisted attempts to sedentarise them, primarily to survive processes of segregation and discrimination that have characterised their relationship with the larger society and the government. Constitutional provisions in the form of positive discrimination and developmental measures in the form of certain policies have been institutionalised, but at the ground level, a different picture was found. Indeed, most schools are still mobile and only exist on paper, and most of those schools and teachers are not moving with the nomadic communities. Another example of broken pledges is the government’s claim to give the Bakarwals access to mobile clinics. Most notably, in terms of primary access to necessary resources, their traditional lands and access to their traditional pastures are neither protected nor ensured by the government’s existing forest preservation programme.

Whether they would have given up their nomadic way of life if they were treated equitably and with dignity is a speculative question. However, their continued adherence to their traditional lifestyle suggests a strong desire to maintain their distinctive customs and cultural identity. Thus, the first-hand experience of fieldwork among these people shows that the Bakarwal community has continued to be marginalised because of insensitive and supercilious approaches to governmental interventions. Given the challenging ground realities for the Bakarwals, the question that remains is how their way of life and traditional mode of livelihood can be preserved the community’s essential forms of existence and its traditional modes of livelihood while providing them with the facilities guaranteed to them by the Indian constitution to improve their quality of life.