Challenges to Recruiting Black Males Into Early Childhood Education

Abstract

There is a lack of Black male teachers working with young children in early childhood education (ECE). This qualitative research investigated 23 Black male participants’ beliefs about challenges to recruiting Black males to teach in ECE (birth-fourth) and recommendations to increase the number of Black males in ECE. Black masculinity identity theory was used as the lens to understand the sociocultural context participants provided. From the data, several themes emerged from participants’ experiences: challenges to recruitment (i.e., presence, financial, and systematic obstacles in society) and recommendations for change (i.e., recruitment, alternative approaches, encouraging educational paths, and valuing personal interaction).

Keywords

race identity cultural responsiveness social diversity Black males subjects college access urban education teacher education teacher candidates

Historically, during segregation, Black male teachers had a significant presence in the classroom (Carothers, 2014). According to Carothers (2014), in 1940, teaching was the number one profession, at 36%, for working Black men. Desegregation led to the dismissal of many Black male teachers (Tillman, 2004). Since that time, there has been a mismatch between same-race teachers and students (Milner, 2010). Kafka (2016) explained that, despite similarity in pedagogical approaches to teaching and learning between Black and White teachers, Black families and communities have long preferred Black teachers to teach their children because of a shared cultural context. In other words, while Black teachers might have approached the teaching of literacy to children in a similar fashion as White teachers, their motivation for doing so comes from a past where a system of oppression denied education to people of color. The situation for Black male teachers in early childhood classrooms is most disturbing. Taie and Goldring (2017) report that 6.6% of primary school teachers are Black, while 79.9% are White. The lack of presence of Black men working as teachers of young children is systematic and cyclical: Black boys do not have Black men as teachers and then do not become teachers is a problem that has been argued affects education more broadly (Mitchell, 2016).

As a means to improve urban, rural, and suburban prek-12 educational systems, this research explored Black males’ perceptions of the challenges of recruiting Black males as early childhood educators. While the Black men who participated in this study mentored or served students in non-teaching roles, none of them chose to be early childhood educators. I was interested in studying why these teachers did not select the context of early childhood as a profession and what their recommendations were for increasing the Black male teaching population in early childhood education.

The interconnected research questions for this study were as follows:

Research Question 1: What do participants in this study report as challenges to recruiting Black males to teach in early childhood education (birth-4th or 5th grade)?

Research Question 2: From their perspective, what recommendations do these Black male teachers offer to increase the numbers of Black males in early childhood education?

Literature Review

Several themes shape the literature on Black male teachers, education, and early childhood development: (a) Black males’ value and importance within educational contexts, (b) challenges to normalizing Black male presence in early childhood education, and (c) approaches toward recruiting Black male teachers. I elaborate on these central themes throughout this literature review.

Value and Importance of Black Males in Education

The literature shows the importance and value of having Black males in education as teachers (Bristol, 2015; Gershenson, Hart, Lindsay, & Papageorge, 2017; Lynn, 2006). For instance, Black male teachers are valued and important in education and in early childhood because many of them are familiar with the neighborhoods and cultural norms of Black students and accordingly could provide important instructional connections with students inside of the classroom (Bristol, 2015). Black males, as part of that familiarity, are able to make personal connections with students, create relevant context for students as they are learning material, and help students navigate challenging situations (Bristol, 2015; Vilson, 2015). Because of their racial experiences, Black male teachers understand their Black students’ experiences, and they have the potential to help students increase their academic achievement (Milner, 2016).

Black male teachers are also valuable and important because they can develop racial and cultural commonality and relationships with students and communities (Hayes, Juarez, & Escoffrey-Runnels, 2014; Lewis, 2006; Lynn, 2006; Milner, 2010). Specifically, the value of Black male teachers, especially with students of color, may address and “reduce the hostility and anger generated by feelings of alienation that are experienced by many students” (Mensah, 2009, p. 40).

Black male teachers are cast in roles as school disciplinarians in schools that are predominantly Black, where they are viewed as buffers between students and the faculty and staff (Pabon, 2016). Societally, many in leadership have reinforced the mentality that Black male educators have a primary responsibility to foster the social development of Black male students (Brockenbrough, 2012; Martino, 2008). In challenging that rationale, Milner (2016) explained, “it is unfair to expect Black male teachers to take on the responsibility of ‘saving’ an educational system that is deeply fractured, flawed, and dysfunctional” (p. 417). Simplifying the role of Black teachers to solve social problems of motivating students of color depreciates what Black males are able to accomplish in the classroom.

Still, Black male teachers relate to children of color in culturally meaningful ways and potentially contribute to breaking stereotypes White students might have (Howard, 2010). Moreover, one current study focused on same-race educational experiences found, “Exposure to a Black teacher during elementary school raises long-run educational attainment for Black males students, especially among those from low-income households” (Gershenson et al., 2017, p. 35). In addition to the literature focusing on Black males’ value and importance in education, the literature also points to challenges of normalizing Black male presence in early childhood education.

Challenges to Normalizing Black Male Presence in Early Childhood Education

A major force deterring Black males from entering and establishing their place in early childhood education comes from societal views about men and their gender roles. Social construction of gender ideals play a role in how Black men understand and act on identity related to “manhood.” Black male identity is further complicated because “Black masculinities are cultural property. . .they are ritualistically, explicitly, and implicitly validated by communities within everyday interactions” (Jackson & Dangerfield, 2004, p. 198). There is pressure for Black males to take on a “patriarchal masculine ideal” emphasizing being the provider, learning to ignore their sensitive and caring nature (hooks, 1992).

Although the societal perspective has been that women are naturally more nurturing than men (hooks, 1992), Black men have been shown to have much to offer early childhood education (Gershenson et al., 2017). In contrast to the view that Black males are not as nurturing as women, several gender theorists (hooks, 1992; Jackson, 2006; Neal, 2005) indicate that men simply nurture children in a different way. Neal (2005) provides a context from his own family, “I can’t say that my father taught me anything about fatherhood other than the fact that a good father-a good man-put in a day’s work and provided for his family” (p. 101).

In exploring Black male teachers’ perspectives about the teaching profession, Brockenbrough (2012) noted that there has been an increased emphasis on recruiting Black male teachers into education; however, few studies have interrogated “how these men negotiate the gendered power dynamics and professional culture of a traditionally female workplace” (p. 1). From interviews with 11 Black male teachers, at the middle and high school level, he found the men were challenged in the following areas:

a general inattention to the significance of male privilege, . . . confrontational encounters with women colleagues and administrators that revealed a disdain for female authority and a willingness to undermine that authority through masculinist posturing, and . . . a desire to have access to more male-centered spaces and interactions within the teaching profession. (Brockenbrough, 2012, p. 32)

Thus, Black male teachers in early childhood, like those in middle and high school, might have tensions from their identity as they interact with children and colleagues.

Brockenbrough (2012) illuminated the tension Black males feel because of an emphasis on their Blackness rather than their maleness. It is important to recognize how these participants concentrated on “psychological burdens associated with Black masculine identity within White supremacist and capitalist social contexts” while ignoring how their own patriarchal views allowed them to perpetuate sexist views about women (p. 32). While this study showed a need for critical analysis of Black men’s place in education, it also advocated for antipatriachal perspectives of educators and systems of education. These studies demonstrated some challenges to normalizing Black men in early childhood education, but there have also been successful approaches to recruit them into early childhood education.

Approaches Toward Recruiting Black Male Teachers

A third theme that emerges from the literature concerns approaches to recruit Black male teachers. There have been some efforts toward getting more males of color into education. For example, according to Sealey-Ruiz, Lewis, and Toldson (2014), Arne Duncan and Spike Lee intended to “create a task force that aims to recruit 80,000 Black males into the teaching profession by 2015” (p. xvii). New York City is spending 16.5 million on the recruitment and retention of male teachers of color with the intent of having teacher demographics better reflect the student population (West, 2015). The teachers will come mostly from the City University of New York with NYZ Teaching Fellows and Teach For America programs helping fill 400 slots. Multiple approaches have been implemented in an attempt to increase the number of teachers of color in various places.

In a report by the Connecticut RESC Alliance (2011), multiple approaches to increase the number of minority teachers were indicated. The four categories they described are “High School ‘Grow your Own Programs,’ University/College Programs, Non-traditional or Alternative Route programs, and Scholarship/Funding Incentives” (p. 3). Examples of programs focusing on middle school and high school students include the Center for Educator Recruitment, Retention and Advancement (CERRA) in South Carolina, Leadership, Education and Achievement Program (LEAP) out of Oklahoma, and Today’s Students, Tomorrow’s Teachers (TSTT) out of New York.

Stevens, Agnello, Ramirez, Marbley, and Hamman (2007) studied the recruitment of middle and high school students who participated in programming to engage them toward teaching and preparation for college. These programs have had success getting students to enter teacher education programs; however, criticism of these programs includes limited impact on representation or sustained change. Other grow-your-own programs were studied by Irizarry (2007); Madda and Schultz (2009); Skinner (2010); and White, Bedonie, de Groat, Lockard, and Honani (2007). These programs sought people from communities of color interested in teaching to help them get through programs and secure teaching positions at schools in the local neighborhood.

University efforts for recruitment included programs like Call Me Mister. According to Smiles (2002), the Call Me Mister program has been successful because support goes beyond simply providing men of color with financial support, academic and social support occur throughout the program, which runs in cohorts. The men live and study together as well as participate in internships and service learning (Smiles, 2002). Preservice teachers are developed as a community member, as well as effective teachers. These men eventually enter the classroom as teachers and hence the title “call me mister.” While Black men are targeted to participate in the program and supported, questions arise about how culturally responsive/sustainable pedagogy in part of the program as well as traditional gender roles are challenged or reinforced.

Another strategy to get more teachers of color into education was a pipeline from community colleges partnering with institutions of higher education. Lau, Dandy, and Hoffman (2007) found that paraprofessionals, substitute teachers, school clerks, and secretaries with mentoring and social support systems were able to overcome obstacles and work toward degrees related to education. Graduates of AASU Pathways Program accomplished the following: three won teaching awards, 19 have been nominated for Sallie Mae First Class Teacher Award or Teacher of the Year Award, 49 earned a master’s, four have worked for an Education Specialist degree, three have doctoral degree, while three are doctoral candidates and three are nationally board certified. To support the participants, organizers provided workshops and negotiated Friday school replacements, an emergency fund, book reimbursement, tuition reimbursement, and mid-term grades so students knew where they were and what they needed to do. As the participants were already in the high-needs school districts, they had commitment to their communities and a personal goal to teach in the schools from which they were working.

Some of the paths to certification included a variety of programs from paraprofessionals, non-certified teachers currently teaching under emergency certificates, former Peace Corps volunteers, and high school/college students (Connecticut RESC Alliance, 2011). The research showed that programs with shorter coursework had higher completion rates. A second finding is that most of the programs support the development of teachers of color through financial support rather than institutional change. After analyzing data on a 2011 national survey of practicing teachers, Boyd et al. (2008) and Feistritzer (2011) found that alternative routes to certification have been more successful at recruiting racial/ethnic minorities.

Other researches (Flores & Claeys, 2011; Flores, Clark, Claeys, & Villarreal, 2007) explored nontraditional avenues of getting people of color into the teaching profession. Flores and Claeys (2011) investigated how paraprofessionals were offered tuition assistance, tutoring, and test-taking preparation for certification exams. Included within the study was how partnerships occurred between a community college and a university. Collaborative efforts connecting prekindergarten (prek) licensure programs created avenues for successfully getting Latinx students to enter teacher education programs. They found it was important to have school districts, community businesses, and institutions of higher education partner for students to move from prek-12 systems into teacher education programs where they received increased support.

There were challenges for institutions in recruitment and support practices of students of color. Perry (2014) describes those challenges involving admissions’ teams include the lack of personnel able to recruit African American and Latino students, as well as having just one multicultural recruiter. Recruitment teams typically build relationships with places that are comfortable for them racially and socioeconomically. Recruiters and administrators at universities must be able to answer the question of how they can serve its diverse students and the answer should not be the same given to students from dominant culture. Perry (2014) makes the point that if teacher education recruited like “football coaches,” programs would be full.

Conceptual Framework: Black Masculinity

Black males are rarely framed socially as having “positive, healthy, mature, productive, and balanced identities” (Jackson & Dangerfield, 2004, p. 198). By the nature of early childhood education, nurturing, caring for, and educating young children do not fit communities’ concepts of Black masculinity. Often, nurturing and caring are viewed through the lens of economic and social responsibility; this responsibility extends not only to individual’s children but also to extended family and community children.

To understand the sociocultural context of Black men in early childhood education requires unpacking attributes of Black masculinity theory. According to Jackson (2006), Black Masculine Identity Theory is based on the following seven assumptions:

Struggle is a human activity that solidifies one’s sense of community.

Struggle is defined by group experiences (i.e., it is not that struggle is unique to Black males but that racial and gender group experiences of Black males contextualize struggle).

Struggle is the centerpiece of the Black masculine identity model because of the complexity of defining and negotiating Black masculine identity.

All identity theories in some way call for dialectic. In this case, Black masculine identities are enwrapped in an I-Other dialectic involving politics of recognition.

Black masculine persons are usually preoccupied with a sense of self-efficacy, which, when achieved, offers a sense of life satisfaction, autonomy, and stability.

Black masculine persons’ motivation to achieve is culturally, historically, and socially founded.

Without struggle, recognition, independence, and achievement, commitment to community is virtually impossible. (p. 135)

Jackson (2006) describes, “Five factors affect Black masculine positionality: struggle, community, achievement, independence, and recognition” (p. 134). According to the theory, struggle is the “psychological weight” of Black identity because of socio-political and historical complications. It consists of expectations internally and externally from the following sources: self, family, community, culture, and society. This struggle influences understanding different systems and social narratives in recognizing one’s position, similar to DuBois’s (1968) “double consciousness.” Jackson (2006) write that achievement for Black men demands, “The commitment to the immediate and extended family, the church, and to the preservation of African-American culture” (p. 206). He cautions the pressure for Black men is “staying grounded in one’s cultural worldview, while functioning within a ‘Euro-American model,’ is difficult when switching back and forth between two modes of consciousness.” Phrases like “stay Black” and “keep it real” are reminders to remain true to “one’s culture as one pursues his aspirations rather than relinquishing or negotiating aspects of the cultural self in the process” (Jackson, 2006, p. 206). Even within a culture, it is external sources that establish and validate masculinity.

Black masculinity theory provides a platform to understand how Black males have been socially molded to defer their identity allowing a sense of belonging with children as nurturing and happy, without need of lessons to teach (hooks, 2004; Jackson, 2006). The social structure that promotes patriarchal ideals about Black male identity, such as providing financially and controlling household income as well as characteristics like tough, strong, decisive, and powerful, creates an obstacle in establishing Black men’s roles in young children’s lives (hooks, 2004). Social expectations emphasize wage earnings as the most important contribution most men think they can make to their families and communities (hooks, 1990; Griffin, 2011; Neal, 2005). Black masculinity theory provides analytic tools to understand obstacles disconnecting Black men from becoming educators in early childhood education and Black feminist theory offers an alternative narrative as a means to disrupt gender identity devaluing interaction with young children.

Method

Design of Study and Procedures

This qualitative research design was guided by a phenomenology framework, leading to focus groups exploring an understanding of Black males’ experiences related to early childhood and teacher education (Van Manen, 2014). The intent is to gain a greater cultural understanding of what value Black men see themselves bringing to early childhood education and the challenges of getting them there. Procedures included (a) contacting participants via email, (b) explaining consent forms and getting signatures, (c) engaging in discourse based on the focus group questions, and (d) data transcription and analysis. Recruitment of subjects occurred through a community gatekeeper, one with access and context with the participants and identified their commitment to education and youth. Open-ended questions were developed as a means to confirm or challenge assertions from literature as related to the larger question of how Black men are valued in early childhood education and how does society systematically get more men into the field.

Participants

The focus group consisted of Black men who were interested in providing insight of experiences in early childhood education, k-12, and higher education. This research used purposive sampling where participants are selected “based on their anticipated richness and relevance of information in relation to the study’s research questions” (Yin, 2009, p. 311). There were 23 total participants with three focus group interviews. The groups consisted of the following characteristics: seven community leaders, aged 40 years or older, who work with young Black men and students of all races (elementary-high school); eight mid-career men, aged 26 to 37 years, in professional careers or working on doctoral degrees; and eight young men, aged 20 to 25 years, currently working on their undergraduate degrees. Many members of the focus group have worked with children or adolescents, especially those marginalized by race and culture. These groups were specifically chosen because they were either in education or worked closely with youth, but also none of them chose early childhood education as a career choice. Because they did not select early childhood as a career in particular, I wanted to study and learn from them about their perceptions of challenges to recruiting Black males to teach in early childhood education (birth-4th or 5th grade) and their recommendations to increase the numbers of Black males in early childhood education. In sum, the intent was to gather participants who valued early childhood education, but none-the-less decided against entering the field.

Data Analysis

Data were audio-recorded and then transcribed. Then data were analyzed and aligned with a phenomenological tradition using both an etic and an emic perspective (Van Manen, 2014). The emic lens is provided through what the participants directly say about their experiences and beliefs. From the emic lens, responses illuminated meaning from the phenomena that resonated for me as the researcher. Black feminist and Black masculinity theories provided the frame for analyzing and coding the data emphasizing systems and identity development contributing to Black men not entering the field of early childhood education, but also providing an opportunity for participants to identify ways to break from this context. As an outsider of the group, I viewed the data using an etic lens leading to a critique of some perceptions of the participants.

Positionality

My position as a White male, who has taught high school English, prek, and kindergarten in public schools that were predominantly Black and Latinx, has influenced my current identity as a faculty member in an early childhood teacher education program (Meidl & Levchak, 2016). Prior experience in the military had left me with a variety of experiences with Black male leaders guiding and encouraging me. Also, I am married to a Black woman from a Black family. My positionality has led to the belief that many of the Black men I have taught and interacted (i.e., family, colleagues, and friends) have what Colker (2008) identified as the 12 characteristics of effective early childhood teachers: “passion about children and teaching, perseverance, risk taking, pragmatism, patience, flexibility, respect, creativity, authenticity, love of learning, high energy, and sense of humor” (pp. 70-73). After identifying my own experience as a male early childhood educator, I wondered how many Black males recognize these traits and connect them to career choices.

Credibility and Reliability

As this was a phenomenology study, contexts of credibility fall in line with methodological emphasis on a sound description of the phenomena. Van Manen (2014) states, “The validity of a phenomenological study has to be sought in the appraisal of the originality of insights and soundness of interpretive processes demonstrated in the study” (p. 348). In this case, the intent is to identify participants’ perceived challenges to getting Black men into early childhood education as well as seek opportunities to change that narrative within the context of their human experience.

Findings

From the data, two themes emerged from the stories and experiences of the participants. The first research question exploring the challenges participants believed to in getting Black men into early childhood education fell into three categorical themes. And the second research question, which asked for recommendations for changing the narrative, produced recommendations from participants on how to recruit more men into early childhood education.

Challenges to Recruitment

Most of the men in my study never considered the field of early childhood education. Challenges the participants discussed as to why Black men would not think about going into early childhood education fell into three categories: presence, financial, and systematic obstacles in society. What was prominent in the participants’ responses was the seven assumptions Jackson (2006) describes especially in regard to struggle, as well as his five factors that affect Black masculine positionality. Much of what was discussed reinforces Brockenbrough’s (2012) critique that what is seen is Black racial oppression and what is missed is genderized views reinforcing patriarchal ideals.

Presence

One of the most prevalent obstacles discussed was the lack of adult Black male presence, physically being in educational settings when they were students. A participant exclaimed, “I think the reason why a lot of people are not running towards the education field is because as a kid I didn’t have anyone in my classroom telling me, or I didn’t see anyone doing it.” Multiple participants voiced their experience as, “The situation is that there are not that many African American males to speak about because, they don’t see it so they’re not really relating to it and “they are told other things are important you want to be big name things and you want to make all this money and all this stuff, they are not trained to say and think about being a teacher.” Adding to this dialogue another participant said, “I probably had 3 male teachers throughout my whole high school career. Throughout grade school they were all gym teachers. You’re not taught to go to school to be an educator.” Because Black men are missing from the experience of young children in schools, many do not see themselves as teachers. This contributes to the cycle of Black men not being present in schools.

Many participants recognized the impact their own presence could have even as volunteers but felt conflicted by social pressures. They discussed feeling drawn to helping the Black community, but pressured in regard to whether that comes from being successful themselves or sacrificing some of their own goals for community goals. Problematizing participants’ view of success being financial fits with Jackson’s (2006) assumption, “Black masculine persons are usually preoccupied with a sense of self-efficacy, which, when achieved, offers a sense of life satisfaction, autonomy, and stability” (p. 135). Most of the participants described this double-edged sword:

Volunteering your time for them, but when you do it full time, it doesn’t fit this notion of manliness or making bank. Trying to find that balance is difficult because if you actually have a job as a full time lawyer, there is little time that you do have to be volunteering. People of society say make a lot of money, become a lawyer, become an engineer, become a doctor, all these different professions that you’re working more than 40 hours a week. Then they say that you never give back to the kids; if you give back to the kids full time they say we need role models who are males who are lawyers.

The participating men felt that whether early or late in their careers, it was difficult to be able to both volunteer and be a model as a professional. They expressed a need for multiple ways to support children and youth; early childhood teachers were one way, but they also suggested guiding young children as volunteers, leaders, or fundraisers are other options. Part of their desire to be involved was to share characteristics of identity that define them culturally.

Presence supports pride in culture, which may be a key influence in human identity. One participant talked about how cultural pride supports high expectations of individuals, especially those who are African American, “you expect those kids to do well. . .work your butt off and make sure those kids have a top education and you tell them, ‘What’s wrong with you, why did you fail this class? ‘That’s why they show trust.” Schools must emulate the high standards that come from the home, the expectation of being the best of the community. Part of presence is authenticity. A graduate-level student contextualized authenticity as follows:

I don’t sugarcoat my students. They know where I come from. My students know where I was raised; a lot of them know my mom, they know my grandma. I tell them my story. I went through the things that they went through, and I shared similar stories of people I know, so they have a way of dealing with it. If you do have predominantly White teachers they might not have experienced that.

Several participants believed for many students of color, Black teachers share challenges related to race, Black culture, and impact of socio-economics on life similar to Jackson (2006) stating, “Struggle is defined by group experiences” and they are “culturally, historically, and socially founded” (p. 135).

Financial

One of the most common rationales identified, as keeping Black men from early childhood education, was financial or economic security. Earnings were described as having a major impact on the choices Black men make in regard to careers. Child care workers, birth–preschool, are some of the lowest paid in the workforce. Public school teachers earn a livable wage, but for many Black families, it is seen as less than the goal of affluence through education. For many participants, financial comfort through well-paid employment was the intended outcome after college:

You see these people with high influence and are making a lot of money. . .what do I want to be when I grow up. I want to be rich. I want to make money. I want to be like that guy who’s on TV. People don’t see teachers or, you know, people in the education field as effective or influential having anything to do with changing the world.

Higher education was associated with earning potential, as Neal (2005) emphasized that this is a traditional ideal associated with Black male patriarchy.

Many of the undergraduate participants spoke of pressures they believe Black men feel in regard to being superstars and making money. Sports and entertainment stardom was discussed as leading Black youth away from teacher education, with individuals being star-struck. In contrast, participants also discussed the ability to be advocates of their community and influencing Black children, “Your legacy lives on through that kid you taught. Now that lesson you taught that kid, that kid is going to go on and teach his kid and it moves on from generation to generation.” Teaching young Black children provides an opportunity to reintroduce the community value of “the village” approach to raising children over individuals. This is another notion related to Jackson’s (2006) assumptions, “Without struggle, recognition, independence, and achievement, commitment to community is virtually impossible” (p. 135).

Systemic obstacles in society

A number of systematic obstacles occurring within society emerged. The need for cultural code switching was one challenge. Black males described needing to learn to navigate social settings verbally and nonverbally through cultural code switching. One participant explained,

It was a constant struggle because it seemed like I had to put on a face whenever White students were in session and then put it back on whenever the Black students came. When Black students came I didn’t even have to try to get them to tell me things but White students I would have to break down the barrier that I’m not a bad guy.

African American males perceive themselves needing a lens of double consciousness and being able to culturally “code switch” depending on the students and families they were interacting (Du Bois, 1968). The racial make-up of families was seen as influential according to one participant:

I was a volunteer at a high school that was a predominantly Black high school and their kids didn’t have a male figure at home. I’m the one they come to and say, “hey, I need advice, I need help with this, I need help with that.” None of the parents were upset about that. They actually encouraged it.

He expressed reservations about White families perceiving him as an asset. Part of working in schools is not just working with students but also with families.

Barriers to having more Black men in early childhood education was articulated within social stereotyping. A participant explained,

Society almost says your not nurturing and you can’t do this, its not appropriate. They had these fliers on campus that said, “come babysit a professors kid,” I feel that if I apply for that and they found out I was a Black male there is no way, no matter what, I’ve been watching kids since day one, taking care of everybody and nurturing kids and in education, but no professor on campus would say, “We’re going to get Sylvester to watch my kid.”

Here is where positionality influences me as a researcher because my children experienced having an African American male “babysit,” but I recognize this is the exception rather than the rule. It also was an individual I knew from the teacher preparation program. I wonder if faculty would feel comfortable having a Black man watch their children? What types of apprehensions would automatically go through their thoughts, no matter what their response?

Several participants stated the reason to teach in k-12 schools was as a protective presence emphasizing empathy from same-race, same-cultural connections. One stated,

The reason why we should become early childhood educators is because when a Black boy does something wrong and he gets in trouble, whether its small or big, they are either sent to the principles office and then sometimes they are being taken away by the police for some reason or by a security officer, they are being sent to juvenile detention.

Participants felt too many teachers approach Black children as “criminals.” Aligned with Delpit’s (2006) experiences, participants contextualized, “Before teachers even take a job in predominantly Black communities, they’re being told, ‘hey watch out, watch what you say, watch what you do because these kids act like XYZ.’” Stereotyping of communities and children from those communities becomes a barrier to establish a positive relationship within educational systems, including teacher preparation.

Cultural identity theory (Hall, 1997; Jackson, 2002) contextualizes how cultural norms combine with community, achievement, independence, and recognition influencing what Black males perceive as acceptable beliefs about who they are and what they can do. It may because of a socio-historical legacy that men in general do not commonly choose teaching as a career (Jackson, 2006). But many of the men discussed being involved as volunteer or during the summer working in various camps where they mentored children. A participant contemplated, “I never had any Black teachers,” however, “during the summer time I always had Black male camp leaders. I went to a camp within the not dominantly White community, but it was in the city. The leaders were always Black males.” In contrast he said, “My teachers were always White people. I thought that was interesting.” Contexts where Black males are guiding and facilitating interaction with and among children and adolescents were preferred rather than the identified authority figure. For most, if not all, of the participants, teachers are in a clear position of authority representing a system of the dominant culture. Positions of authority are often seen as contributing toward systematic racism and patriarchy (hooks, 2004; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).

There was resistance, by some, for their identity to be tied to an institutional role of power. One participant said,

That role as a camp counselor was more fun, with discipline, getting kids under control and everyone likes you in that role. Its almost like a reciprocating thing where you actually enjoy it and have fun during that mentoring process and it feels like your giving back as well and its not a full time thing. Not primarily in the classroom but more like an authority figure without all the teacher structural things.

An undergraduate explained the view of teachers in line with social control theory in education (Huebner & Betts, 2002), “You already don’t like people being in charge of you so you want to do anything in your power to make it feel like they don’t have that much power over you.” Adding he said, “I was a strong personality and I’m going to do everything in my power to make sure you don’t have any power over me. I was bad because you told me what to do.” The role of teacher was perceived as a controlling role and in conflict with identity built on rejecting White-supremist patriarchal capitalist agendas (hooks, 2004).

There was some criticism that society spends time and effort attempting to “improve” Black men from a deficit or “broken” perspective rather than identifying them as assets, which contributes to Black male struggle as asserted by Jackson (2006). Too many programs were seen as promoting reactionary approaches to help them stay out of trouble rather than promote positive paths. A participant exclaimed,

So it’s having representation and conversations by the powers that be. It is in social work because we want African-American male social workers to keep Black males out of jail, and help mental health systems. We want African-American males to work in communities and help police manage behaviors. When in fact, we need them in the classroom early on.

Reframing systematic roles would recognize that guidance and mentoring from Black male educators in early childhood education may provide a view of Black girls and boys that values them positively and as assets. Participants believed too many remedial programs reinforced White liberal ideology of “saving” Black youth. More so, they felt many White liberals participate and support remedial programs as a means to “feel good” or alleviate their conscious of guilt from identified White privilege, while never truly sacrificing their own societal position.

Recommendations for Change

Participants provided a variety of suggestions as how to effectively recruit Black males into early childhood education. Institutions of higher education have a great responsibility in leading social change. It is the place where ideas and voice are valued as the foundation of academic culture. Participants, who were all current undergraduate students, graduate students, or post-degree, spoke of five ways institutions could advocate for Black men in early childhood education: recruitment, alternative approaches, encouraging educational paths, and valuing personal interaction.

Recruitment

Participants described systematic indifference toward recruiting African American students academically and recognizing their sociocultural needs at predominantly White institutions. One criticized, “They go after White males, White females, then its Black females. Then you might get a Black guy.” This participant did not believe academia invests in Black males. He believed that cycles of who pays and who graduates is the rationale for recruiting. Another participant noted, “They say Black men don’t graduate from college, statistically. So if we go into universities that are predominantly White. . .and I’m not giving you a scholarship, the White guy is going to pay for it, White females going to pay.” There was sentiment that without scholarships, Black men would not probably be recruited or choose early childhood education.

Who gets scholarships is another place where some participants felt there was neglect, but a potential for change. One said,

We talk about the plight of young African-American boys coming out of low-income schools who have the opportunity; they see these other avenues because that’s what in front of them. No one’s given me money for education. If in fact those in power over education, Department of Education, states, and school districts, want to have increased numbers of Black males as teachers they must provide an incentive for this choice.

At what levels has the federal or state governments incentivized teacher education for Black males? While South Carolina’s “Call Me Mister” program was a systematic effort, there are too few of those types of approaches being used to recruit Black males. Recruiting alone was not the challenge.

Institutions were not perceived to make real efforts to connect with students of color. In describing how culture influences communication, a participant stated, “I’ve experienced predominantly White institutions, no one else is looking like you, they don’t understand slang or experiences.” Continuing, “I studied with White people in a White context of interaction, behavior, and learning.” This led to the feelings of “stress and pretense from this constant reminder of being an outsider.” Changing the institutional narrative would require rethinking support systems for students of color and providing funding for those supports, especially in ways connected with “struggle” as part of Black masculinity identity theory (Jackson, 2006).

Alternative approaches

The men in the focus group provided ideas about ways to get more Black male teachers. One explained, “I think if more universities can go into these high schools and show Black men that they can still be successful in college, get an education, early education, elementary education and kind of show them we have your back.” Describing the program, he said, “They take those kids from those schools and say we are going to pay for your degree while you go but you have to give that back to us after you get out into the public school system because the number one thing coming out of college was money.” Financial output versus potential earning can create a lot of stress for students of color, especially first generation. Success is a way for the whole family to move up, with the stipulation that extra support is often needed. Colleges and universities connecting with families was one option, but another explored partnerships between schools of education and school districts. Having a visible connection between communities, schools, and higher education provides an example for how Black men find balance in their identity surrounding “struggle, community, achievement, independence, and recognition” (Jackson, 2006, p. 134).

One model suggested was having current Black male seniors in high school provide support within classrooms. The following was offered as an example, “If they go in on the other side almost like a student teaching job for high-schoolers. If you can have them to show with a teacher and show them teaching and shadow them.” He described,

My senior year, I had a favorite teacher and I was her teaching assistant. It was cool because I played football and I had a scholarship to State. I heard her class was pretty bad so when they would see me in the class they kind of looked up to me as a role model. . . I could call them out and tell them, “well alright, your skipping but you have this F and that’s not good.” I think there is still some schools that do that but if they were more regimented with a certain kind of program it would definitely work.

Black males were not discussed as being academic resources to support other students at the k-12 level. Discourse in teacher preparation programs might need to more explicitly push teacher candidates to engage in more asset thinking.

Institutions of higher education were also viewed as having the potential to provide educational support to urban schools, which are underresourced. They believed some schools in the city provide real opportunity, while other students waste their time in schools where they will not gain college readiness skills. University programming can support the empowerment of young men of color through partnerships with k-12 schools. One example provided was, “Build community service projects and they put a lesson plan together and they’ll go inside the charter school and teach it to the students.” The participant explained the high school students, “even say, ‘I’ve lost track of that side of who I was.’ It’s like 9th-12th graders who feel good about themselves who say, I feel like I can make a difference in someone’s life.” Unlike the mainstream narrative that schools are opportunity, the participants believed that many children growing up in urban settings do not trust school leaders, nor do they believe children would be provided with effective learning from the school systems.

Collectively, participants emphasized how Black students need to have more positive educational experiences with Black adults. One stated, “If you can get Black males to see how you can connect with the Black youth at a younger part of their life they could connect with education earlier and probably have a more beneficial relationship with them.”

Encouraging educational path from White teachers

While there were reservations about Black men having the characteristics to be early childhood educators, there was a clear disbelief that the current demographic of teachers was best for students of color. One graduate student vented,

In the district we work in 85% teachers are White females. They have a lot of influence to impact youth. And so then having the skill set and the tools to educate students of color, because they don’t encourage students of color to become educators. They encourage students that look like them to be educators. If you have to start somewhere put programs in place to educate White teachers how to teach students of color as well as encourage them to come back into a system that that they are part of so they can flourish as they progress up. . . one teacher can influence many kids throughout the early childhood years. We talked about men of color influencing African-Americans, I believe the majority of White teachers have an impact and influence as well.

Opportunities for systematic change necessitate White teachers’ involvement with high expectation and responsiveness to students’ cultural needs. Milner (2010) articulates that White teachers can have a very positive impact on student success when they are culturally responsive.

The larger role universities can play is in the narrative about not stereotyping people’s identity solely by neither race nor blindly ignoring its impact in understanding how preservice students navigate courses and institutional systems. Most of all, university administration, faculty, staff, and peers would gain by seeing diverse perspectives as assets for teaching and learning. Asset thinking requires one to move away egocentric evaluation of others. One participant explains, “if you can get this going [Black men in early childhood education], to not go only in prominently Black schools. You have to go into White schools.” An important point made by this participant was that Black males should not be pigeonholed to serve and work only with Black students in Black communities. Integrated space was articulated as an option, “trying to thrive in places where non-Black males are being exposed helps. The school that I’m working, they’ve had some context where they’ve been around non-Black kids and they can relate.” Integrated experience for students who are cross-cultural and cross-racial allow for positive personal interactions to occur.

Valuing personal interaction

As mentorship plays an important role in Black culture, it also provides an opportunity for influencing the next generations. Part of mentoring relationships includes personal investment and guidance. One participant described, “If there were a group of faculty, say 10, 20, 30 who could show support to those men . . . telling them there may be some failures and maybe some successes.” Participants believed having multiple faculty, as identified advocates, would be able to provide support as well as individualized learning. Emphasizing individuality, “They need to know that through this program you make mistakes. You could work with someone with individualized tutoring, someone to help you visualize and coach you through it.” Ideas included faculty as “coach,” “mentor,” and “a liaison.” Support during the education process was described as, “Someone that asks you where are you in the process, even mentally. Always preparing you for what to anticipate. Sometimes having a liaison helps force you to examine the actual practical part.” Promoting program cultures that emphasize self-examination and support was considered an important part of navigating the process.

Dialogue from participants led to an emphasis on the need for instructors to create personal experiences and relationships. One undergraduate described an impersonal experience, “Faculty don’t consider the needs of the student. We have a lot of professors who just profess, don’t teach, and that bleeds down to the high schools and the elementary schools.” In contrast to that experience, the same participant described a more personal interaction:

Just let them know you care. Tell them you want them to come to office hours to talk. I had a professor who did everything he could to make me feel comfortable. He even came to the hospital to check up on me. He was clueless of what I was going through, but he was there and he listened. He was not a man of color but I looked up to him and I admire him to this day.

Part of the personal experience participants wanted was an explicit message of caring from instructors. But faculty can also contribute to guiding support groups.

University programming is an attempt to create formal and informal community interaction. Participants emphasized that both faculty members and institutions of higher education (IHEs) need to provide space, time, and support of cohort or subgroup interaction. One undergraduate explained, “create a cohort experience” as “you have to build up a community of support to get through the program.” Cohorts were thought to allow individuals to connect, but for this to happen, intentionality in scheduling and integrated experiences are important. Participants articulated how often they were the single Black person in their class, as in this example, “I feel more often than not that I was the only Black man in class. I’m not saying the class needs to be 50-50 but it feels good to see someone who looks like me. One person, so you can say I’m not 100% alone.” While the cohort model fits well with Jackson’s (2006) assumptions and factors affecting Black masculinity, it also potentially reinforces patriarchal frames of position and power (Brockenbrough, 2012).

Discussion

Guiding this study was the desire to understand ways Black men believed they could be recruited into early childhood education, as well as challenges to this goal. The sample of Black men represented individuals who were undergraduates, graduate students, or individuals working with children or youth but who did not select early childhood as a profession. While this group might provide a viewpoint that allows transferability, they also are limited by the local context and their affiliation with k-12 education or youth programming. Utility is left to the reader to decide as this research provided insight into the reasons for Black men’s thoughts about early childhood education as a career. While participants all believed more Black males should be in early childhood settings, without emasculation, their discourse of challenges represented a predominance of patriarchal thinking about community, families, and their role in education. Based on the findings, the paradigm of contexts and impact is re-envisioned within the lens of Black feminist thought.

The current lack of Black male presence in preschools and elementary schools was seen as a major barrier. This absence can lead to children developing the belief that early childhood education is not a job for Black males. Dowd (2000) states, “Indeed, that broader masculine identity arguably poses the most difficult challenge to a redefined and differently lived fatherhood. As long as masculinity identifies nurture and care as feminine and unmanly, men’s socialization will work against them rather than for them” (p. 181). While Dowd (2000) was speaking about fatherhood rather than as an early childhood educator, he points out the barrier imposed by Black masculinity identity is based on traditional characteristics of a man. A social shift redefining the Black masculine identity to include characteristics such as sensitivity, empathy, and nurturing may be the greatest challenge to getting more Black males into early childhood education (hooks, 2004; Jackson, 2006; Neal, 2005). Possibilities of change might begin with Black males interacting with young children in various volunteer opportunities and partnerships, rather than solely as teachers. Social implications of having more Black men in education means that children of all races and sexes can develop personal relationships with men of color, breaking stereotypes. There is a need for these men to have interrogated both patriarchal and antipatriarchal perspectives on sociocultural constructs (Brockenbrough, 2012).

Part of this social shift, emphasizing Black men’s place in early childhood education, would prioritize Black men recognizing and valuing the ways in which they interact with young children. The recognition of nurturing young children as a masculine identity is a challenge to the Black community and Black males in particular as Neal (2005) states:

Rethinking Black fatherhood goes hand-in-hand with rethinking Black masculinity. We need to applaud Black fathers who see themselves as partners in the full range of parenting activities, and who take seriously their roles as nurturers. We need to build a model of Black feminist fatherhood. (p. 156)

Silverstein (1996) speaks to the overarching impact of changing the narrative about masculinity as the “experience of nurturing and caring for young children has the power to change the cultural construction of masculinity, into something less coercive and oppressive for both women and men” (p. 31). Specifically speaking about the caring Black man, Neal (2005) argued, “Black men seeing themselves as nurturing fathers is only the beginning of a process in which a Black feminist fatherhood can be realized” because they have “something unique and important to offer” (p. 115). While many of the men in this study did not identify the “something unique and important,” they did allude to recognizing that they did have an important role in the lives of young Black children especially.

A Black feminist lens helps provide a framework that deconstructs the amount of struggle in balancing Jackson’s (2006) five factors, “struggle, community, achievement, independence, and recognition” impacting Black masculine identity. Many of the men discussed the reason for lack of consideration of early childhood education due to minimal perceived earnings. This misperception of low pay in early childhood education leads not only to Black men not considering the profession, but families discourage as upward mobility impacts the whole family. Dowd (2000) explains tense, “The most critical way of proving one’s masculinity is by being an economic provider, and it is precisely in that respect that Black men are denied the means to be men in traditional terms” (p. 73). In 2015, the national median pay for teachers was US$54,550 (average of 185 contracted workdays) per year with benefits, while the average salary for all workers was US$36,200 (U.S. Department of Labor, 2017). The misperception of low earnings contributes to a communal message that teaching is not for Black males. Black masculinity theory provides a platform to understand how Blacks males have been socially molded to defer a sense of belonging with children, disconnected from the perception they can provide the emotional nurturing younger children need (hooks, 2004).

Approaches to recruitment of Black males requires reaching out to schools, communities, and other spaces where a redefined Black male identity can be described within the scope of what hooks (2004) and Neal (2005) describe as emotionally attuned, nurturing, and caring. This can be the new narrative for the “progressive cool” and “New Black Man” (Griffin, 2011; Neal, 2005). Education as a whole tends to represent systems that deny full access and value to many in society. Participants made it clear that school settings were quite aware of who they racially were and how they were acting based on whom they were interacting. They believed they were perceived better by Black parents (hooks, 2004; Jackson, 2006; Kafka, 2016). However, many participants also felt no group would openly embrace Black males as early childhood educators, wanting them to teach young children or valuing how their individual and cultural characteristics might contribute to learning.

Institutions of higher education were seen as being both barriers and providing opportunities in getting more Black males into education. Recruitment was identified as a starting point, but emphasis was placed on scholarship support to change the narrative. Once students get into universities, they expect that faculty and staff are able to recognize Black men’s needs that might be different than others, including at times they are left feeling isolated. Institutions and state departments of education might coordinate in providing alternative routes to get Black males into education rather than traditional teacher education. Systems of which Black male identity emerges from are based on racially and gender biased norming leading to failures in their recruitment and value as teachers and caretakers of young children.

Curriculum designed to support the Black Feminist thinking in children, specifically Black boys, starting in the youngest of grades going through adolescence creates a narrative challenging patriarchal frames of identity development (hooks, 2004; Neal, 2005). Using books like Amazing Grace, Marisol McDonald Doesn’t Match, The Apple Pie That Papa Baked, and Honey I Love allow for the creation of new ways of thinking about race and gender. Introducing these narratives to children creates a new social consciousness framed within the hope that Black feminism provides.

Future research requires the study of Black male early childhood educators. Finding out what experiences influenced their decision to enter a teacher preparation program and how they were recruited is needed for high schools, universities, and school districts to establish a “school-to-teacher” pipeline. It is also necessary to see how they were or were not supported during the program and specific needs they might have. And finally, research exploring the experiences of Black male early childhood educators would expand conversations about why not only their presence but also their cultural approach to interacting with children is important. Another focus would be to gain greater understanding of the perceptions of how the students, families, and administrators perceive the impact that Black educators make.

Conclusion

In addressing understanding the lack of Black male early childhood educators, the intent of this research was to illuminate challenges toward recruiting and valuing them in that context. Through the lens of Black masculinity, 23 Black men described tensions and struggles about their identities in relation to interacting with children. Getting Black men into early childhood education starts with getting Black boys and men to value their ability to nurture others. The narrative for needing more diverse teachers must expand beyond serving urban children of color, and recognize the individual and cultural variation in Black men and all teachers of color as assets. Patriarchal gendered identities, coming from both the dominant White and the Black communities, create the struggle these men discussed as being both “real men” and caretakers of young children.

A glaring challenge is establishing a lens of Black feminism in concert with Black masculinity as Black male educators. Black males in this research believed the next generation of Black males should feel empowered within their “manhood” to educate and care for young children unapologetically as part of their identity; this means not feeling they have betrayed expectations of community built around traditional Black masculinity (hooks, 2004; Jackson, 2006; Neal, 2005). Within Griffin’s (2011) articulation of the progressive cool and Neal’s (2005) New Black Man, Black masculinity can re-emerge embracing sensitivity, tenderness, and nurturing as characteristics of manhood.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Christopher Meidl

Author Biography

Christopher Meidl is an assistant professor at Duquesne University where he teaches in the Early Childhood Education program. He earned a PhD in Curriculum and Instruction in Early Childhood Education from The Pennsylvania State University. His areas of research include character/moral education, urban education, diversity of teacher educators, and pre-service teacher identity development.

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