Abstract
Ned (non-educated delinquent) is the Scottish equivalent of the English term ‘Chav’. It refers stereotypically to low class, uneducated, raucous and antisocial youth and is linked to specific (sub)cultural markers, e.g. a preference for drinking the fortified wine ‘Buckfast’. Using a survey of over 3000 15-year-old school pupils from the West of Scotland, we investigated the association between adopting a Ned identity and socio-economic background, educational engagement, delinquency, peer-status and (sub)cultural markers. Some 15 per cent of pupils self-identified as a Ned. (Sub)cultural markers such as listening to hip-hop, peer-status, delinquency, educational disengagement and area deprivation were associated with adopting a Ned identity. This suggests greater evidence for agency or cultural influences than structural or socio-economic influences. Irrespective of socio-economic status a substantial minority of young people self-identify as ‘Neds’. Among explanations for this appeal are elevated peer-status, the attraction of non-conformity and the growth of ‘Chav pride’ within popular culture.
Introduction
The word Ned is traditionally a Glaswegian term, meaning a young layabout or thug. In the east of Scotland, Neds have sometimes been described as Gadges, or Schemies (as in Housing Scheme), and in England they are most commonly referred to as Chavs. Nowadays, Ned is a word used throughout Scotland to describe a young (usually) male, Burberry-clad, foul-mouthed yob, the likes of whom can be seen up and down the country. (Bok, 2005: 13–14)
The ‘problem’ of the ‘Chav phenomenon’ (Hayward and Yar, 2006; Martin, 2009) sharply divides opinion. The contrast between journalist Julie Burchill’s passionate defence of ‘Chav culture’ (Burchill, 2005) and MSP Rosie Kane, who attempted to have the usage of ‘Ned’ banned from the Scottish Parliament as a term of class-based hatred (Scottish Parliament, 2003), could not be sharper. Arguments about the positive and negative aspects of Ned or Chav culture and the motives of its detractors and advocates continue.
‘Ned’ is allegedly an acronym for Non-Educated Delinquent and is the Scottish equivalent of the English colloquialism Chav; both refer stereotypically to ‘a young working-class male who dresses in casual sports clothes’ (BBC News, 2005), but the term is associated with a raft of negative behaviours, particularly antisocial conduct. Ned is a local term, but whatever the local phrase used, be it Schemies (Scotland), Populars (Glasgow press), Charver (North England), Scallies (Liverpool), Townie (England) or Council Housed And Violent (England) (Hayward and Yar, 2006; Martin, 2009; Sutton, 2009), the term refers to the underclass situated in deprived areas. Accordingly, we use the term Ned and Chav synonymously, both linked with a distinctive set of characteristics, mannerisms, tastes, style and also antisocial behaviours (Hayward and Yar, 2006; Martin, 2009). Although the prototypical Ned/Chav is male, some Ned/Chav stereotypes are highly gendered, e.g. underage mothers. Others have investigated gendered aspects of ‘Chavs’ in detail (Tyler, 2008) and so we make minimal comment on gender issues. Here we investigate this topic from an empirical perspective, exploring the ‘reality’ of such stereotypes, in a broadly representative study of over 3000 young people, of whom a minority self-identify as Neds.
The ‘Ned/Chav Phenomenon’
Various social theories are invoked to explain the ‘Chav phenomenon’, but here we can only briefly summarize the field. The Ned/Chav phenomenon has been interpreted as stereotyping, class hatred/abuse (Law, 2006; Tyler, 2008), a leisure career (MacDonald and Shildrick, 2007), a youth subculture (McCulloch et al., 2006; Nayak, 2006), an underclass (Tyler, 2008), as ‘flawed’ consumers, as celebrating consumerism (Burchill, 2005; Hayward and Yar, 2006), as low cultural capital (Martin, 2009) and as disenfranchised and alienated youth (Hollingworth and Williams, 2009; Sutton, 2009). Despite their notoriety and social significance, the literature on Ned/Chavs is largely qualitative and while there is a preponderance of commentary and interpretation, there is a dearth of quantitative research to support these largely anecdotal or qualitative observations. This is surprising, since many of the relationships predicted by social theory are open to empirical investigation.
Structure vs. Agency
Social theories relevant to explaining the ‘Chav phenomenon’ can be crudely grouped into two camps; those favouring structural accounts vs. those favouring cultural or agency-based accounts. Structurally orientated theorists attend to the ‘underlying’ structural factors linked to a Ned/Chav identity, focusing on explanations involving social class and inequality. Among these we could arguably include theorists from a youth transitions background, structural functionalists, classic subculture and class-based theorists (Hollingworth and Williams, 2009; McCulloch et al., 2006; MacDonald and Shildrick, 2007; Shildrick et al., 2009). These perspectives suggest that inequality, social stratification and social injustice explain the connection between Ned/Chav stereotypes, such as antisocial behaviour or teenage pregnancy (Hollingworth and Williams, 2009; McCulloch et al., 2006; Shildrick et al., 2009; Sutton, 2009; Tyler, 2008).
In contrast, labelling theory and agency-based theories emphasize identity management, biography and their construction by engagement with consumer culture, global branding, individualism, (life)style and (sub)cultural capital (Hayward and Yar, 2006; Martin, 2009; Nayak, 2006). Explanations of the ‘Chav phenomenon’ from this broad perspective focus on consumer-based identity and influences such as music (e.g. hip-hop), marketing (e.g. Burberry, Buckfast wine; BBC News, 2010), (sub)cultural or peer-group status and hedonistic pleasure. These are key influences on individual ‘choice’ to adopt a Ned/Chav identity from the myriad of consumer identities (Hayward and Yar, 2006; Martin, 2009; Nayak, 2006).
Cultural Criminology Accounts
Juxtaposed between both theoretical camps, cultural criminology (Ferrell et al., 2008) evolved from agency-based sociology theories, but focuses on the interaction of structure and agency, the pathways between social class, culture, media and crime and how ‘meaning’ is generated from this interaction. For example, the behaviour of ‘delinquents’ may both shape and be shaped by the media through exaggeration and imitation (Hayward and Yar, 2006; Martin, 2009). This fundamentally contextual perspective explores how politics, state, moral entrepreneurs, media and consumer culture interactively influence what becomes understood as ‘crime’. It examines not only material or externally imposed explanations for criminality, but how hedonistic pleasure, status, lifestyle and media are linked with crime. Given this orientation, it is unsurprising that its advocates identify the ‘Chav phenomenon’ as an important topic (Hayward and Yar, 2006; Martin, 2009), although they are critical of the positivist criminological approach used in this article (Young, 2004).
Aims
This article has four broad aims, which we explore using data on the self-reported behaviour, perceptions and identity of over 3000 young people: first, to establish if young people positively identify with the term Ned/Chav; second, to determine to what degree the negative stereotypes associated with self-identified Ned/Chavs are (in)accurate; and third, to explore what aspects of Ned/Chav culture appeal to young people and how these relate to social class. Our final aim is to (briefly) evaluate which perspective – structural, agency or cultural – best accounts for our findings, speculating about the possible consequences of our results.
Methods
Participants and Procedures
Data for this study come from a survey of pupils from 22 schools situated in the Central Clydeside Conurbation, a predominantly urban area in and around the city of Glasgow in the West of Scotland. Glasgow University Ethics Committee approved the study. The details and design of the study are reported elsewhere (Kelly et al., 2008). The sampling scheme used produced a sample broadly representative of the local area (Sweeting et al., 2008). Within selected schools, all pupils in (Scottish) Secondary 4 (the final year of statutory schooling) were invited to participate via parental opt-out consent forms. In addition, participating pupils consented to all measures. During the school-based sessions pupils completed a self-administered questionnaire and a brief interview about parental employment and social class. The total sample comprised 3194 15-year-olds (representing 81% of the eligible sample of 3950); mean age was 15 years 5 months. Respondents were more likely than non-responders to be female, from less deprived areas and from schools with fewer ethnic minority pupils, and probabilistic weights were derived to compensate for losses (Sweeting et al., 2008). Their use made no substantive difference to results and consequently we show only unweighted results.
Data Analysis
Univariate associations between Ned self-identification and blocks of similar (structural or agency-based) variables were explored using the Chi-square test, analysed separately for each gender. Multivariate analysis was conducted in two stages using logistic regression with Ned self-identity the dependent variable. In stage one, all variables in a block were entered in a backward logistic regression and those of marginal levels of significance retained (p < 0.1). Stage two entered surviving variables into a final model. Only the final model is shown.
Measures
Ned Identity
Pupils were asked to indicate ‘How much are you into … ’ a range of youth styles from the options ‘not at all’, ‘a bit’ or ‘a lot’, with ‘Neds or populars’ one of the available styles. Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics for explanatory variables, including the number of missing variables and where a missing variable category has been created.
Associations between self-identifying as ‘Ned/Chav’ and other variables by gender
Socio-economic and Family Factors
Socio-economic factors were measured by three variables. Firstly, social class as measured by the head of household parental occupation, obtained during the brief pupil interview, and coded according to the UK Registrar General’s classification system (ONS, 2000). We use the six category classification with an additional missing data category. Secondly, a measure of area deprivation, derived from pupils’ household postcodes and coded using the 2001 Census ‘Carstairs’ scores (McLoone, 2004). These were converted into area deprivation categories ranging from 1 (least) to 7 (most deprived). Thirdly, a measure of affluence based on consumer ownership, the Family Affluence Scale (FAS) (Currie et al., 2008). This is an index (0–7 range) of family affluence based on a number of indicators (children having their own bedroom, family car ownership, computer ownership and number of yearly vacation(s)) and coded as low (0–3), medium (4–5) and high (6–7) family affluence. Family structure was coded as 2-parent, 1-parent, reconstituted (one ‘birth’ parent and new partner), other (relative, foster parent, or other carer) or missing. Two scales derived from the 8-item Brief Parental Bonding Instrument (Klimidis et al., 1992), represented parental care and control; each scale recoded into tertiles. Ethnicity was obtained from pupils during the brief interview categorized as ‘White’ or ‘non-white’ – predominantly Pakistani, mixed, or other Asian ethnicity.
Educational Disengagement
Several measures related to educational disengagement and perceived post-school prospects. Pupils were asked to rank themselves in relation to their peers on a 10-point status scale, with those ‘doing well at school’ or ‘getting the best grades’ ranked highest; coded into quintiles of perceived academic rank (West et al., 2010). Pupils were asked how much they thought ‘School was a waste of time’ on a 4-point Likert (strongly agree to strongly disagree) scale and indicate what they planned to do after leaving school, from the following categories; University; Further Education college; Apprentice-trade; Work/Youth training/skill-seek; with a separate category for missing. Worries about ‘future unemployment’ and ‘accidental pregnancy’ were assessed by two separate questions, each rated on a 3-point scale (not at all, a bit, a lot).
Cultural and Lifestyle Factors
We included indicators of cultural, leisure and lifestyle, including frequency of reading books (weekly or more, less often, never); hanging around streets (every day, most days, weekly, less often, never) and interest in hip-hop music/style (not at all, a bit, a lot). Perceived peer-status rank in being ‘respected’ by other pupils in year group was assessed in a similar manner to academic rank using the question ‘How respected are you’; coded into quintiles. Finally, we asked if pupils drank ‘Buckfast (or Mad-Dog) last week’; coded yes, no, or missing.
Delinquency and Substance Use
Pupils were asked about general delinquency and substance use related delinquency. Perceived rank in being ‘a trouble maker’ by other pupils in year group was assessed in a similar manner to academic rank using the question ‘How much of a trouble maker are you’; coded into quintiles. Truancy was assessed by a question asking if pupils would ‘Skip school, if given the opportunity’ on a 4-point Likert scale. Pupils were asked if they had been ‘In trouble with the police or courts in the last month’, ‘In serious trouble at school last month’ and ‘Attacked or hurt by someone in the last year’. In relation to substance use pupils were asked how often they ‘chain smoke’ and ‘used cannabis’, both categorized as weekly or more often, less often, never, or a non-smoker/non-user and how often they got ‘In trouble (fights, miss school) due to drug use’ (weekly or more, less often, never). Frequency of alcohol use, drunkenness and alcohol-related trouble were categorized as weekly or more, less often, or never/non-drinker.
Results
Structural and Family Factors
Table 1 shows the basic frequencies of all factors for those who did and did not self-identify as a Ned, with separate results for each gender. Social class was significantly associated with a Ned identity, but the effect size is relatively small, with typical difference of around 2–6 per cent in rates of identification between classes; this difference was larger for females. For both genders the association between deprivation and Ned identity was stronger (p ≤ .004), but the association between family affluence and identity was marginal (p < .1). A Ned identity was significantly associated with 1-parent or reconstituted or non-standard family structure for each gender (p ≤ .003). Parental care and control were unrelated to identity, but ethnicity was associated with a Ned identity among males (p = .001).
Educational Disengagement
For each gender, both perceived academic rank within the year group and perceiving school as a ‘waste of time’ were strongly associated with a Ned identity (p ≤ .001). Planned post-school trajectory was strongly linked with identity for both genders (p ≤ .001), with most non-identified pupils planning to go on to university and most Ned-identified pupils anticipating a non-academic pathway. Self-identified male Neds were more worried about future unemployment (p = .033). For both genders, worrying about an accidental pregnancy was associated with a Ned identity (p ≤ .001), although females worried more.
Cultural and Lifestyle Factors
For both genders, all association between culture and lifestyle factors and a Ned identity were highly significant (p ≤ .001). Ned-identified pupils read books less often, but more often ‘hang about the street’, listen to hip-hop music, rated themselves as more ‘respected’ and drank ‘Buckfast’ or ‘Mad-Dog’ brands of alcohol in the last week, compared to non-identified pupils.
General Delinquency and Substance Use
For both genders, all association between delinquency variables and self-identity were highly significant (p ≤ .001). Ned-identified pupils rated themselves as greater ‘trouble makers’, were more likely to skip school if given the opportunity, be ‘in trouble’ with the courts or police in the last month, get into serious trouble at school, or to be attacked or hurt by others in the last year, than non-identified pupils. For both genders, all association between substance use, substance-related variables and self-identity were highly significant (p ≤ .001). Ned-identified pupils more often chain smoked, used cannabis, got into trouble due to drug use, drank alcohol, got drunk or got into ‘alcohol-related trouble’ than non-identified pupils.
Multivariate Model
The final multivariate model is shown in Table 2. Although overall the patterns of results were similar for each gender, there were several gender interactions of borderline significance. All socio-economic and family factors except area deprivation and ethnicity were eliminated from the final model. Males living in the most deprived areas (depcat 5–7) were over four times more likely to identify as a Ned compared to those living in least deprived area (p ≤ .031; gender interaction, p = .069). White males were nearly three times as likely to identify as a Ned (p = .032), although the test for a gender interaction was non-significant. In the multivariate model all educational disengagement and post-education trajectory factors except thinking school is a ‘waste of time’ and worrying about accidental pregnancy were retained in the final model. Females who agreed or strongly agreed that ‘school is a waste of time’ were two to three times more likely to identify as a Ned (p ≤ .036; gender interaction, p = .108) than those who strongly disagreed, while females who worried ‘a lot’ about accidental pregnancy were more likely (OR 1.7; p = .028) to identify as a Ned than those not worried, although the test for a gender interaction was non-significant.
Logistic regression, showing associations between a ‘Ned/Chav’ identity and key variables by gender
Note: Only cases with no missing values in predictors included in final model (males n = 1344, females n = 1378).
Many cultural and lifestyle variables were retained in the final model. Although of borderline significance, pupils who never read books were more likely to identify as a Ned (OR 1.5–1.9). Hanging around the street was highly predictive of identity (p ≤ .001); those hanging about the street every day were between 3.8 and 7.0 times more likely to identify as a Ned than those who never ‘hang about the street’. Compared to those with no interest in hip-hop music, listening ‘a lot’ to hip-hop music was associated with a Ned identity (p ≤ .019), but the association was stronger for females (males OR 1.9, females OR 4.9, gender interaction p = .057). Pupils in the top quintile of ‘respected’ pupils were over twice as likely to identify as a Ned, compared to pupils from the bottom quintile. Surprisingly, one of the strongest univariate predictors, ‘drinking Buckfast or Mad-Dog’ last week, was not related to a Ned identity in the final model.
In relation to the general delinquency only one variable was retained in the final model; irrespective of gender, pupils who perceived themselves as being the most (top quintile) ‘trouble makers’ were approximately two to three times more likely (p ≤ .055) to identify as a Ned compared to pupils who did not consider themselves ‘trouble makers’ (bottom quintile). This suggests that many of the delinquency variables are related to a general delinquency factor, of which self-rated ‘trouble maker’ is the best indictor. Many of the substance use variables were retained in the final model, suggesting that the link between a Ned identity and general substance use is a significant and robust association largely unrelated to gender. Compared to non-users, pupils who used cannabis weekly were approximately three times more likely to identify as a Ned (p ≤ .025). A similar association emerged for alcohol use (non-significant for girls, OR 1.4) and alcohol-related trouble (OR 2.3, p ≤ .021), both linked to a Ned identity, irrespective of gender.
Discussion
The first of our four aims is to determine if any young person would self-identify as a Ned/Chav and the answer is unequivocally yes. This striking result is seemingly at odds with the perception of many sociologists. Why do so many young people self-identify as a Ned/Chav if ‘the term “chav/a” now circulates widely in Britain as a term of disgust and contempt, it is imposed on people rather than being claimed by them’ (Lawler, 2005). Qualitative work with young Glaswegians confirms that ‘Ned street drinking groups’ contain individuals from privileged backgrounds (Galloway et al., 2007). How can this and our own results be reconciled with Lawler’s unambiguous assertion that a Chav identity is imposed and never willingly claimed; either sociologists are hopelessly out of touch, or the status of Ned/Chav culture has been elevated. A major aim of this study is to investigate the (in)accuracy of common Ned/Chav stereotypes and the sociological relevance of these findings is discussed in the proceeding sections.
Gender and Ned/Chav Stereotypes
Stereotypical Ned/Chav behaviour reinforces certain traditional gender roles, but transgresses others and thus does not have a simple relationship with gender. Particular Chav stereotypes are common to both genders, such as poverty, low culture and educational disengagement, while others are profoundly anti-hegemonic, e.g. aggressive and confrontational females. Some Ned/Chav stereotypes are both gendered and stigmatizing – the teenage mum (Tyler, 2008), or the delinquent male (Nayak, 2006; Sutton, 2009). However, these stereotypes are formed in the context of growing equality in historically gendered behaviours (Sweeting and West, 2003). This is relevant since many of the stereotypically Chav behaviours such as ‘hanging around the streets’ and ‘getting drunk’ are now considerably less gender patterned. Counter to stereotype, more girls (17.4%) than boys (12.7%) reported identifying as a ‘Ned’ and this relative gender equality is reflected in our findings, which can be summarized as one of relatively few gender differences in the pattern of associations. One consequence of greater gender equality may be girls’ growing acceptance of anti-hegemonic, but potentially health compromising, identities.
Ned/Chavs, Class and Socio-economic Disadvantage
One of the strongest Ned/Chav stereotypes is that Ned/Chavs invariably come from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds. For contemporary Ned/Chavs this is patently untrue, and in a reversal of traditional youth subculture theory (Hebdige, 1979), we provide evidence that many middle-class youth now emulate and adopt apparel and attributes associated with working and underclass youth. Notwithstanding this, we found socio-economic factors remain interconnected with a Ned/Chav identity, although the pattern of association was stronger for measures of area/neighbourhood deprivation, and to a lesser degree parental social class, but not those based on family affluence. This suggests that ‘the local’, albeit imperfectly measured (neighbourhood deprivation), exerts more of an influence on identity than social class or material affluence. Indeed, area deprivation was the sole socio-economic measure retained in the final model with some evidence that boys living in deprived areas are more likely to adopt a Ned/Chav identity than girls. Two structural factors intertwined with both deprivation and Ned/Chav culture are ‘being raised in a lone/reconstituted family’ and a ‘white’ ethnicity (Hollingworth and Williams, 2009, 2010). Although both are connected with a Ned/Chav identity, our final model suggests ethnicity is more important for males, but that links with family structure can be explained by other factors.
Ned/Chavs and Delinquency
Rather than concentrating on socio-economic stereotypes, a Ned/Chav label is often defined by references to health and social behaviours judged morally ‘wrong’ from a middle-class perspective. This can be viewed as either a public health concern for the disadvantaged or a further example of class disgust; that is, the poor are first disadvantaged by circumstances, then judged for implementing the limited (but health compromising) coping strategies available to them. Nonetheless, stigmatization of the underclass seems politically impartial with both right and left-wing politicians using the rhetoric of moral judgment for the ‘undeserving poor’ (Skeggs, 2005). We found that all of the health-behaviours stereotypically linked to Ned/Chavs behaviour (e.g. elevated rates of substance use and alcohol-related violence), are empirically associated with adopting that identity. However, they are in no way infallible predictors of identity. Nonetheless, many of the most predictive variables are related to unhealthy, antisocial or risky behaviours and it is difficult to dismiss such a robust finding. However, these findings should not be used to infer causality, since this is a cross-sectional study; for example, if a young person reports being involved in alcohol-related trouble we do not know if this was primarily as a victim, perpetrator or collaborator.
The Cultural Values of Ned/Chavs
Another stereotype often linked to middle-class moral judgments of Ned/Chav culture is the lack of value placed on commitment to education and career aspirations. Rejection of school and education is one of the strongest predictors of accepting a Ned/Chav identity and implies there is as much empirical support for its ‘non-educated’ as its ‘delinquent’ component. Self-identified Neds are far more likely to be educationally disengaged; they are more likely to rate themselves low scholastically, dislike school, truant and see a future university education as unlikely. Given this background they are also unsurprisingly worried about future unemployment and unplanned pregnancy. This disengagement with learning is mirrored in their responses to more culturally orientated questions, with two-thirds ‘never’ reading books.
Our results suggest a strong link between adopting a Ned/Chav identity and (low) cultural capital compatible with cultural perspectives. There is a strong unadjusted association between identity and all our ‘cultural factors’ such as ‘hang around the street’, listening to hip-hop music and being highly ‘respected’ by peers and the quintessential marker of Ned culture – ‘drinking Buckfast’ (Galloway et al., 2007). All cultural factors, with the exception of drinking Buckfast, are linked with a Ned/Chav identity in the final model. The exclusion of ‘Buckfast’ is probably attributable to the nature of the Buckfast question, which combines both (sub)cultural tastes and frequency of alcohol use. Further, it implies that legislative moves to effectively ban ‘Buckfast’ (BBC News, 2010) are unlikely to reduce antisocial conduct, as drinking Buckfast appears to be a surface indicator of deeper issues.
The Appeal of Ned/Chav Identity
Another aim of this study was to explore, albeit within the limitations of a quantitative investigation, the reasons why adopting a Ned/Chav identity might be attractive to young people. It is possible to reappropriate even the most stigmatizing label and many stigmatized groups have partially reclaimed highly derogatory terms; such as ‘nigger/nigga’ within hip-hop culture. One strategy when reclaiming a stigmatizing label is to attach status to it and the connection found between status and a Ned/Chav identity suggests this has been partially achieved. There is a status hierarchy, even amongst Chavs, with celebrity Chavs such as David Beckham, Jordan (Katie Price) and more affluent Chav ‘social types’ such as boy racers (Hayward and Yar, 2006) occupying the apex and middle tier respectively. It is argued that because ‘high status’ Chavs are valued in celebrity culture, non-celebrity Ned/Chavs acquire increased status by association, leading to a sense of ‘Chav pride’ (Burchill, 2005).
The higher perceived peer-group ‘respect’ reported by self-identified Neds may reflect this increased status and mirrors Sutton’s qualitative work where affluent pupils confessed ‘some sense of disguised admiration’ for Scallies (Northern Chavs) (Sutton, 2009). This admiration is related to their rebellious nature rather then their embeddedness in popular culture, although both could be subsumed under the rubric of ‘cool’. School disengagement, truancy and delinquent behaviour provided a ‘certain kudos’ to pupils engaged in these stereotypical Ned/Chav behaviours and this may explain another aspect of the attraction to a Ned identity. Skeggs (2005) makes the connection between class and the appeal of risk and extreme emotion; put simply, stereotypical middle-class youth are seen as boring, safe and obedient, while Ned/Chavs are risk taking, thrill seeking and rule breakers.
Resistance by a marginalized group through parody and exaggeration expressed through hyperbolic expressions of cultural stereotypes has historical precedence in the form of ‘The minstrel show’. Cantwell (2003) suggests that, while highly stigmatizing and stereotypical, aspects of the show celebrated features of black culture and were sympathetic to the position of ‘blacks’ at the time. Further, Cantwell argues that ‘in the guise of parody ‘minstrels’ are granted temporary freedom from traditional and repressive ‘white’ roles without guilt. Although from another century, this echoes the appeal that a Ned/Chav identity may have for contemporary middle-class youth.
Another aspect of Ned culture particularly attractive to young men is its association with ‘tough’ masculinity. Although popular Scottish shows such as Chewing the Fat portray Neds as stupid, they are also violent and feared. The strong association found between street culture, involvement with police or court and general delinquency in combination with ‘respect’ from other pupils, implies that ‘being a Ned’ conveys not low, but high peer-status during adolescence, at least in certain contexts. This is entirely compatible with our recent work on school-based peer hierarchies in which peer-status is defined as a constellation of characteristics, comprising popularity, power, respect, attractiveness and to some degree ‘being a trouble maker’ (Sweeting et al., 2011) and is consistent with the view that a Ned/Chav identity is not entirely negative.
Agency, Structure and Cultural Accounts
Our final aim was to briefly summarize how effectively agency, structure and cultural perspectives can account for our pattern of findings regarding self-identified Ned/Chavs. While structural accounts of ‘lived reality’ do account for a substantive proportion of the reasons why young people adopt a stigmatized identity, cultural and agency-based influences appear more strongly linked. A Bourdieusian and cultural criminological perspective can integrate both structural and agency viewpoints, while incorporating ideas of social space and the concept of different forms of capital. From this perspective, Ned/Chavs are distinguished by their lack of economic, cultural and social capital, and are linked (physically or symbolically) to geographical undesirable space (Johnson, 2008; Martin, 2009). This can explain the paradox of middle-class Neds and upper-class Chavs. For example, despite David Beckham’s obvious economic capital, he is closely tied to Chav culture by his perceived low cultural and social tastes (football, and style preferences) and working-class origin. With limited access to traditional forms of capital, alternative forms, such as physical, criminal and mainstream cultural capital become valued attributes within Ned/Chav culture. Even if only symbolic this is the capital of the ‘hard man’ (Brewis and Jack, 2010; Nayak, 2006). These alternative forms of capital may be doubly appealing to teenagers because they are less subject to parental approval and rely on peer-based respect. In certain schools and neighbourhoods, these are likely to provide greater peer-based status than more traditional types of capital.
Caution must be exercised before dismissing structural accounts, since middle-class youth have the opportunity to adopt a Ned identity in youth which can be conveniently shed in adulthood – an opportunity largely denied their working-class counterparts. To this end some cultural markers of identity are deeper than others. Back (2004) explores the role of tattoos as deeper physical embodiments of class, place and culture which indelibly mark the ‘class other’. In contrast to superficial and transitory markers such as clothes or slang, the proportion of middle-class Ned/Chavs ready to adopt such ‘indelible marks’ could provide a telling index of ‘deeper’ identity.
Policy Implications
These results may be relevant to educational, health, criminal and social policy since Ned/Chav and streetwise youth’s concept of respect is profoundly different from that of policymakers. This disconnect has serious implications for the success of policies which attempt to reduce ‘antisocial behaviour’, such as the ‘respect agenda’ and incivilities approach (Squires, 2009). Policymakers’ concept of ‘respect’ is rooted in the homogenization of macro-level social norms from a predominantly middle-class perspective, whereas for streetwise youth ‘respect’ is situated at the micro-level, embedded within the social networks and social space that young people inhabit. For Ned/Chavs and other streetwise youth, ‘respect’ is linked with status, resistance to inequality, authority and aspects of (life)style which some find distasteful or unhealthy. Recognition of this difference by policymakers is required since streetwise youth are implicitly the targets of ‘antisocial behaviour’ policies.
Caveats
We have deliberately chosen an empirical and quantitative approach, rather than the typical qualitative or discursive methods used by others in this field. While innovative, this has a number of natural limitations. Our approach to social class is confined to simple measures: occupational status, family affluence and area deprivation. Other more nuanced and qualitative approaches focusing on how class itself is constructed through self-, group-identity and labelling are necessarily omitted (Hollingworth and Williams, 2009). We focus on self-identity, rather than labelling, our measures of (sub)culture are necessarily crude – but relevant – and we lack the ability to explore the nuances of individual meaning available in more qualitative studies, including the ability to extract emerging, deeper, personal, conflicting, interactive and narrative-based identities in a reflective manner. Nonetheless, while the label Ned/Chav has subtleties, the prototypical meaning (foul-mouthed, drunk and disorderly, working or underclass youth) has been a part of British discourse for many decades and will continue to be the focus of moral judgment, class disgust and media fascination.
Empirically orientated and cultural criminologists tend to be mutually suspicious of each other’s discipline. Traditional criminologists question the substance and theoretical coherence of cultural criminology, with critical voices designating its practitioners as ‘contemporary “zoo keepers” of deviance’ (O’Brien, 2005). Equally, cultural criminologists view empirical approaches with suspicion, using the term ‘voodoo criminology’ to describe the obsession with flawed, but measurable outcomes (Young, 2004). Our findings suggest that if consideration is given to finding culturally appropriate measures and the limitations of empirical methods are acknowledged, it is possible to find common ground and combine insights from both approaches. In essence, this work is in the positive/empirical tradition, but informed by insights from cultural criminology and either offers a ‘middle way’ or risks ‘pleasing no-one’ depending on how methodologically entrenched a position is taken.
Conclusion
Contrary to the judgment of leading sociologists (Lawler, 2005), the traditionally stigmatized Ned/Chav identity is now a readily accepted self-label adopted by a minority of young people. This finding alone confirms the usefulness of a more ‘empirical (sub)cultural’ approach as a complement to discursive methods and is useful when contrasting conflicting orientations, such as youth transitions and cultural criminology approaches. Our conclusions can be organized into two broad themes: established Ned/Chav expectations that are partially supported by our results; and counterintuitive findings that challenge the assumptions of the media, political and academic elites. As predicted by both structural and cultural/agency theorists we confirmed the association between the Ned/Chav phenomenon and delinquency, education and markers of youth cultural status. In the presence of such strong evidence it is difficult to maintain the argument that such associations are predominantly inventions of the media or manifestations of class hatred (Burchill, 2005; Jones, 2011), even if the motivation for such behaviour remains contestable.
The first of our two counterintuitive findings is that adopting a Ned/Chav identity is not strongly associated with class or poverty. Hitherto, many elites implicitly make the assumption that a Ned/Chav identity automatically signals membership of a social disadvantaged underclass, yet our results completely refute such a simple relationship. It is difficult to definitively comment on the nature and consequences of such a profound gulf between the perceptions of professionals and self-identified Ned/Chavs, but we can speculate about likely explanations. One possibility is that this is the result of a temporary shift in the perception and status of Ned/Chavs as a desirable identity during adolescence. Another is that there has been a dramatic (but largely unnoticed) societal shift in the acceptability of this previously stigmatized identity, similar in nature to Burchill’s concept of ‘Chav pride’ (2005). Even if neither explanation is substantively true our results challenge sociologists to re-examine their assumptions in relation to the link between youth identity and affluence and require them to explain this profound lack of association.
The second counterintuitive finding is also related to the lack of association with class, but is focused on middle-class Ned/Chavs – specifically the finding that middle-class youth both engage in crime or delinquency and readily adopt an identity so at odds with their social origins, family and community expectations. In other words, we find evidence that refutes ‘middle-class youth’ and particularly middle-class female stereotypes. Although some social researchers recognize the involvement of middle-class youth in deviant (Galloway et al., 2007) and spectacular subcultures (Bennett, 2011), Ned/Chav identities are so bound with class identities this remains a striking finding. What this means for social theory is unclear, but integrating this empirical study with more theoretical and qualitative work suggests several possibilities. The first is that paradoxically, while social inequalities are increasing, class is being superseded by other expressions of identity among British youth. A second is that while there are highly negative and health-related behaviours associated with adopting a Ned/Chav identity, for some the positive aspects such as increased peer-status, toughness, anti-authority and hedonism may outweigh the negatives and this explains its appeal to middle-class youth. Finally, middle-class adoption of a Ned/Chav identity may be an important, but essentially temporary phase for some middle-class youth, which may be discarded when perceived as less attractive. This may result in two different forms of marginalized identity according to class: a crystallization for working-class and a more ‘fluid’, fragmented identity for middle-class youth, which echoes the ongoing debate about class and fluidity of identity within contemporary subculture theory (Bennett, 2011).
Despite cautions about the longevity and authenticity of middle-class Ned/Chavs, and even if this blurring of identity is attributable to a convenient sojourn into deviant culture by middle-class youth, the experience may foster in them a greater understanding of marginalized peers. Speculation aside, we demonstrate a major divergence between the perceptions of social commentators and youth of every social class about the connections between social class and embracing a marginalized (Ned/Chav) identity which requires deeper sociological exploration.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The work was funded by the Medical Research Council of Great Britain as part of the Youth and Health Programme (WBS U.1300.00.007) at the Social and Public Health Sciences Unit. The author thanks all those who made the ‘PaLS’ project possible and all the schools, survey assistants and young people who took part.