All Around the World Same Song: Transnational Anti-Black Racism and New (and Old) Directions for Critical Race Theory in Educational Research

Abstract

As demonstrated through the disregard for Black humanity and respondent Black social movements throughout Latin America, anti-Black systemic racism is a transnational phenomenon birthed from global White supremacy. Across the Americas, the hemispheric parallels undergirding collective resistance to anti-Black racism and state-sanctioned violence lend themselves to multifaceted interdisciplinary scholarly examinations. Using transnational anti-Black racism in Latin America as a point of departure, we advance a theorization of critical race theory in education capable of interrogating racist structures of coloniality, modernity, and White supremacy that operate globally to suppress Black humanity and humanness in general. To that extent, we draw from and reposition critical race theory (CRT) from its sociohistoric heritage in the United States and instead conceptualize transnational anti-Black racism vis-à-vis a Black Diaspora reading of CRT. Finally, we return to education as a key site of contestation for transnational anti-Black racism and draw implications for the meaning of this global theorization of CRT in urban education, praxis, and educational research. We end by charting new and old directions for CRT in educational research.

Keywords

critical race theory transnational anti-Black racism Black/African Diaspora theory Black Lives Matter urban education Latin America

Wherever the Negro goes, he remains a Negro.

—Frantz Fanon (1952)

. . . The struggle transcends the borders of our respective countries—the suffering of Black men, women and children is an international phenomenon.

—Abdias do Nascimento (1979)

Introduction

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement redirected the gaze of the general U.S. citizenry toward the nexus of race and citizenship, consequently renewing collective memories of racism largely disregarded since the civil rights movement (King et al., 2016). Originally conceptualized by three Black women—Alicia Garza, Opal Tometi, and Patrisse Cullors—BLM began as an insurgent social media movement intended to scrutinize the murder of Black citizens at the hands of police and vigilante citizens in the United States. However, the transnational nature of BLM and acts of sociopolitical solidarity among Black citizens in various nations is often undiscussed in educational spaces (Andrews, 2016; Bowen et al., 2017; Dache, 2019; Dixon, 2016; Paschel, 2016b; Smith, 2016, 2017; Strong, 2018). Black populations globally—especially in parts of Latin America such as Brazil and Colombia—have used the social movement as a wellspring for joint activism and sutured several aims from the Movement for Black Lives to their local mobilization efforts for racial injustice (Barragan, 2014; Davis, 2016; Hill, 2018; Jones, 2018; Smith, 2017; Townes, 2016).

Although Black Brazilians and U.S.-African Americans continue to demonstrate racial solidarity (Mattos, 2017), Afro-Brazilian and broader Afro-Latin American social movements against the dehumanization of Black people—mainly via anti-Black state-sanctioned police violence—precede the BLM movement in the United States (Hanchard, 1994; Hooker, 2017; Paschel, 2016a, 2016b; Smith, 2016). As Paschel (2016b) noted regarding anti-Black violence in Brazil, “state violence against Black people didn’t stop with the end of Brazil’s military dictatorship in 1985. And the criminalization of Black communities doesn’t end at Brazil’s borders” (p. 39). Similar to BLM, 21st-century Afro-Brazilian social movements emphasize systemic social and political exclusionary practices that marginalize Afro-Brazilians (Alves, 2018; Dixon, 2016). In the case of Brazil and also Colombia, Black social movements are intersectional in nature as they underscore gendered manifestations of anti-Black racism (Caldwell, 2007, 2019; Cardoso, 2016; Carneiro, 2016; C. Ferreira & Medeiros, 2016; Perry, 2013; Rocha, 2012; Smith, 2016, 2017).

The analogous experiences of U.S. African Americans and Afro-Latin Americans constitute a transnational radial category of racial citizenship (Sawyer, 2008). Describing global racial inequality, Sawyer (2008) proposed four core concepts that define transnational experiences with anti-Black racism:

A history of oppression and unequal incorporation in social, political, and economic life of the nation;

A negative and limiting set of stereotypes that operate to define that group;

Formal legal and informal barriers to achievement;

An ideology that justifies the domination and oppression of the group (p. 136).

Paschel (2017) further underscores Sawyer’s notion of Black radial citizenship indicating “that when we say ‘Black Lives Matter’ we refer to the imperative to articulate and transcend nation-state boundaries” (p. 28). In addition, the two contemporary resistance movements not only represent an act of transnational racial solidarity, but also accentuate the global nature of systemic and systematic anti-Black racism. Anti-Black systemic racism is a global phenomenon birthed from global White supremacy (Harrison, 2008; Mills, 1997, 1998; Winant, 2008). Mills (1998) contends, “although there are local systems with different rules, historically the most important global racial system has been the system of white domination, structured on a white/nonwhite axis” (p. 77). Moreover, the global racial system of White dominance functions through a racial contract (Mills, 1997), where the subperson population—in this case Black people across the African Diaspora in the Americas—are exploited, denigrated, and forced to conform to White rule. As evident with anti-Black violence in the United States, Brazil, and Colombia, the racial contract is maintained through “two traditional weapons of coercion: physical violence and ideological conditioning” (Mills, 1997, p. 83).

The purpose of this article is to animate the potential for critical race theory (CRT) to apprehend matters of race and anti-Black racism on a transnational scale. Using transnational anti-Black racism in Latin America as a point of departure, we advance a theorization of critical race theory in education capable of interrogating racist structures of coloniality, modernity, and White supremacy that operate globally to suppress Black humanity and humanness in general (Fanon, 1952, 1961; Mills, 1998; Wynter, 1994, 2003). We implicate education for two reasons: First, educational institutions have been major actors in maintaining the weaponization of White supremacy either through the absence of opportunities for formal education, inequitable access to quality education, or by reinforcing and maintaining domination through social and ideological control in schools (Fanon, 1952; Freeman, 2005; Seck, 2005). Second, education, namely, urban education, has been a key site of contestation for sociopolitical concerns relevant to the Movement for Black Lives (Dache, 2019; Dixson, 2018; Lindsey, 2018; Love, 2014; Royal & Hill, 2018). Inasmuch, urban schools remain a contested site central to understanding the global plight of Black people and, resultantly, education should address these matters as transnational (Dache, 2019; Gomes & Laborne, 2018; Strong, 2018). To be clear, we refer to urban education across typology—be it urban intensive, urban emergent, or urban characteristic (Milner, 2012). From urban intensive settings such as New York City or Rio de Janeiro to more urban emergent and characteristic geographies such as Buenaventura, Colombia and Belle Glades, Florida, schools are markers of the matrix of Black dispossession, capitalistic accumulation, and Black denigration (Castillo & Caicedo, 2015; Dumas, 2016; Dumas & ross, 2016; Gomes & Laborne, 2018; Lindsey, 2018; Love, 2014, 2019). Thus, urban education provides a translocal locus of analysis for understanding anti-Black racism from “one diaspora to another” (Hall, 1999/2019, p. 214).

To that extent, we draw from and reposition CRT from its sociohistoric heritage in the United States and instead—as H. Lewis (2000) prompts—conceptualize transnational anti-Black racism vis-à-vis the Black Diaspora. In this article, we offer a glimpse into the research on CRT’s transnational utility, then we briefly explore the African Diasporic traditions of Black social and political thought that informed CRT, both in its nascent and present state. We sketch out some of the global nuances of these Black scholarly traditions, some overt and some less overt, to point to CRT’s theoretical capability to link diasporas and serve as a Black Diaspora theory. Third, we revisit the original tenets of CRT and dislodge them from their U.S. context to illustrate its relation to racial formation and anti-Black racism in Latin America. Finally, we return to education as a key site of contestation for transnational anti-Black racism and draw implications for the meaning of this global theorization of CRT and BLM in urban education, praxis, and educational research. We end by charting new and old directions for CRT in educational research.

We engage in a bit of tango with this work, however. Given CRT’s sociohistoric origin in the United States, we caution against the use of U.S. theories as dominant frames for thinking about race and racism (Alvarez et al., 2016; Laó-Montes, 2016). Black anti-racist and decolonial theories have been, are, and will continue to be generated from the Global South (Cabral, 1979, 2016; Fanon, 1952, 1962; Gonzalez, 1988; James, 1938; Nascimento, 1979; Nascimento & Nascimento, 1992; Zapata Olivella, 1983). Relatedly, when theorizing about race and racism from a transnational scope, it is important to recognize the geopolitical undercurrents of knowledge production involved, even as Black scholars (Hanchard, 2003; Mitchell-Walthour & Hordge-Freeman, 2016). Yet, as a U.S. Black scholar and a Black woman scholar of Jamaican heritage who work with and [re-]script knowledges about Black Diasporic communities in the United States and abroad, we are more concerned with the material and social conditions [re]produced by anti-Black racism. Although it is important to not situate the theorization of race and racism as divorced from its geopolitical distinctions, anti-Black racism as it manifests across the Black Diaspora offers linkages, or even a linked fate (Dawson, 1994) whereby the Black condition can be understood on a hemispheric and global scale (Butler, 2001; Gilroy, 1993; Hall, 1992, 1999/2019; Hanchard, 1994; Hartman, 2007; Laó-Montes, 2005, 2007; Lewis, 1995; Nascimento & Nascimento, 1992; Nascimento, 1980; Patterson & Kelley, 2000; Robinson, 1983; Walcott, 1999). We partake in this dance of theoretical positionality throughout the article by allowing this tension to frame the inner workings of our theorization.

The Global and Transnational Dimensions of CRT in Educational Research

Although CRT and its specific relationship to transnational anti-Black racism has yet to receive prominent attention in educational research, the general ethos of our argument for a global critical theorization is lockstep with a growing base of CRT research. An examination of recent entreaties for global applications of CRT reveals so. The U.K.-based CRT scholar David Gillborn (2017) suggested that “there is no reason, however, why the underlying assumptions and insights of CRT cannot be transferred usefully to other (post-) industrial societies” (p. 97). More recently, in their examination of international students’ experiences with racism and racialization, Yao et al. (2018) posit,

Although CRT is grounded in US-based legal theory, we argue that CRT must move beyond the rigid confinement within US borders and expand to consider how transnationalism and global exchange contributes to the fluidity and applicability of this theory. (p. 39)

Overall, these global calls allow researchers to measure CRT’s fullness as an intellectual project, which when taken up with other theories and locations can “extend our understanding, [and] even shatter and break through conventions to offer a new vision of the racial predicament” (Leonardo, 2013, p. 2).

Beyond entreaties, the global contours of CRT are apparent in research. CRT’s utility for examining matters of educational racism in the U.K. context is especially well established (Chakrabarty et al., 2012; Gillborn, 2017). In fact, a significant canon of CRT research from the United Kingdom has been foundational in advancing understandings of CRT’s critique of White supremacy (Chadderton, 2012; Gillborn, 2005, 2006a, 2006b, 2017), race–class relations in British schools (Gillborn et al., 2012), the experiences of Black Caribbean and ethnic minoritized groups relative to educational systems and policy (Gillborn, 2008; Gillborn et al., 2017), and of CRT’s conceptual capabilities to inform race methodology in educational research (Hylton, 2012). CRT has also advanced beyond the United Kingdom to contextualize racism in continental European (Möschel, 2011), Filipino (Viola, 2009, 2016), Indian (Goodnight, 2017; Pazich & Teranishi, 2012), and Chinese contexts (Zhu et al., 2019). In tandem with studies from Australian contexts which employ a more intersectional and gendered orientation toward CRT (Alamri, 2015; Andrews, 2000), it is evident that CRT on a global scale has been adopted to inform analyses of ethnic, caste, and class differences.

Given that we begin with transnational anti-Black racism as omnipresent in Latin America, we do however want to briefly take up educational scholarship that has spoken to CRT in Latin America. Much of the literature comes from Brazil, which has dealt with racism within the constraints of dominant post-racial thought since Gilberto Freyre (1933/1946) advanced notions of Brazil as a racial democracy. Straubhaar’s (2017) CRT analysis of race and racism in Brazilian youth curriculum spoke to this very idea of a raceless utopia. Straubhaar found that curricular contextualizations of societal hierarchies in rural Brazil were reduced to class marginalization, thus ignoring Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous organization in rural class struggles. Ferreira’s (2011, 2015) comprehensive research on language education in Brazil centered CRT as a theoretical heuristic to highlight racism in Brazilian curriculum in addition to underscoring the experiences of Afro-Brazilian teachers of English. Ferreira positioned findings from her research as counternarrative to dominant social constructions of race and ethnicity in Brazil that perpetuate the myth of a racial democracy and negate anti-Black racism. In CRT’s allegorical fashion, Antunes et al. (2016) alluded to Blackness (and anti-Blackness) in relation to Brazil’s myth of a racial democracy in a spin-off of Derrick Bell’s (1992) sci-fi story Space Traders. Antunes refashioned Space Traders to emphasize the anti-Black idea that Afro-Brazilians are disposable while also underscoring the fluid nature of Black identity construction in the Americas. In a return to the legal frame, CRT’s apprehension of post-racial critique is also central to Harris’ (2012) analysis of anti-Black racial violence in Brazilian favelas as well as Hernández’s (2011) comparative intersectional critique of Brazil’s post-racial democracy. Although not education specific, Hernández (2002, 2003) also drew from CRT to inform comparative legal analyses of antidiscrimination laws and civil rights in Brazil and the United States.

The promise and potential of CRT is exhibited in its growing international thrust. These global translations allow us to see the all-encompassing nature of CRT through links to coloniality, modernity, White ethnocentrism, and racial capitalism (Banks, 2006; Hernández, 2011; Leonardo, 2002, 2013). However, before CRT becomes even more widespread in educational research, scholars would do well to suspend CRT to fully measure the congruences and asymmetries of its tenets in global contexts. Furthermore, even as CRT aims to address and improve “the collective fortunes of people of color in the United States (and globally)” (Donnor & Ladson-Billings, 2018, p. 196), scholars have tended to ignore critical race theory’s origins. We are not referring to its geopolitical origins, but rather the global intellectual heritage of critical Black social and political thought constitutive of CRT’s DNA (Crenshaw, 2011; Leonardo, 2013).

CRT as Diaspora Theory? The Black Global Traditions and Conventions of CRT

Although critical race theory is understood as emanating from the legal field, the traditions that inform the inner workings of CRT are both inter/trans-disciplinary and rooted in a rich history of critical Black Diasporic thought (Berry, 2015; Crenshaw, 2011; Leonardo, 2013; Rabaka, 2013; Rashid, 2011). CRT scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw (2011) noted that “many of the basic insights of CRT grew out of other disciplinary traditions” (p. 1257) and cited the works of W. E. B. DuBois, Oliver Cox, and Toni Morrison as examples of Black thought that created the conditions for CRT’s racial critique. Similar to Crenshaw, Leonardo (2013) makes it clear that “CRT leaves no intellectual stone unturned” and because racism is so complex and multifaceted, “CRT recruits allies from across the aisle as well as university departments” (p. 12). Leonardo also points to sociologists such as DuBois and Bonilla-Silva, yet alludes to CRT’s Diasporic dimensions in suggesting that CRT draws its inspiration from the insights of scholars such as Charles Mills, Stuart Hall, and Paul Gilroy. This intellectual ancestry allows us to further trace CRT’s family tree to Black thinkers such as DuBois (1903, 1945, 1973), Frantz Fanon (1952), St. Clair Drake (1951, 1984), Nascimento (1980), and Nascimento (1979; Nascimento & Nascimento, 1992)—among many others—who were attentive to the global and universal nature of White supremacy and anti-Black racism in 20th-century writings. Collectively, this Black historical convention of an interdisciplinary and global critique illustrates that an analysis of anti-Black racism must begin with “transnational relations of domination, transcending the First World nation-state, for which race is the bearer” (Mills, 1998, p. 127).

Our argument for a transnational conceptualization of CRT and anti-Black racism is oriented within the global traditions of Black Diasporic thought. In this article, we forge linkages across borders, which, as we demonstrated in the section above, have been implicitly imagined under the CRT umbrella, especially as it pertains to post-racial thought and anti-Black educational practices. To make the implicit explicit however, we surface the question of whether or not CRT functions as a Black Diaspora theory. In articulating the linkages through Black transnational currents, we are situating the Diaspora as both process and condition which Patterson and Kelley (2000) described as follows:

As a process, it [diaspora] is constantly being remade through movement, migration, and travel as well as imagined through thought, cultural production, and political struggle. Yet as a condition, it is directly tied to the process by which it is being made and remade. (p. 20)

To the extent that CRT grapples with the raced and class conditions of Black people globally, then perhaps it could be envisioned as a Black Diaspora theory. This is not a culturally essentialist envisioning which is sometimes common in Diaspora thinking (Gilroy, 1993; Hall, 1992). Rather, CRT—both as and in tandem with Black Diaspora theory—has the potential to speak to the ways in which “forced labor, racial oppression, colonial conditions, and capitalist exploitation were global processes that incorporated Black people through empire building” (Patterson & Kelley, 2000, p. 18). Through the notion of Afrolatinidades and racial/political identities touted in hemispheric Black social movements, Laó-Montes (2005) builds upon Patterson and Kelley’s intellectual formation of Diaspora as process and condition. Laó-Montes (2005, p. 122) suggests that “the Afro-American diasporic subject should be conceptualized as translocal because even though it is necessarily connected to nationality, it is also inscribed within larger historical constellations (the Atlantic, the Americas, global blackness, the modern/colonial capitalist world system).” However, it is not just process and condition that allows us to disrupt regional and rigid national frames to view the common ground for Black subjectivities diasporically through CRT. Contrarily, “projects of affinity and liberation” (Laó-Montes, 2005, p. 123)—which CRT is inherently concerned with (Bell, 1987, 1992; Rashid, 2011)—also constitute the diasporic universalities of Black subjectivities that are instead grounded in a politics of resistance.

At this juncture, we return to our positionality to highlight several tensions related to essentialism. We view Black subjectivities as both transnational and translocal (Hanchard, 1994; Nascimento, 1980; Patterson & Kelley, 2000; Vargas, 2018) and, resultantly, proclaim CRT’s ability to frame the ideological and material constructs constitutive of anti-Black racism across the Diaspora. Yet, we recognize our positionalities as U.S.-based scholars, and, despite CRT’s subaltern functions as well as its rich Diasporic conventions of Black thought, it remains a theory largely [re-]produced by academics in U.S.-empire state institutions of higher learning. There is also the “rigidity of Black identity” (Saunders, 2015, p. 22) that we inherently suggest when situating CRT in Black Diaspora theory. This rigidity might suggest that Black identity is collapsible across borders or imply some essence of essentialism that reproduces Black supernationalisms (Leonardo, 2014).

In suggesting that CRT serves as a critical Black Diaspora theory, we do not aim to “displace nations with diasporas” (Laó-Montes, 2005, p. 125; Laó-Montes, 2007, p. 313), nor “impose a U.S. and English language centered model of black identity on the complex experiences of populations of African descent” (Edwards, 2000, p. 48). Contrarily, our purpose in positioning CRT as part of a larger multi-diasporic epistemology (Butler, 2001; Edwards, 2000) is threefold. First, we seek to displace nationalisms and centralize overlapping diasporas which locate Black political discourses within the context of migration and transnational alliance (Edwards, 2000; Lewis, 1995). CRT is an established Black intellectual current and, as the traditions of CRT demonstrate, these currents have always overlapped (Kelley, 1999). Second, this hemispheric conceptualization of CRT demonstrates how, regardless of empire state, Black subjectivities were constructed within and remain in contestation to the larger political apparatus that perpetuates Western modernity (Fanon, 1961; Hall, 1999/2019; Hartman, 2007; Laó-Montes, 2005; Mbembe, 2017; Vargas, 2018; Wynter, 2003). This political apparatus, which has social dimensions, situates Black subjects and subjectivities as slaves, socially dead, inhuman (Wynter, 1994, 2003), or, as Dumas (2016) summated, “in a structurally antagonistic relationship with humanity” (p. 13). CRT does offer a rubric for naming anti-Black logics that accentuate racism’s normality while also illustrating how anti-Blackness is fundamental to assigning social meaning to various institutions and constructs that are constitutive of democracy (Dumas, 2016; Dumas & ross, 2016; Vargas, 2018). That is, we would not know these institutions and constructs of “democracy” separate from their anti-Black logics (Vargas, 2018). Third and finally, we recognize CRT as one of the “many discourses of the Diaspora” (Edwards, 2000, p. 48) capable of rewriting Western histories (Kelley, 2001) and, more contemporarily, disrupting Eurocentric notions of democracy and civil society through Black translocal/transnational organizing. Overall, given that “an Afro-Diasporic perspective should be an essential component of any critical theory of the modern world” (Laó-Montes, 2007, p. 313), it becomes necessary to view CRT through Diaspora.

A Transnational Reframing of Critical Race Theory’s Tenets

CRT’s emerging transnational character as well as its connections to Black Diaspora theory vis-a-vis Black critical thought is established. What remains unclear from the literature is exactly how CRT can be explicitly reframed or, perhaps, relocated to deal with global matters. Wholesale applications of CRT have proved useful in transnational legal and educational research, but its tenets must be dislodged from a U.S.-specific frame if CRT is to move forward as a Black Diaspora theory. In this section, we return to anti-Black racism in Latin America to illustrate how CRT’s tenets can be refashioned to deal more succinctly with the translocal and transnational processes and conditions of Diaspora. The full matter of CRT, or rather what CRT has become, is beyond the full scope of this article. Therefore, we deal with CRT’s central tenets underlined in foundational research (Bell, 1980, 1992, 1995; Crenshaw, 1989, 1991; Delgado, 1989; Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-Billings, 1998, 2013; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).

The Centrality of Racism

The first tenet of CRT implies that racism is normal and not aberrant in U.S. society (Bell, 1992). Kin to racial realism (Bell, 1992), the first tenet of CRT asserts that racism is both permanent and central to the lived experiences of people of color. As detailed above, the Diaspora as process and condition exemplifies the first tenet making it clear that racism is endemic and omnipresent on a global scale. Winant (2008) termed the permanent, indestructible racial legacies experienced in the modern world as the “tenacity of race” (p. 51). As we continually state throughout the article, the tenacity of racism is a global problem, but its systemic origins are not simply Anglo, but rather part of a larger project of western modernity and coloniality (Hanchard, 1999; Wynter, 2003). As Andrews (2016) noted, “undergirding western capitalism is a global system of racism: the genocide of natives in the Americas, transatlantic enslavement of Africans, and colonial and neocolonial domination were all transnational oppressions” (p. 16). Although we refer to anti-Black systemic racism in Brazil to exemplify how racism globally materializes in the form of police violence, Andrews makes it clear that global experiences with racism are not limited to the Black experience. Mills (1997) generalized the experience of global racism stating, “differential privileging of the whites as a group” is done with respect to “nonwhite groups” (p. 11), which includes, but is not limited to, Black people. In this way, a global reframing of CRT’s tenets specifically attends to the Black condition—as Dumas and ross (2016) posit with BlackCrit—but is also capable of addressing anti-Indigeneity.

Recognizing the systemic, everyday global experience with racism, CRT also serves as a theoretical heuristic for troubling global [neo-]liberal, post-racial conceptualizations of race. We return to Brazil and Latin America as societal examples of post-racial projections and its relationship to interest convergence (Hernández, 2011). Despite the increased visibility of racial oppression brought to national/regional consciousness through Black and Indigenous social movements, Brazil—and Latin America in general—is viewed as a “racial paradise, a region free of ethno-racial conflict” (Paschel & Sawyer, 2008, p. 198). According to Vargas (2008) and Alves (2018), racial inequities such as police abuse, residential segregation, unemployment, and premature deaths disproportionately impact Afro-Brazilians. These racial inequities surface through the Afro-Brazilian polity and trouble Brazil’s long-entrenched myth of racial democracy (Alves, 2018; Nascimento, 1979; Nascimento & Nascimento, 1992; Smith, 2016). Social activist movements in Brazil—many led by Black women—emphasize the dehumanization of Black Brazilians, sometimes resulting in the successful implementation of racially just policies such as affirmative action (Alves, 2018; Alves & Vargas, 2017; Caldwell, 2007; Covin, 2006; Paschel, 2016a; Paschel & Sawyer, 2008; Perry, 2013, 2016; Vargas, 2006, 2008, 2016). However, these “progressive” racial policies are not always enacted in the best interest of the racially oppressed.

Interest Convergence

Interest convergence or material determinism exemplifies Bell’s (1980) historical revisionist argument that political advances for Black people always coincided with the economic and political interests of Whites. In sum, interest convergence questions the motives of racially “progressive” legislation and suggests that White people pursue racial justice when it advances the interests of both elite and working-class Whites. On a global scale, interest convergence would similarly critique the motives of robust racial legislation, and this critique would center from oppressed groups’ rejection of alleged racial progress. Latin America serves as an ideal locale for an interest convergence critique due to its contemporary history of adopting multicultural and racial equality reform, especially for Afro-descendants (Paschel, 2016a, 2018). Namely, Brazil and Colombia have adopted racial equality and constitutional reforms relative to higher education, health care, territorial rights, and social benefits. Yet, regardless of these robust reforms, structural anti-Black racism remains commonplace (dos Santos, 2014; Vargas, 2018).

Thus, scholars conclude that the attainment of political rights intended to benefit Afro-descendants simultaneously converges with the interests of Whites (Alves, 2018; Smith, 2016; Vargas, 2018). For example, Afro-Brazilians have suffered from police brutality for decades, often resulting in systematic Black death (Alves, 2018; Smith, 2016). In fact, the use of fatal police force was welcomed in Brazil’s predominately Black favelas with it being viewed as a “social pesticide” (Alves & Vargas, 2017, p. 6). Yet, the public and political nature of police brutality surfaced in protests leading up to the 2014 FIFA World Cup, in which White Brazilians experienced police brutality, but interjected police violence as a narrative strategy to continuously draw international attention to their political plight. Anti-Black policing exemplified through Afro-Brazilians’ everyday experiences with racism was thus co-opted by White Brazilians. The purpose was not to achieve racially equitable policing practices, but rather to benefit White Brazilians’ political right to protest without fear of violence (Alves & Vargas, 2015; Vargas, 2016).

The Social Construction of Race

Another way of globally reframing CRT is to examine the social construction of race, which varies depending upon identity politics as well as social and human relations in various empire nation-states. For example, although racial lines are rigidly drawn in the United States, in Brazil, and throughout Latin America, race and racial hierarchies are socially constructed by skin color and other characteristics such as eye color, hair texture, and facial features (Telles, 2014; Telles & Paschel, 2014; Wade, 2010). These hierarchies are also fluid, resulting in an ambiguous color line with socioeconomic status, social distinctions, and material outcomes determined by skin tone. Telles (2014) considers this skin-color stratification a pigmentocracy. Because Whiteness is a global form of dominance, efforts are made to maneuver fluid pigmentocracies through the process of Whitening, or becoming White (Freire, 2016; Telles & Flores, 2013; Viveros Vigoya, 2015; Viveros Vigoya & Espinel, 2014). Black and Indigenous subjectivities are devalued in Euro-colonized societies; henceforth, people seek the social status, access to resources, and material privilege proximal to Whiteness. These efforts are undertaken through “biological” Whitening (race-mixing) and economic Whitening (i.e., purchasing White status; Telles & Flores, 2013; Telles & Paschel, 2014).

Race is also politically constructed to reflect principles of a multi-, yet intercultural society (Hale, 2005; Hooker, 2014). For example, the myth of racial democracy is a byproduct of national mestizo ideologies (Covin, 2006; Marx, 2008; Winant, 2008) that championed a mixed-race society in Brazil. This social construction of national–racial identities is not unique to Brazil, but is common throughout Latin America (Benson, 2016; Clealand, 2017; Hooker, 2014; Wade, 2010). For example, Vasconcelos’ (1925/1997) notion of The Cosmic Race was influential in constructing a mestizo nationalism in Mexico. Although specific to Mexico, nuances of the “cosmic race” are prevalent to various degrees throughout Latin America and Caribbean, where the mixture of European, Indigenous, and African roots is touted and, in some cases, celebrated (Telles & Garcia, 2013). Inherent within notions of a racial democracy and the cosmic race, however, is the inferior evaluation of non-Whites; in many countries, race mixture was seen as a way of improving the “racial stock” of Indigenous and Black people (Banks, 2006; Freire, 2016; Hooker, 2014; Paschel, 2016a; Wade, 2010). National–racial identities centered upon racial mixture also resulted in the negation of political identities for Afro-Latin Americans whose citizenship is often symbolically and materially unrecognized as a result of the championing of mestizo—European and Indigenous—identity (Hooker, 2014). Despite the anti-Black (and anti-Indigenous) undercurrents in romanticized versions of race-mixed societies, Latin American political interlocutors positioned the region as morally exceptional in comparison with the rigid construction of race and its racist manifestations (e.g., Jim Crow) in the United States (Hooker, 2014, 2017; Telles, 2014; Wade, 2010).

Counter-Storytelling, Intersectionality, and Anti-Essentialism

CRT’s notion of counter-storytelling illustrates how Afro-Latin Americans and U.S.-Afro-Latinxs used voice and narration to contest monolithic mestizo nationalisms (Guridy & Hooker, 2018; Haywood, 2017; Jorge, 1986/2010; Rosa, 1996). In this spirit, counter-storytelling serves a revisionist ontology function of renarrating majoritarian racial frames that position Black people as subpersons (Mills, 1998). In doing so, counter-storytelling is also a political act that deconstructs the objectivity of race through stories of material and human relations (Bell, 1992, 1995; Delgado, 1989; Leonardo, 2013). Traditionally, counter-storytelling, like many tenets and principles of CRT, is presented as mutually exclusive. However, we position intersectionality and anti-essentialism as proximal to counter-storytelling due to the need to view the contested dominant frames as not just racial, but also gendered (Crenshaw, 1989, 1991). Counter-stories in the form of political contestations across the Americas are largely conceived of as a masculinist project (Guridy & Hooker, 2018; Laó-Montes, 2007, 2016), yet our current social and political arrangements must be understood as a “gendered racial hierarchy” (Patterson & Kelley, 2000, p. 20).

A politically gendered ethos is where CRT and manifestations of transnational anti-Black racism have always converged. Intersectionality as critical social and legal theory (Collins, 1990/2009; Combahee River Collective, 1977; Crenshaw, 1989, 1991; Jorge, 1986/2010; Lorde, 1984/2007) has been vital to framing counter-stories of Black women throughout Latin America. Intersectionality is evident in the counter-stories of Black Brazilian women’s experiences with and resistance to systemic anti-Black racism (Caldwell, 2017; Cardoso, 2016; Carneiro, 2016; Gonzalez, 1983, 1988; Perry, 2004, 2013, 2016; Paschel, 2016b; Rocha, 2012; Smith, 2016). For example, Ferreira and Medeiros (2016) illustrate the intersection of gendered oppression with racial injustice for Afro-Brazilian women while simultaneously providing counter-stories of resistance through the National Black Women’s March. A multitude of reasons for the march existed, but an intersectional and gendered approach to racial justice centered Afro-Brazilian femicide along with issues concerning gendered institutionalized racism and patriarchy (Ferreira and Medeiros, 2016). Rocha (2012) also used storytelling to detail how Afro-Brazilian women suffer long-term consequences related to anti-Black violence. Providing a gendered critique of racism, Rocha (2012) used the stories of Black Brazilian mothers as a counter-narrative to the myth that anti-Black violence only affects men. Perry (2004, 2013, 2016) and Caldwell (2007) furthered discourses of interlocking systems of oppression by outlining multiple layers of race, gender, land rights, and environmental injustices in Afro-Brazilian women’s lived experiences. The March 2018 assassination of the Afro-Brazilian feminist, politician, and lesbian activist Marielle Franco illustrates the durability of gendered racism and subsequent necessity for an intersectional lens (Caldwell et al., 2018).

We want to emphasize that, as CRT continues to be taken up as a Black Diaspora theory pertinent to framing transnational anti-Black racism, scholars and activists must attend to its intersectional domains and do so as proximal to global Black feminisms (Alvarez et al., 2016; Perry & Sotero, 2019). Failure to do so is morally erroneous, propagates a false masculine CRT, and also strips CRT of its anti-racist and anti-colonial character. It would also negate how “Black feminists had redefined the theory, history, and politics of the African Diaspora” (Laó-Montes, 2007, p. 314) which is central to understanding the transnational moves of intersectionality. If scholars are to profess CRT’s utility for speaking truth effects into matters of Black lives globally, then so too must scholars ground their arguments in the intersectional aims of contemporary Black movements across the Americas.

New Diasporic Directions for Critical Race Theory in Education

Across multiple realms, educational researchers are working to address contemporary threats to Black humanity and anti-Black racial violence in curriculum, teaching, and policy (Dache, 2019; Dumas, 2016; Dumas & ross, 2016; Lindsey, 2018; Love, 2014, 2016; Mayorga & Picower, 2018). Drawing largely from CRT and BLM as movements and philosophies, scholars are mapping political, economic, and social matters relevant to Black subjectivities onto educational concerns, especially as it pertains to urban education (Dixson, 2018; Royal & Dodo Seriki, 2018). In their introduction to an Urban Education special issue on BLM, Royal and Hill (2018) note, “BLM explicitly challenges state violence and White supremacy around the globe, in addition to examining the global and interdependent nature of systemic injustice and oppression” (p. 144). Drawing from the Diaspora as condition, Afro-Cubana education scholar Amalia Dache (2019) furthered the need for a transnational ethic of Black Lives Matter in education, stating, “the material conditions of populations in the Global South are interconnected with the material conditions of Black working-class urban communities in the U.S.” (p. 1096). It is clear that the transnational nature of anti-Black racism is acknowledged in scholarship that considers BLM and CRT in education, but the field must work toward a full conceptualization of these matters for Black populations across different locales (Strong, 2018). Scholars are wont to consider the duality that urban spaces—broadly and hemispherically conceived—occupy in relation to CRT. That is, urban education is a site for examining issues of exploitation, conquest, genocide, land grab, and forced dispersal that impact Black populations across the globe. Conversely, CRT, especially as a Black Diaspora theory, offers a framework for understanding how resistance to these aforementioned technologies of anti-Blackness emanates from urban educational spaces across the Diaspora where youth, families, and community members challenge the nation-state through translocal politics (see Ewing, 2018; Gomes, 2017; Stovall, 2016).

In addition to its implications for considering the intersection of CRT and BLM on a global scale, this article enters the field of education at a critical juncture for thinking about the nexus of CRT and the Diaspora. One, there is increased volume in studies that seek to address the Black Diaspora (Boutte et al., 2017; Busey, 2018; Dache, 2019; Dillard, 2016; Givens, 2016; Haywood, 2017; Johnson et al., 2018). However, the processes and conditions that sustain Diaspora receive very little attention, meaning that the Black Diaspora as a concept is often taken for granted as a fixed historical event. Second, educational researchers are pondering the direction of CRT in 21st-century research (Dixson & Anderson, 2018; Donnor & Ladson-Billings, 2018; Howard & Navarro, 2016). Twenty-five years after its introduction, there is some uncertainty around the [mis-]use of CRT, not CRT itself (Ladson-Billings, 2013, 2014; Leonardo, 2013, 2014). We draw from a cautionary ethos of both frames, African Diaspora theory (Butler, 2001; Hall, 1992; Laó-Montes, 2000; Patterson & Kelley, 2000) and CRT (Ladson-Billings, 1998, 2013; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995), to suggest that educational researchers move forward with intellectual care for both. The neoliberal political economy of knowledge production easily transforms critical race theories into the “darling of the radical left” (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p. 22), making it imperative to establish the intellectual integrity of speaking truth to transnational Black social and material conditions through these frameworks.

Given the trend to co-opt critical theories, we remain steadfast in arguing that we do not simply apply CRT to global contexts. Rather, we are arguing for the reconceptualization of CRT’s tradition as a critical social theory. In doing so, we stress the need to understand CRT as a Black Diaspora theory capable of informing how educational researchers conceptualize anti-Blackness as global and transnational. The argument itself highlights the negation of CRT’s origins in Black Diasporic social thought (Rashid, 2011), which partially explains why CRT is conceptualized as U.S. centric in educational research. CRT—along with its kin studies such as Marxist and Whiteness studies—fails to integrate the full reach of racism and White supremacy in educational research (Gillborn, 2006a, 2006b; Leonardo, 2002, 2013, 2014). Yet, as we demonstrate in the case of Latin America, when CRT is extracted from its contextual geographic origin, its tenets admonish the inescapability of White supremacy and racism. Hence, this Diaspora positioning of CRT simply expands the geopolitical dialect of CRT. In this way, CRT becomes part of a larger constellation of “African-diasporic subalterneties” that “link spatialities (local, regional, national, transnational) with the multiple mediations of identity/stratification (class, gender, ethnicity, etc.) . . .” (Laó-Montes, 2000, p. 56). This Diasporic framing inherently breathes a different life into CRT as a theory that can critique gendered systems of racist coloniality.

As CRT moves forward, we want to acknowledge several limitations and conversations that emerge from Diasporic and transnational framings. First, no racial theory can purport to be complete or exhaustive (Dumas & ross, 2016; Mills, 1997). There is no single way to theorize Blackness, and CRT within the frame of Diaspora would recognize the heterogeneity of Black life. Second and relatedly, despite its intersectionality tenet, CRT is still developing an ability to inform research on gendered racist projects of modernity and coloniality. To that end, we ask what would it look like for CRT to assume that gendered racism is normal, and not aberrant. To do so would not reserve conversations of gender for intersectionality, but would instead foreground Black feminisms as central to the theory itself. The same can be said for Marxism in capturing the totality of racism relative to coloniality and modernity. It would be useful to situate anti-Black struggles and resistance within critical race Marxist frames, especially given that, historically, this is the intersection where critical Black theories and action have resided (Davies, 2007; Dumas, 2013; James, 1938; Leonardo, 2013; Robinson, 1983; Stovall, 2006).

Finally, harvesting CRT’s intellectual roots in critical Black Diasporic thought forces an epistemic shift (for some) in how the educational field has come to understand CRT. These traditions affirm CRT as a Black theory, but do not deny the need for a BlackCrit (Dumas & ross, 2016). Nor should this Black ethic warrant the need for further ethnoracial derivatives of CRT. Simply put, any self-proclaimed scholar of race and racism who draws from CRT to inform their work should be concerned with the transhistorical vestiges of anti-Blackness, or afterlife of slavery (Hartman, 2007), that formed the very institutions we critique. We address these limitations and emergent conversations to revisit Howard and Navarro’s (2016) question of “where does CRT go from here,” but also to pose a more nuanced question of “how should we [use CRT] to analyze the ties that bind and the borders that divide Afro-Diasporic subjects” (Laó-Montes, 2005, p. 123). As illustrated throughout the Americas, the need to do so is urgent as Black lives are on the line.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors thank the reviewers, editor, and colleagues—in the United States and Latin America—for their feedback and inspiration on this work.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Christopher L. Busey

Chonika Coleman-King

Author Biographies

Christopher L. Busey is an assistant professor in the School of Teaching & Learning where he teaches courses primarily in the Critical Studies of Race, Ethnicity and Culture specialization. He is affiliate faculty for the Center for Latin American Studies and African American Studies Program.

Chonika Coleman-King is an assistant professor in the School of Teaching & Learning where she teaches courses in the Teacher Education specialization.

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