Abstract
This article describes how African American students’ success can be improved via the increased support of Black churches and their partnerships with public schools. Findings and implications from a comparative case study of two North Carolina churches that strive to educationally assist African American public school students are detailed. Both churches have outreach programs in local schools, and their activities indicate the value of faith-based partnerships embodying “prophetic activism” that benefits broader communities and empowers African Americans overall. We draw upon the study’s findings to recommend partnership strategies for church and public educational leaders.
Keywords
Research and discussions about the achievement disparities between African American and White students are pervasive, as are policies that focus on curriculum and instructional changes designed to yield increased test scores for African American students (Darling-Hammond, 2010). Many of these policies, such as the Elementary and Secondary Education (ESEA) Act of 2001 (commonly known as No Child Left Behind), emphasize top-down, school-wide mandates. Such policies and subsequent reform efforts, however, fail to address the inequitable structures and dominant culture of schooling that often advantage middle- to upper-income White students and ignore the culturally relevant needs of African American students (Hale, 2004; Hawley & Nieto, 2010). In addition, many high-stakes policies geared toward increasing test scores have created a panic-filled climate among educational leaders that causes many of them to focus solely on building-level reforms, while overlooking the fact that important student learning occurs both within and out-of-school sites (Barton, 2004; Douglas & Peck, 2013); thus, other organizations can serve as helpful educational resources. Outside of schools, few institutions have influenced African Americans’ development more than Black churches. 1
In this article, we suggest how African American students’ success can be improved via the increased support of Black churches and the formation of more collaborative partnerships between Black churches and public schools. These steps are important as Black churches are community-based institutions vested in the success and well-being of African American youth. We detail findings and implications from a comparative case study of two North Carolina churches. The churches strive to engage African American public school students, including non-church members, who attend schools where their achievement outcomes are relatively low. Both churches have educational outreach programs sanctioned by the local schools, and their outreach points to the value of faith-based partnerships embodying “prophetic activism.” Prophetic activism refers to church activities that extend beyond the walls of a church to benefit members of African American communities and to facilitate the economic and political empowerment of African Americans (Barnes, 2004; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; McRoberts, 2003). Moreover, the term prophetic is used by many scholars to describe Black churches that focus on the spiritual development of Black churchgoers as well as their efforts to provide African American communities some of the resources needed to pursue liberty and justice (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; McDaniel, 2008; McRoberts, 2003; Pinn, 2006; Savage, 2008; West, 1982; Zalot, 2003).
Prophetic activism aligns with the historical mission and impact of Black churches. Indeed, there is a legacy of Black churches serving as instruments of political resistance against slavery, segregation, and other forms of social discrimination and racial oppression (Baldwin, 2003; Franklin, 2007; Stanley, 1990; West, 1982). Although such activism, overall, has waned among churches since the 1960s (Gaines, 2010; Howard-Pitney, 2003; Pinn, 2002), we suggest that times are ripe for churches to renew such commitments, given the present social and educational conditions and the viewpoints of many African American churchgoers.
Literature pertaining to the academic disparities, racial and educational inequity, and the Black church’s legacy of social activism will inform our discussion (Love, 2004), as will our conceptual framework that addresses prophetic activism and its motivational and educative value (Baldwin, 2003; Calhoun-Brown, 2003; Jeynes, 2014; McDaniel, 2008; McRoberts, 2003).
Findings from the study highlight that Black churches often aim to socialize African American students for school success by offering programs geared toward boosting their social and emotional development and their cognitive skills and abilities. Significantly, these churches go beyond mainstream educational theory and practice to acknowledge the detrimental impact of societal and institutional racism on the achievement of African American youth and they try to counter that impact in culturally relevant ways that can constitute prophetic activism.
Possibilities for forging critical, culturally relevant partnerships between schools and churches that promote shared leadership, tackle issues of racism, and ultimately help ensure the educational success of African American youth are emphasized.
Race, Equity, and Academic Disparities
Educational scholarship, policies, and the rhetoric of educational practitioners are replete with discussion of “the academic achievement gap,” which typically refers to significant disparities found between the standardized achievement test scores of Black and White students, whereby White students perform markedly higher than African American/Black students as a whole (Barton, 2004; Hillard, 2001; Price, 2008).
Researchers have found that educational polices that overemphasize standardized test scores and racial achievement disparities can lead many educators to link race to the intellectual capacity of African American students and doubt the ability of their families to nurture academic success (Apple, 2004; Horsford, 2014; Love, 2004; Perry, Steele, & Hilliard, 2003). When educators conflate race with the likelihood of students’ academic success, Black students are often projected as inferior to White students (Fine, 2004; Hale, 2004; Hawley & Nieto, 2010). Such ideologies and practices stem from what Powell Pruitt (2004) calls the “discourse of deficit” in which Black students, their families, and communities are viewed as incompetent when compared with most White students, their families, and communities who are viewed as vessels full of potential, adding to perceptions of innate African American inferiority.
The academic outperformance of White students over Black students is not just an issue of individual student achievement; rather, it is also linked to a myriad of systemic issues. Such issues relate to African Americans’ overall inequitable access to high-quality instruction and school resources, along with educators’ failures to foster inclusion through curricular, pedagogical, and social practices (Hawley & Nieto, 2010; Perry et al., 2003). The systemic issues also pertain to dominant societal values and educational structures and policies that privilege the knowledge, norms, and capital of White students while slighting the cultural values and strengths of other students (Horsford, 2014; Lightfoot, 2004; Love, 2004; McCray, Grant, & Beachum, 2010; Perry et al., 2003). Moreover, scholars such as Hillard (2001) and Love (2004) explain that when attempts are made to restructure public schools for African American student success, the focus is often on how educators can address the presumed cultural deficits of African American children rather than improving inequitable educational policies and trends.
One example of an inequitable trend is the U.S. Department of Education’s National Center for Educational Statistics’ (NCES; 2010) finding:
In 2007–08, about 25 percent of secondary mathematics teachers who taught in schools with at least half Black enrollment had neither a certification nor a college major in mathematics, compared to 8 percent of secondary mathematics teachers who taught in schools with at least half White enrollment. (p. iv)
This statistic suggests that African American students are 3 times as likely to have underprepared teachers to teach them an essential and highly tested subject matter. This disadvantages them from doing as well as their White peers; yet, they are more likely to be stigmatized as underachieving if they score less on math tests. The achievement gap involving African American students therefore spans beyond achievement to encompass what Darling-Hammond (2010) refers to as “opportunity gaps.”
The dire educational and achievement situation affecting African American students has contributed to community leaders, activists, educators, and even the U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan agreeing that “education is the civil rights issue of our time.” 2 This characterization, which has been asserted by stakeholders with diverse ideologies and political frames (Bush, 2013; Hirsch, 1999), raises the question of whether persistent academic disparities and inequities should be addressed using the civil rights activism approaches that proved politically effective decades ago. At that time, many discriminatory education, housing, and electoral laws were challenged at the grass roots level and later legally struck down. In locales throughout the United States, such activist approaches involved outreach, protest, community mobilization, and group resistance tactics that were galvanized by Black church leaders (Madyun & Witherspoon, 2010). Little attention, however, has been given to the role of today’s Black church or other faith-based institutions in fostering youth’s academic success and challenging educational inequity. Nevertheless, the church’s history offers insight.
The Legacy of Black Church Activism 3
There are two key periods of time that illustrate the strength of the Black church and its ability to mobilize African Americans and serve as a transformative change agent. The first is the post–Civil War Reconstruction era of 1867 to 1877; the second is the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s. During the Reconstruction era, the political leaders of the victorious North made some concessions to African Americans—many of whom were former slaves—that allowed them to vote and participate in civic society. Black clergy during this period used their sermons, personal theology, and relationships to influence their male congregants regarding the importance of political activism. As a result, thousands of former male slaves became registered voters (given that women were not allowed to vote). This influx of African American voters contributed to the election of two Black U.S. Congressmen (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990).
Through grass roots efforts of organized Black churches, African Americans were represented in the political structure of the United States for the first time. However, in 1877, the removal of federal protection of African American’s newly gained rights ended the Reconstruction era and gave way to the ratification of Jim Crow segregation in the early 20th century that was anchored in racist separatist doctrines used to deny African Americans civic participation and access to quality public facilities such as well-resourced public schools (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Frustration with the continued discrimination, oppression, and brutality of the Jim Crow era gave way to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, which was largely ushered in by the work of Black churchgoers and leaders (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Nelsen & Nelsen, 1975; Pinn, 2006; Savage, 2008). Black churches served as the central coordinating unit of the movement and church ministers became the face of the movement as they inspired and helped organize Black communities’ non-violent resistance (Beyerlein & Andrews, 2008; Nelsen & Nelsen, 1975; Pinn, 2002; Savage, 2008).
In the realm of education, from the late 19th to mid-20th centuries, Black churches funded and built private schools for African Americans in response to their exclusion, segregation, and inferior service in public schools, while also advocating for public educational improvement (Anderson, 1988; Congress of Racial Equality, n.d.; Kansas Historical Society, n.d.; National Archives, n.d.). Indeed, Black churches were critical to the fight for desegregated public schooling and racial equality. Church leaders served as prominent advocates of the Brown v. the Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court case that mandated racial desegregation in public schools.
Ministers joined forces to advocate for improved public school facilities and they emotionally and financially assisted family plaintiffs involved in Brown and other desegregation cases, while mobilizing broader community opposition too (Pedescleaux, 2003). Moreover, research has shown that while churchgoing women did not lead from the pulpit given patriarchal church norms, they served as community educators, organizers, and activists who advanced the church’s educational outreach and impact (Gilkes, 2001; Higginbotham, 1993).
Compared with the Reconstruction and Civil Rights eras of the 19th and 20th centuries, the Black church has retreated from being a central arena for Black educational activism and leadership (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Savage, 2008). Still, the historical functioning of Black churches indicates that they affect social change when they simultaneously pursue inward and outward transformative practices.
As a whole, churches and other faith-based institutions remain an undertapped and underresearched community resource for student learning and educational improvement. The school partnerships literature typically focuses on schools’ connections to families, social service agencies, and secular organizations rather than faith-based institutions (e.g. Auerbach, 2012; Cooper, Riehl & Hasan, 2010; Henderson, Mapp, Johnson, & Davies, 2007). Black churches, nevertheless, seem well poised to become part of the educational solution for African American students by enacting prophetic activism.
Prophetic Activism and the Motivational and Educative Impact of Today’s Black Church
Prophetic activism in the Black church generally refers to “very extroverted forms of religious presence—forms that somehow benefit not only congregation members but people who do not belong to the church” (McRoberts, 2003, p. 100). Optimally, prophetic activism tackles social justice issues and enhances the economic and political empowerment of African Americans overall (Barnes, 2004; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; McRoberts, 2003; West, 1982).
According to McDaniel (2008), a Black church becomes politically active, reaching beyond its congregation, when (a) the church leader is interested in involving the church in community issues, (b) the church itself is not restricted from having a presence in community matters (e.g., church by-laws), (c) the church members are receptive to the idea of having the church involved in community affairs, and (d) the current social climate both necessitates and allows church involvement.
The church’s involvement in prophetic activism is a tradition explicitly tied to helping African Americans overcome racial oppression. As Baldwin (2003) explains,
[T]here has always been a tradition in the Black church that encourages faith-based social action, social service, and involvement in public policy issues. This tradition is rooted in a social gospel that upholds Christianity’s historic concern for the poor and oppressed and that encourages the involvement of the church in virtually every aspect of African American life. (p. 15)
In addition, using such activism is a structural and cultural strategy (Swarts, 2008).
Faith-based activism is a structural strategy that uses available resources and social networks that exist within a place of worship to seek social change (McDaniel, 2008; Swarts, 2008). It is also a cultural strategy that utilizes the authority and legitimacy of faith-based organizations to influence values, rituals, and actions of families and communities and inspire political mobilization (Swarts, 2008). Research indicates that these activism strategies have a motivational and educative function for Black youth that facilitates their social learning and increased academic performance.
Price (2008) specifically addresses education and suggests that Black churches can help serve African American students attending public schools by providing external motivation that celebrates student achievement and promotes academic success. These important educational functions also align with social learning theory’s attention to the role of educational motivation in advancing student learning (Bandura, 1986; Baron, Bryne, & Watson, 1997; Dereli, 2009).
Social learning theory addresses how one learns through obtaining the values, beliefs, and actions viewed as appropriate for the systems and societies in which they live (Baron et al., 1997). It analyzes human motivation, thought, and action from a social cognitive perspective and specifically identifies motivation approaches as essential to the learning process (Bandura, 1986). Furthermore, it recognizes that youth cognitively develop and gain essential skills in social settings based on the motivation of multiple figures in their lives, including teachers, family members, and peers (Dereli, 2009). Three of the top motivation sources social learning theorists like Bandura (1986) identify are sensory feedback, such as visual and tactile learning experiences; perceived social acceptance and belonging; and perceived power and status change that comes through a boost in self-respect, achievement, and/or reputation. 4 Theorists also point to the pivotal influence of positive role models when it comes to youth’s learning (Dereli, 2009).
The influence of religion and faith is overlooked in much of the literature concerning students’ learning, school curricula, educational motivation, and academic performance (Toldson & Anderson, 2010), yet many youth’s actions and motivations are heavily influenced by their spiritual beliefs and participation in religious fellowship (Barrett, 2010; Green-Powell, Hilton, & Joseph, 2011). Indeed, scholars who have examined the roles of the Black church discuss the church’s responsibilities and efforts to transfer positive values and cultural beliefs to youth, inspire their educational aspirations and work ethic, and provide them with positive adult role models, which all contributes to students’ academic success and community upliftment (Barrett, 2010; Green-Powell et al., 2011; Martin & McAdoo, 2007; McCray et al., 2010).
Furthermore, Toldson and Anderson (2010) discuss church communities providing African American youth a sense of acceptance and kinship relationships that broaden their social networks and support systems. Their assertions complement findings from research conducted by Regnerus and Elders in multiple states who determined that participation in Black churches have particularly boosted the academic progress of Black children from low-income families largely through tending to their emotional need for love, trust, affirmation, and a sense of belonging (as cited in Green-Powell et al., 2011).
The work of churches to motivate, emotionally support, and marshal a variety of resources to support children complements the efficacious processes highlighted by social learning theory. Church involvement and spiritual faith may also tie to other aspects of educational motivation that researchers have explored such as increasing students’ sense of self-efficacy and thus their educational decision making and increased engagement, which can contribute to increased academic achievement too (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Hufton, Elliott, & Illushin, 2002; Jeynes, 2014). Much more research on these potential links, however, is needed. What is clear is that the educative efforts of Black church communities constitute an important aspect of prophetic activism. Indeed, today’s brand of prophetic Black church activism has great value in its motivational and pedagogical reach, yet again it functions very differently from the overtly political and protest-oriented style of prophetic activism of the 19th to mid-20th centuries.
Two other prominent forms of political activism demonstrated by Black churches are priestly activism through which churches exclusively focus all of their energy, resources, and outreach on church members, and pastoral activism whereby Black churches serve a mixture of non-church members and church members, but beneficiaries typically have to attend church service to be informed of the church’s services and advocacy (McRoberts, 2003). Our research concentrates on the capacity and efforts of Black churches to engage in prophetic activism as it has the potential to impact public education the most.
Research Methods
Our comparative case study was designed according to naturalistic qualitative research principles and case study approaches (Creswell, 2007; Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Two Black churches in central North Carolina were purposely sampled given their mission, educational outreach efforts, difference in size, and active relationships with the local school district. Church pastors, educational directors, parents, and youth linked to the educational activities participated in interviews and focus groups. In addition, church observations were conducted along with document reviews. Altogether, approximately 30 hours of data were collected.
Our data analysis addresses the following research questions:
We sought to analyze if and how the answers to these questions were relevant to our conceptual framework regarding the motivational and educative impact of prophetic activism and its social justice roots. Our objectives align with Casey and Houghton’s (2010) assertion that a case study is an appropriate design approach when “how” or “why” questions are being studied, and it allows the researcher to focus on such questions while taking the context of the situation into account by focusing on real-world application and practice. We expected that race-related contexts would prove significant.
Acknowledging the Salience of Race
We aimed to explicitly consider race-related contexts during our study to counter a long line of inquiry that has asserted colorblind analyses of learning processes and academic achievement disparities among Black and White students (Love, 2004). Colorblindness refers to overlooking one’s race and ethnic identity, which, according to Hawley and Nieto (2010), “is a good thing when it means that people do not discriminate on the basis of race” (p. 67). However, the concept of colorblindness has negative consequences when educators refuse to see (or negate) their students’ racial and cultural identities, experiences, and differences (Hawley & Nieto, 2010). Drawing upon critical race theory, Love (2004) further contends that “the stance of colorblindness is a way to insist that race does not matter and to dispute and deny the experience of African Americans, while preserving the privilege of white people to be surprised when race is mentioned” as a structural or educational barrier (p. 230).
Since racial contexts are so salient to academic achievement, social learning, and church activism (Horsford, 2014; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Love, 2004; McRoberts, 2003; West, 1982), we approached this study assuming that these phenomena should not be generically defined or assessed across racial/ethnic groups.
Church Participants
The two churches selected for this study were both established in 1900. The first church, Gospel Baptist Church, 5 has approximately 400 members. Historic documents from Gospel Baptist Church revealed that since its inception the church has been concerned with the betterment of the African American community. The members of the Gospel Baptist Church have provided services such as food and clothing banks and gone on evangelical missions to Africa. For years, the Gospel Baptist Church has also operated a program that provides educational services to students, mostly African Americans, who have been suspended long term from Oretta School District (OSD), the urban school district surrounding the Gospel and Worship Baptist Churches. 6 The church is currently led by Pastor Clarence who has been the senior pastor for the past 13 years and holds a Doctorate of Divinity.
Worship Baptist Church has approximately 5,000 members on record. It is a mega-church, meaning a Protestant congregation with a sustained church membership of at least 2,000 members (Hartford Institute for Religion Research, n.d.). Like the Gospel Baptist Church, the members of Worship Baptist Church provide services that address the local needs of the community and more global affairs. The church offers a food bank and has a system to help community members with utility bills. It provides a homeless ministry and has funded various mission programs abroad. Worship Baptist Church also provides several services to a nearby public high school. It is led by Pastor Daniel who has been the senior pastor for over 35 years and holds a Doctorate of Ministry.
The selection of these two Black churches was considered a maximum variation sample, given the contrast in their church size, which allowed us to consider how size may influence the churches’ resources and organizational approach to educational services and outreach. We determined that size only seemed to influence the scale and quantity of churches’ programs, rather than overall quality, effort, or approach.
Data Collection and Analysis
Data collection included interviews, focus groups, and observations at each church along with document analysis. The first author conducted individual interviews and focus groups to hear the voices of Black leaders and churchgoers and to obtain their insight into the prevalence of their educational activities and outreach. Five individuals were interviewed at Gospel and four at Worship, all in leadership positions of pastor or ministry coordinator. Three focus groups were conducted, including two focus groups at Gospel Baptist Church―one for parents of African American youth and one for African American youth. The third focus group was conducted at Worship Baptist Church for its African American youth. Five attempts were made to schedule the parent focus group at Worship Baptist Church to no avail, given conflicts in the church’s schedule. Instead, the first author observed and sought participant feedback at a parent meeting held by the church that was organized to discuss home–church–school communication.
Interview and focus group data conveying participants’ perceptions of why and how they engage in educational services proved most relevant as the anti-suspension program at Gospel Baptist Church was not running during the months in which this study was conducted due to limited funding. Also, due to transitioning youth leadership at Worship Baptist Church, the mentoring program the church sponsored with a local high school was on hiatus.
Documents related to both of the churches’ history, youth ministry, and church events were accessed and examined online. Documents included church bulletins; church calendars; memos/agendas from meetings focusing on the needs of school-aged children, youth and parent newsletters; and, in the case of Gospel Baptist Church, pictures from previously held youth events.
All the raw data were reviewed to identify patterned regularities and their significance in light of relevant literature and theories (Wolcott, 1994). For each observation conducted, field notes and reflective comments were recorded using an observational protocol. All interviews and focus groups were digitally recorded and fully transcribed. The first author read all transcripts multiple times to pinpoint patterns, themes, similarities, contradictions, and distinctive points offered in the data. Data were sorted and assigned descriptive codes and themes, such as “desegregation,” “teacher bias,” or “school partnership.” Data were then reanalyzed and coded according to analytical codes and themes. Many of the codes and themes, but not all, pertained to the study’s conceptual framework, such as “academic motivation,” “social learning,” or “prophetic activism.” These analytic processes align with the inductive and deductive nature of qualitative data analysis (Creswell, 2007; Wolcott, 1994). The second author also reviewed the descriptive and analytically coded data with the research questions in mind and offered input and constructive critique throughout the data analysis process.
In line with case study methodology, the multiple sources of data were triangulated to consider the extent to which data from each source yielded complementary, distinct, or contradictory information and themes, given our research questions (Creswell, 2007; Wolcott, 1994). We then considered the data in light of our conceptual framework, which clearly relates to moral, social, and political philosophies and goals of the Black, Christian church. We were mindful of our differing faith backgrounds and distinct religious subjectivities throughout the research process and worked hard to avoid being biased. Indeed, we were unsure if or how either of the churches studied would prove to be progressive. We were also fully committed to offering appropriate compliments or critique based on the data.
Findings
Church leaders and churchgoers at both churches voiced an awareness of general academic disparities involving local, African American youth. Indeed, through online inquiry and document review of public sources, we found that achievement data from the OSD revealed academic disparities similar to national data. While Black and White Oretta students each comprise roughly 40% of the district’s student population, the achievement of White students notably exceeded that of Black students. For instance, White students scored approximately 25% higher than Black students on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test for fourth graders, and White students scored approximately 30% higher than Black students on the NAEP test for eighth graders (OSD, 2011). Furthermore, the district’s African American males were almost 3 times more likely to be identified as mildly intellectually disabled when compared with all other students (OSD, 2011).
Concerns About Lack of Equity, Care, and Community
Participants from both churches were quick to convey their concerns about racial inequity as the primary motivating factor for why they engaged in educational service to African American public school students, thereby addressing our first research question. In fact, Pastor Daniel at Worship Baptist Church said that churches should “unequivocally” be involved in public education because “the church it is not only a social arena, but a moral arena” and the nurturing of youth is a moral concern.
Across the board, participants pinpointed educators who lack care, empathy, understanding, and/or high expectations of Black youth as key to African American students’ educational challenges. Pastor Clarence of Gospel Baptist Church commented, “(T)he status of public education is lacking simply because of a lack of understanding of our African American youth.” Pastor Albert, the youth pastor at Worship Baptist Church, specifically mentioned the biased perceptions that many educators have of Black youth that his church community tries to counteract. He explained,
They [African American students] are already stigmatized as to what they supposedly can do and what they supposedly can’t do. And there are several who beat the stigmatisms; but I think race has an impact on some teacher’s where they just already know this child is not going to be able to do it regardless so they don’t try to help.
Similar perceptions were articulated by other church leaders who directly work with public school students. Kerry, a parent and youth director at Gospel Baptist Church, said, “I think we have a lot of African Americans who are excelling that might not get the spotlight as much as the ones who are not excelling.” She also described many teachers interacting with African American students as if they are “just a lost hope.” Furthermore, Bernice, a youth choir advisor at Gospel Baptist Church, suggested,
Race is not understood and I don’t know if it’s valued with equity in the public schools . . . I want to see leaders and those people who directly work with minority students, especially African American children, to be receptive to them . . . So again, I don’t think the schools get it.
Adult churchgoers conveyed that they “get it” when it comes to the salience of race in public education, and the African American youth participants did so as well. With regard to teacher expectations, a female student from Worship Baptist Church said,
Sometimes they look at us and let’s say they give a problem and half the Blacks miss the problem; they think it’s because the Black students didn’t care or didn’t pay attention in class. But if the White people get it wrong then they [teachers] think, “Oh, they were tired and they deserve another chance.”
Comments like these reflected participants’ awareness of deficit-based ideologies.
Several of the elder adult churchgoers linked the current African American students’ educational challenges to historic racial contexts, particularly the impact of mandatory school desegregation in the South during the 1960s and 1970s. For example, Pastor Daniel of Worship Baptist Church shared,
Well let me qualify by saying, I think there are some efforts being made to help the quality of African American youth. But I think in comparison to what it has been (before desegregation) it is not as good.
Others spoke to issues of community loss and equity decline as OSD was desegregated in 1971. According to a male parent, not only did desegregation decrease African Americans’ sense of community, but as a result of it, “We don’t have role models that are of their [African American students’] color” in schools. He added, “We fought so hard against the concept of separate but equal that in some ways I think we hurt our children by doing that because we lost the community that supported Black teachers.”
Altogether, test scores or achievement disparities were not issues that participants singularly spoke about; rather, they addressed racial bias and relational voids in education. They, like the critical scholars who have explored academic disparities among racial groups (Horsford, 2014; Love, 2004; Perry et al., 2003), voiced their educational concerns in ways that were deeply associated with racial consciousness and structural critique rather than cultural or individual deficit thinking. While participants attributed many educational problems to teachers, they anxiously described how they and their congregations strive to socialize African American youth for educational success through providing internal youth services and external educational outreach activities.
Learning, Academic Support, and Activism in the Churches
When exploring answers to our second research question, “How do Black churches address the social and academic needs of African American school-aged youth in their communities,” data revealed themes that link back to ideas discussed in the scholarship on prophetic activism and social learning. They also strove to connect youth with positive adult role models. Yet, when it came to activism, we determined that the majority of the church’s activities were pastoral in nature, whereby the churches served both non-church members and church members, and one typically needed to be at church service to learn about the congregations’ educational activities (McRoberts, 2003). Still, both churches organized important programs that were prophetic in nature too, whereby they partnered with schools and participated in the wide distribution of information and outreach to partly target non-church member beneficiaries for the sake of contributing to their uplift and empowerment (Barnes, 2004; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; McRoberts, 2003).
Efforts at Gospel Baptist Church
Gospel Baptist Church, the smaller of the two churches with a 400-member congregation, provided an array of educational activities for its members. Kerry, Gospel’s current youth director, discussed the church’s Scholastic Committee Ministry and explained that it
. . . is geared towards the educational needs of students in general. Like they arrange school supplies or match them up for tutoring. If you need something for the school, this is the committee that you can go to. They make those things accessible to the student so that they can have academic success.
Others spoke of the church acknowledging honor roll students during service and being sure to “recognize academic success throughout the year through a newsletter, gift cards, rewards” along with distributing information throughout the school year to the congregation about the public school calendars, early closings, and school events. Gospel has also hosted back-to-school events. Additional youth-oriented activities geared toward churchgoers included Gospel’s Youth Choir, Youth Dance Ministry, and Girls Scouts troop, with all of these efforts constituting pastoral activism.
Furthermore, motivation was used by Black churchgoers as a form of encouragement and a reminder of expected behavior and responsibilities. Data showed that many times this motivation was offered within the church’s religious contexts. For instance, on Youth Sunday at Gospel Baptist Church, the youth were encouraged to come to the pulpit to quote scriptures. The youth had been taught to memorize scriptures that will, as stated by Pastor Clarence, help them with their “life challenges.” During an observation, 15 youth ranging in age from approximately 3 to 17 came to the front to quote their scripture, which were self-selected. As the children quoted their scriptures, the adult churchgoers in the audience would say, “Amen” and clap for each child. When some of the younger children seemed too shy, the churchgoers would provide positive comments, such as “You can do it baby” or “Take your time.” Also, adults who did not seem to be related to the children would come up with their Bibles and help the children with their scriptures. After the children and youth quoted their scriptures, Pastor Clarence reminded the congregation that it was imperative that the church took the time to “build up” the youth and “encourage them.” During his interview, Pastor Clarence commented on the significance of the quoting of scripture by the youth, saying in part, “We set up those standards here at church so we can reach out so that they can excel in school.”
The motivational efforts of the churches signify that type of sensory feedback and encouragement of desired values and behavior that social learning theorists deem valuable (Bandura, 1986; Baron et al., 1997), and education and religious scholars have partly attributed this to the Black church being such an influential cultural and educational institution (McCray et al., 2010; Price, 2008).
Participants from Gospel Baptist Church further linked their desire to offer church youth educational support through role modeling, another social learning strategy (Dereli, 2009). Sally, a church member, shared,
We ask them [youth church goers] often, “Are you having issues in school?” We [adults in the Youth Ministry] want to know what the problem is so we can match them with someone who can help them with the issue by providing guidance and just someone to talk to.
Altogether, churchgoers and leaders emphasized their interest and efforts to provide a caring, encouraging, and helpful community to youth goers.
Gospel Baptist Church was purposefully selected to participate in this study partly because the church had a reputation of being active in the community and had just recently collaborated with the local school district to implement an anti-suspension program. The anti-suspension program is Gospel’s largest activity that embodies prophetic activism. It was designed to provide a place outside of public schools where suspended students can come to stay current with all school assignments. When asked about the program, Pastor Clarence shared that it involved a nearby public school and the principal of that school “just happens to be one of our members.” The pastor said that the principal “approached me about the program when he heard that the school system would provide a grant. He knew the program would benefit the students that attend his school,” and he clarified that the anti-suspension program is offered to every suspended student at the school. Through the program, local high school students come to the church and work with an adult who mentors them and encourages their academic progress. The grant provided by the school district provides one full-time position and one part-time position, and Gospel volunteers commit hours to the program as well. In addition, the church provides the facility and utilities free of charge.
The anti-suspension program held at Gospel Baptist Church can be considered a form of prophetic Black church activism because of its intent to better the whole community not just church members and regular attendees. School suspension also disproportionately affects African American youth (Children’s Defense Fund, 2007), so working toward its prevention is an example of a social justice effort.
Efforts at Worship Baptist Church
Participants at Worship Baptist Church, the mega-church with the 5,000-member congregation, eagerly shared their efforts to assist African American students. Tracy, a Worship church member, explained that the church offers “ . . . services for our youth that teaches leadership skills, training, Biblical studies, and education to help with everyday life challenges.” Pastor Daniel further explained,
Well there are a number of things that we have done: 1. We have a male mentoring program that we have instituted; 2. We have SAT Prep; 3. We have programs designated for parents and adults to help them relate to students who are involved in the public schools. We have Lunch Buddy programs; we provide resources, equipment like computers for elementary, middle, and high schools; we support the athletic programs and the academic component of the local schools in public education. We provide scholarships for students going both to public and private schools (colleges/universities).
Straight A students at Worship also have the chance to win an iPod or a tablet at the end of the academic year. In addition, Worship’s youth pastor, Pastor Albert, commented that the church is “updating its library with a new computer lab for its students.” Pastor Albert also conducts “Real Talk Sessions” for church youth (most of whom attend public schools) that engages them in open discussion about various issues from boosting their academic progress to finding strategies to pay for prom.
Together, the Worship pastors touched on many activities geared toward the educational development of its youth churchgoers and others intentionally aimed for non-churchgoing youth, thus being prophetic in nature (e.g., help with athletic and academic programs, direct church donations to schools, and its Lunch Buddies program). These activities also exemplify the type of cultural and structural strategies that researchers suggest can help foster Black youth’s social networks and exposure to positive role models, and ultimately their academic success (Dereli, 2009; Toldson & Anderson, 2010). Similar to Gospel Baptist Church, Pastor Daniel at Worship Baptist Church explained that principals from local schools initiated contact with the church to solicit help.
The prime example of prophetic activism observed at Worship Baptist Church was its College Fair, an idea proposed by a school counselor who is also a church member. Worship Baptist Church secured 60 colleges and universities to participate in the College Fair and it ran advertisements on local radio stations and news stations and contacted the local school system, which sent an electronic announcement to parents via an electronic database. Also, church funding was allocated to provide refreshments and dinner for all college recruiters. On the day of the event, 58 colleges and universities were represented and approximately 2,000 people of various racial backgrounds and ethnicities were in attendance―this number includes adults and children, many (if not most) of whom were not Worship churchgoers.
The College Fair hosted by Worship Baptist Church is also an example of prophetic activism tied to social justice issues. For instance, the school counselor who presented the College Fair concept to Worship’s youth advisory panel and lead pastor for approval contended that the church needed to help offer African American youth opportunities to interact with college admission counselors. He stressed that many youth lacked such exposure and thus did not fully understand the benefits of higher education.
Shared Results
Altogether, churchgoers in the two Black churches researched used multiple strategies, activities, and programs to socially support and educationally encourage and advance African American youth. They also worked to convey expected norms for productive behavior and responsibilities. Their efforts as a whole align with the motivational tactics and strategies of offering sensory feedback, educational opportunities, and an increased sense of social belonging and/or acceptance that can increase social learning (Bandura, 1986; Dereli, 2009). Such efforts have also been found to be essential for Black church communities’ ability to help increase Black students’ academic achievement (Barrett, 2010; Green-Powell et al., 2011). In addition, the kinship that the church communities offered African American youth can help youth build a network of concerned adults who are attached to the student and show care and a high level of educational expectation (Toldson & Anderson, 2010). As one of the male parents from Gospel Baptist Church stated, youth are “searching for something or someone to cling to; to help encourage and just also to be there to care.”
In all, Gospel and Worship churchgoers’ and leaders’ focus on youth’s educational development extended far beyond narrow conceptualizations of academic achievement. Moreover, race clearly mattered to the study’s participants, including youth who asserted their beliefs that racism impairs the public school system and their experiences in it. Data from participants affirmed the critique of critical theorists who assert that “Black” is viewed through a lens of deviance in U.S. society and its public schools, which only exacerbates academic disparities (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Powell Pruitt, 2004; Wilson, Douglas, & Nganga, 2013). Instead, participants spoke to efforts of churchgoers to value and affirm Black youth’s knowledge and potential in culturally relevant ways.
Data from the churches studied also showed that their current educational and activist efforts—characterized by offering African American youth motivation and programmatic outreach—are dramatically different from the prophetic church activism of yesteryear that involved political protest and community mobilization that sought systemic change. Their activism, however, is valuable and needed. The programs provided by the churches gave adult, Black churchgoers the opportunity to directly contradict the low expectations the students felt public educators set for their learning and intellectual ability. Their efforts also embody much of what Ladner (2000) describes as a post-civil rights leadership model that comprises “cross-cultural alliances and partnerships,” from which other churchgoers, educators, reformers, and researchers can learn (para. 16). Still, we and even some of the youth participants suggest that Black churches can do more.
While all youth participants voiced appreciation for their churches’ educational programs and agreed that they are beneficial, several suggested additional activities. For instance, a student at Worship Baptist Church shared her “wish list” for additional tutoring and more achievement incentives and afterschool programs. She said, “[O]ur church does a good job sometimes because I was in the little (church) honor roll awards and that helped me to want to do better. It made me feel happy. It encourages the ones who didn’t make it.” On another note, a student at Gospel Baptist Church stated,
It would be really good to actually show us around and tell us, “This is how we got here” and “This is what we had to do.” I think that would be good. I know I have connected with a few (church goers) in the career I want to choose.
Beyond offering more educational services and activities that can help students excel in the current public educational system, we detect the need for churches’ increased political involvement to help bring about equity-minded reforms that improve the system by addressing insufficient curricular, instructional, and resource allotment issues. As important as it is for African American students to immediately achieve more academic success, succeeding in an inequitable versus a transformed system remains a limited goal.
A Call for Expanded School–Faith-Based Partnerships
Examples of prophetic activism at both Gospel and Worship churches indicate hope and possibility for extending Black churches’ and other faith-based institutions’ role in public education and African American student support. Indeed, some Black churchgoers discussed their perceptions of the strong relationships that used to exist between African American families, schools, and churches. Like some scholars (Madyun & Witherspoon, 2010), they believe that today’s Black church is in a position to regain its status as an integral partner in the education of African American students. For instance, Bernice, the youth choir advisor at Gospel Baptist Church shared,
I guess throughout life you have been bombarded with the idea of separation of church and state. But like I said the home, the school, and the church were the tripods on which lives were built and I see that kinda’ torn down now. So, why not? If it’s broke we need to fix it. So one way that perhaps we can fix it, is to have more partnerships between church and school.
We agree. The historical role of the Black church during the period of the U.S. Reconstruction and the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s highlights the ability of Black churchgoers to address both spiritual development and secular affairs (Baldwin, 2003; Higginbotham, 1993; Swarts, 2008). At the same time, educational leaders are experiencing intense pressure to promote academic achievement (Barton, 2004; Darling-Hammond, 2010), and they would help African American students by partnering with Black churches and other non-profit organizations anchored in their communities.
Some public school leaders may be reluctant to form partnerships with faith-based organizations, given some federal separation of church and state requirements they must fulfill to acquire federal education funding (Brougher & Skinner, 2010). There are federal policies, however, that support such alliances (Ryden, 2003). With current policies such as President Obama’s 2010 executive order regarding government and faith-based partnerships, collaborating with faith-based institutions can be educationally appropriate and beneficial. It is just essential that faith-based groups not promote religious doctrine or infringe on the civil rights of public school community members (Brougher & Skinner, 2010; “Obama Makes Changes to Faith-Based Partnerships,” 2010; Ryden, 2003; Zalot, 2003).
Recommendations for School and Faith-Based Leaders
To facilitate school–faith-based partnership building and address our final research question, we offer several recommendations. Our recommendations stem from the insight we gained from Gospel and Worship Baptist Churches. They are not just geared toward school principals or senior clergy, but to those individuals who will share responsibility for partnership planning and implementation. Our recommendations also align with Dantley’s (2005) call for leaders who serve African American children to use a prophetic tradition by which “the individual and community are inextricably linked in an effort to see a greater demonstration of democracy” and nurture collaboration to promote learning and social justice (p. 663).
Consider Cross-Collaboration With Multiple Partners
According to Gaines (2010), one of the reasons the Black church was so successful during the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s was that Black churches operated as a collaborative unit. If Black churches of the 21st century are to be more influential change agents, they may need to coalesce again. None of the study participants indicated having any collaborative initiatives with other Black churches regarding African American education. Black churches may also want to partner with multiple schools or a whole district, yet it could be best if church leaders determine the type of partnership that is best suited for their congregation. Such partnerships could involve offering the same service to multiple schools (e.g., Lunch Buddies), working with one school system on a particular need (e.g., implementing an African American Parental Advisory Team), or offering schools the use of church facilities for a tutoring program. Understanding that Black churches are volunteer institutions, Black church leaders have to ensure that their prophetic endeavors do not overwhelm the volunteers who will be responsible for their operation (Price, 2008).
As for educational leaders, partnering with two or a few churches with complementary missions and principles may also be advantageous; yet, doing so may end up more of a hindrance than a help if the theological underpinnings of the churches greatly differ. No school principal wants to find herself or himself in the middle of religious or inter-institutional conflict.
Affirm the Leadership Role of Teachers
While our data support that principals and church members are key in establishing faith-based partnerships, it is important that teachers be empowered to contribute to partnership building as well. We also suggest that school administrators seek out opportunities to join their teachers in observing African American students in their religious/faith-based settings as such settings are essential parts of many African American students’ community life and learning. At the same time, principals must better understand, acknowledge, and address the negative impact racial bias has on many student–teacher relationships involving African American students, which was indicated in this study’s data and has been documented in other research (Cooper, 2003; Vaught & Castagno, 2008). By not providing critical feedback, guidance, and professional development to such teachers, they serve as a detriment to students’ individual learning and can potentially undermine a school’s partnership endeavors.
Tackle Issues of Racial Inequity
Given the realities of race, achievement disparities, and troubling educational outcomes affecting African American students throughout the United States—which our data also affirm—it is imperative that school and church partners explicitly address racial inequity. This requires partners dialoguing about their perceptions of how racial inequity affects the African American youth they serve and suggesting ideas about what they can contribute to help ameliorate such conditions. Such dialogue should lead to specific and collaborative action steps, such as developing more critical professional learning communities in schools, including community partner voice and representation on school advisory boards, and/or using more culturally relevant strategies to encourage greater African American family engagement in schools (Cooper, Allen, & Bettez, 2009).
Recognize Links to State Standards
Finally, as more schools partner with churches and other faith-based institutions, educational leaders should be mindful of the ways partnership activities can support specific academic and leadership goals, including those specified by state standards. In the case of our North Carolina study, the recommendations we have suggested align with three state standards for North Carolina educational leaders (Mid-continent Research for Education and Learning [McREL], 2009), including Standard 1, which calls for strategic leadership; Standard 3’s call for culturally relevant leadership through which leaders “support and value the traditions, artifacts, symbols and positive values and norms of the school and community that result in a sense of identity and pride upon which to build a positive future”(p. 9); and Standard 4’s attention to human resource leadership that requires administrators to enable “teachers to assume leadership and decision making roles within the school” (McREL, 2009, p. 10).
Conclusion
Gaining the opportunity to receive a high-quality public education in the United States has been a core civil rights issue for African Americans since the establishment of public schools in the 19th century (Anderson, 1988), and it is an opportunity still systemically denied to many students. The lagging academic performance of African American students when compared with their White peers is just one of many indicators of an imbalanced educational system that does not just simply reflect individual students’ effort or intellectual capacity. Rather, the system yields unequal outputs partly because it operates on unequal inputs (Darling-Hammond, 2010; Love, 2004).
While educators are chiefly responsible for ensuring the quality and equity of public schools, the realities of sustained educational injustice warrant greater involvement from community stakeholders able to influence both schools and youth. Our study shows the history and potential of Black churches to serve as educational advocates through engaging in prophetic activism, a task that will be more effective if educational leaders embrace the democratic aims of public schooling and strive to develop productive partnerships with churches and other faith-based organizations.
Churches, such as those we studied, are not only religious in nature, they are gathering and motivational centers for Black families and powerful centers of social learning and development that can enhance youth’s educational dispositions and skills (Pinn, 2006; Savage, 2008). Many churches are also resourceful community hubs that engage adults with valuable social capital as appreciated role models who are well positioned to serve as change agents (Pinn, 2006; Savage, 2008). All of this can have a motivational and educative impact on children.
Of course, there is still a great need for more empirical and culturally relevant research that examines how students’ faith, spiritual/religious beliefs, and involvement affect their learning and achievement. A small yet important body of research asserts that students’ sense of efficacy, cognitive development, and achievement can be enhanced by their faith-related beliefs and practices (Barrett, 2010; Green-Powell et al., 2011; Jeynes, 2014). More research that explores such links could lend to students’ social and cultural capital being more thoughtfully nurtured, valued, and drawn upon by educators and faith-based community members.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.