Racial and Ethnic Stereotypes and Bullying Victimization

Abstract

Bullying is a serious problem within the U.S. school system. Prior research suggests that victimization is stratified by race and ethnicity. However, few studies consider factors that may moderate this relationship. This article extends research on this topic by considering whether stereotypes moderate bullying among racial and ethnic youth. Youth who violate stereotypes may experience derogatory treatment. This study examines whether violated racial and ethnicity stereotypes are linked to the victimization of racial and ethnic minorities. The study findings based on data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 indicate that stereotypes linked to family socioeconomic status (SES), test scores, and interscholastic sports participation moderate the relationship between bullying victimization and race and ethnicity. The implications for future research and policy implementation are discussed.

Keywords

race and ethnicity youth violence bullying victimization school outcomes

Introduction

Bullying is a serious problem within the U.S. school system. It is consequential for the physical and emotional well-being of victims (Aalsma & Brown, 2008; Swearer, Espelage, Vaillancourt, & Hymel, 2010). Victims of bullying, for instance, have lower self-esteem and are more likely to avoid school or have derailed academic progress, compared to other students (Esbensen & Carson, 2009; Finkelhor, 2008; Olweus, 1997; Rigby, 2003). Bullying is especially alarming because schools are important institutions of socialization (Esbensen & Carson, 2009; Muschert & Peguero, 2010; Rigby, 2003). Moreover, understanding and addressing bullying that occurs in schools is critical for establishing a safe and healthy learning environment (Esbensen & Carson, 2009; Rigby, 2003). Prior research on bullying in schools focuses on characteristics that may predispose students to bullying victimization (e.g., Esbensen et al., 2009; Nansel et al., 2001). Although scholars suggest that the likelihood of being victimized at school is stratified by race and ethnicity (Graham, Bellmore, Nishina, & Juvonen, 2009; Hanish & Guerra, 2000; Peguero, 2009; Peguero, Popp, & Koo, 2011), few studies consider the factors that may moderate the relationship between bullying and racial and ethnic background. Particularly absent from the literature is whether stereotypes moderate bullying among racial and ethnic students.

Stereotype, that is, judgments about individuals based on their membership in a specific social group, are an important form of social categorizing often used to establish behavioral standards (Ruble, Cohen, & Ruble, 2001). Race and ethnicity–based stereotypes imply norms and distinct areas of expertise in the realms of social and academic life for individuals based on their racial and ethnic makeup (Kao, 2000; Miller, Farrell, Barnes, Melnick, & Sabo, 2005; Phelan & Rudman, 2010). When stereotypes, particularly those that are race and ethnicity based, are violated, people take notice. Individuals who violate social and cultural stereotypes may suffer social penalties. Racial and ethnic minority students, for example, experience verbal harassment, derogatory treatment, and social isolation when they do not adhere to racial and ethnic stereotypes (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Horvat & Lewis, 2003; Kao, 2000; Phelan & Rudman, 2010). Given the social penalties faced by minority students, could bullying be another repercussion for violating racial and ethnic stereotypes? Is there a relationship between breaking stereotypes and bullying within schools?

In this article, we address these questions by linking research on racial and ethnic educational disparities and stereotypes (i.e., family socioeconomic status [SES]), test scores, and interscholastic sports participation) with scholarship on bullying victimization. We consider whether racial and ethnic minority youth who break stereotypes are more likely to be bullied at school. Data are drawn from the Educational Longitudinal Study of 2002 (ELS), a nationally represented stratified sample of 10,440 tenth-grade public school students, and uses a hierarchical generalized linear modeling (HGLM) analysis. Findings indicate that stereotypes linked to family SES, test scores, and sports moderate the relationship between bullying victimization and race and ethnicity. We conclude by discussing the implications for future research and policy implementation.

Race, Ethnicity, Education, and Stereotypes

Within the U.S. educational system, there is history of racial and ethnic stratification. Perceptions of academic success and attainment remain associated with race and ethnicity–based stereotypes. Stereotypes are judgments on individuals based on their membership in a specific social group (Ruble et al., 2001). In everyday social settings, observers treat information about social category membership (e.g., racial and ethnic group) as a guide to an actor’s behavioral, physical, and psychological attributes. Such information may evoke subjective attitudes and influence social perceptions, evaluative judgments, and stereotypes made by and about individuals (Aboud, 1988; Ruble et al., 2001).

With regard to youth and schooling, children become aware of race and ethnicity as social categories quite early. By the age of 3, children label themselves and others according to race and ethnicity (Aboud, 1988; Rowley, Beth Kurtz-Costes, Mistry, & Feagans, 2007). Among the more pervasive inferences drawn by and about children on the basis of racial and ethnic group membership are inferences that assume individual differences in academic ability, achievement behaviors, and motivation for schooling (Kao, 2000; Tyson, 2002). Consequently, within schools, perceived racial and ethnic differences may help foster stereotypes about the appropriate behaviors and social roles for individuals from certain racial and ethnic backgrounds.

In the school setting, we focus on stereotypes that have been applied to three racial and ethnic minority groups: Black/African American, Latino American, and Asian American youth. Black/African American and Latino American youth have a stereotype that reflects one of poverty and economic disadvantage. As a result of the persistent racial and ethnic economic inequality evident within the U.S., faculty and staff, including students as well, often presume that Black/African Americans and Latino Americans have low family SES and have limited financial resources necessary to facilitate educational progress (Kozol, 1991, 2005; Lareau, 2005; Phelan & Rudman, 2010; Tyson, 2002). The stereotype of having poor and limited academic capabilities is also imposed on Black/African American and Latino American youth. Because of the historic racial and ethnic inequality evident within U.S. schools, research has demonstrated that both school faculty and students enter schools with the notion that Black/African American and Latino American youth are not as capable to academically succeed (Kozol, 1991, 2005; Lareau, 2005; Phelan & Rudman, 2010; Tyson, 2002). In addition, Black/African American and Latino American youth also have stereotype that suggests one of superior physical and athletic abilities. The stereotype of Black/African American and Latino American youth have “natural” physical and athletic abilities not only places an undue pressure to participate in school sports as a primary means toward success but also limits academic opportunities (González, Jackson, & Regoli, 2006; Kao, 2000; Miller et al., 2005; Phelan & Rudman, 2010; Tyson, 2002). In contrast, the “model minority” stereotype is the notion that Asian Americans achieve universal and unparalleled academic success as well as have limited physical and athletic abilities (Chou & Feagin, 2008; Kao, 2000; Lee, 2009). In addition, some have suggested that the “model minority” stereotype is often utilized to support the notion of meritocracy within the U.S. educational system (Chou & Feagin, 2008; Kao, 2000; Lee, 2009). There is also evidence that “model minority” stereotype establishes pressure for Asian American youth to conform to this stereotype within schools (Chou & Feagin, 2008; Kao, 2000; Lee, 2009). To that end, our study asks, “What happens when students break these stereotypes?”

Research demonstrates that when Black/African American, Latino American, and Asian American youth do not conform to these stereotypes they may face resistance, verbal harassment, derogatory treatment, and social isolation from their student peers of all racial and ethnic backgrounds; in other words, there are intra- and inter-racial and ethnic tensions between racial and ethnic minorities who do not adhere to stereotypes and their peers (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Horvat & Lewis, 2003; Kao, 2000; Lee, 2009; Phelan & Rudman, 2010; Tyson, 2002). These aforementioned findings suggest that there are repercussions or a “backlash” for racial and ethnic minorities who break stereotypes.

Rudman and Fairchild proposed a conceptual framework that predicted backlash in stereotype maintenance from the perspective of both perceivers and actors. Research indicates that cultural stereotypes evoke a normative standard to which the target is compared; when individuals fail to fit the standard, a contrast effect may cause them to be viewed as deviant (Phelan & Rudman, 2010; Rudman & Fairchild, 2004). In turn, “backlash effects” allowed perceivers to feel justified (e.g., when they feel threatened or desire revenge). Given the “backlash effects,” bullying victimization may be a form of backlash against those who break racial and ethnic stereotypes; that is, Black/African American, Latino American, and Asian American youth who break their racial and ethnic stereotypes may experience more bullying victimization.

Broken Racial and Ethnic Stereotypes and Bullying Victimization

Stereotypes have become part of the schooling experience for many racial and ethnic minority youth. Moreover, racial and ethnic minority youth who break stereotypes may be more vulnerable to disparaging treatment, such as bullying victimization. Although bullying within schools confirms racial and ethnic differences in victimization, few studies consider whether bullying, as a form of backlash against those who break stereotypes, increases the incidence of victimization among racial and ethnic minority students.

The current study examines the relationship between bullying victimization and racial and ethnic stereotypes within the U.S. school system. We investigate whether racial and ethnic minorities who do not adhere to stereotypes linked with family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sports participation are more likely to be victimized while at school. With regard to family SES, we hypothesis as follows:

Hypothesis 1: Bullying victimization will increase among Black/African American and Latino American youth from family’s with high SES because stereotypes about Black/African American and Latino American youth suggest that they are economically disadvantaged.

Similarly, with respect to test scores, stereotypes about Black/African American and Latino American youth suggest that they have poor academic performance whereas stereotypes about Asian American students focus on their high educational achievement. Given prior research, we hypothesize as follows:

Hypothesis 2: Bullying victimization will increase among Black/African American and Latino American youth with high test scores. In contrast, we suggest that the incidence of bullying will increase among Asian American students with low test scores.

Finally, with regard to interscholastic sports participation, Black/African American youth are perceived as being superior athletes and stereotypes about Asian American students suggest that they have limited athletic abilities. Given prior work, we hypothesize as follows:

Hypothesis 3: Bullying victimization will increase among Black/African American students who are not involved in interscholastic sports. It is also possible to suggest that the incidence of bullying will increase among Asian American youth who participate in interscholastic sports.

Method

Data Source

Data are drawn from the Educational Longitudinal Study of 2002 to test the aforementioned hypotheses. ELS is a survey administered by the Research Triangle Institute (RTI) for the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) of the U.S. Department of Education. ELS is designed to monitor the transition of a national sample of young people as they progress from 10th grade through high school and on to postsecondary education and/or the world of work. These data include information about the experiences and backgrounds of students, parents, and teachers, and descriptions of the schools those students attended.

We use the baseline year of the survey and focused on 12,790 public school students in the ELS sample. We also omitted students who do not identify as Black/African American, Latino American, Asian American, and White American, which reduced the sample to 11,320 students. The omission of many of the key variables required for the analysis from the abbreviated form of the student questionnaires led to the exclusion of an additional 880 cases and created the final subsample of 10,440 cases for this analysis of the factors associated with bullying victimization and racial and ethnic stereotypes. ELS also include imputed values (via sequential hot-deck imputation) for certain key variables, including family SES and test scores (Ingels et al., 2007). We, therefore, used these imputed values in our analyses. For other missing data for variables not imputed by ELS, we used the “impute” command in Stata that organizes cases by patterns of missing data and then runs regressions to determine predicted values. This method is consistent with prior research that have utilized these and similar data. We weighted our analyses to account for unequal probabilities of selection and to adjust for no response (Peguero, 2009; Popp & Peguero, 2011; Stewart, 2003). These data are especially appropriate for our study in that they allow for the study of diverse racial and ethnic groups, stereotypes, and the incidence of bullying. Reported results are based on nonlinear hierarchical generalized linear regression models. Descriptive statistics are reported in Table 1.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Variables.

Variable	Range	M	SD	N
Bullying victimization	0-8	0.85	1.36	10,440
Race and ethnicity
Black/African American	0-1	0.16	0.36	1,630
Latino American	0-1	0.17	0.37	1,730
Asian American	0-1	0.11	0.32	1,190
White American	0-1	0.57	0.50	5,890
Stereotypes
Family socioeconomic status	−2.11-1.98	−0.08	0.71	10,440
Test scores	21.50-79.94	49.62	10.03	10,440
Interscholastic sports	0-8	0.96	1.31	10,440
Student characteristics
Female	0-1	0.51	0.50	5,320
Misbehavior	0-6	1.09	1.57	10,440
School characteristics
Diversity	0-100	36.86	31.59	580
Poverty	0-100	25.03	18.71	580
Social disorder	0-17	12.84	1.68	580
Size	52-4,631	1,410	839.52	580
Security	0-11	3.58	2.33	580
Urban locale	0-1	0.28	0.45	580

Bullying Victimization

Our outcome of interest is bullying victimization within schools. Students were asked whether they had been exposed to various forms of bullying victimization at school during the 2001-2002 academic year. Bullying victimization is an index (0 = never, 1 = once or twice, and 2 = more than twice) that is based on four items: (1) Someone threatened to hurt me at school, (2) someone bullied me or picked on me, (3) someone hit me, and (4) someone used strong-arm or forceful methods to get money or things from me. Each item was added together (α = .75) and the mean for bullying victimization is 0.85.

Factors Associated With Racial and Ethnic Stereotypes

On the basis of prior research, we include three indicators of racial and ethnic stereotypes: family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sports participation. Family SES is a preconstructed composite measure of family SES was created by NCES. It is a standardized (z score) variable based on five equally weighted, standardized components: father’s/guardian’s education, mother’s/guardian’s education, family income, father’s/guardian’s occupational prestige, and mother’s/guardian’s occupational prestige. Parents occupational prestige was derived from the General Social Survey (GSS) occupational prestige scores (Ingels et al., 2007).

Test scores

Student test score is measured using the standardized measure developed by RTI and NCES. ELS included a reading and math composite score based on standardized tests developed by the Educational Testing Service (ETS). For the students who did not have both scores, the composite was based on the single score that was available. The composite score is the average of the math and reading standardized scores, restandardized to a national mean of 50.0 and standard deviation of 10 (Ingels et al., 2007).

Interscholastic sports

There are eight interscholastic sport activities used to construct an index. For the following items, interscholastic means competition between teams from different schools. For each interscholastic sport listed, students indicated whether they have participated in an interscholastic team during the school year for the following (0 = No, 1 = Yes): (a) baseball, (b) softball, (c) basketball, (d) football, (e) soccer, (f) cheerleading/drill team, (g) other team sport, and (h) individual sport. With all items added together (α = .93), the mean for interscholastic sports is 0.96.

Race and Ethnicity

Race and ethnicity is self-reported by students. The sample for these analyses included 1,630 Black/African American, 1,730 Latino American, 1,190 Asian American, and 5,890 White American public school students. Racial and ethnic minority groups are oversampled in ELS to obtain a sufficient representation for statistical analyses. In turn, the sample weights used in these analyses are calculated by NCES to compensate for the sampling design and for nonresponse bias (see NCES, 2004, for further detail).

Student Characteristics

We control for student characteristics, including gender and misbehavior that have been associated with the occurrence of school violence and bullying victimization. Gender is coded male or female on the basis of a student’s self-report of his or her biological sex. Male students serve as the reference group. Misbehavior is a constructed index that counts the number of misbehavior acts the student self-reported (0 = never, 1 = once or twice, 2 = more than twice): (a) I cut or skipped classes, (b) I got into a physical fight at school, and (c) I got in trouble for not following school rules. All items were added (α = .86) together and the mean for misbehavior is 1.09.

School Characteristics

We also control for school factors such as diversity, poverty, level of social problems and disorder, size, security, and locale that have been linked to the likelihood of being bullied and victimized at school. School diversity measures the percentage of students who are racial and ethnic minorities enrolled at the school. School poverty considers the proportion of students within each school who receive free or reduce-priced lunches.

For level of school social disorder, school administrators were asked to inform, to the best of his or her knowledge, how often do the following types of problems occur at their school (happens daily, happens at least once a week, happens at least once a month, happens on occasion, or never happens): tardiness, absenteeism, class cutting, physical conflicts, robbery or theft, vandalism, use of alcohol, use of illegal drugs, students under the influence of drugs/alcohol while at school, the sale of drugs on campus, possession of weapons, racial-ethnic tensions, student bullying, gang activities, physical abuse of teachers, verbal abuse of teachers, and student acts of disrespect for teachers. As similarly recoded in previous research (Peguero et al., 2011; Popp & Peguero, 2011; Stewart, 2003; Wilcox, Tillyer, & Fisher, 2009), an index (α = .82) was constructed to count whether or not each of these 17 indicators of social disorder occurred in a school.

School size is measured as the total student enrollment of the school. For level of school security, school administrators were asked whether it is a practice of their school to do the following (yes or no): control access to school buildings during school hours, control access to school grounds during school hours, require students to pass through metal detectors each day, perform one or more random metal detector checks on students, close the campus for most students during lunch, use one or more random dog sniffs to check for drugs, perform one or more random sweeps for contraband, require clear book bags or ban book bags on school grounds, require students to wear badges or picture IDs, require faculty and staff to wear badges or picture IDs, and use one or more security cameras to monitor the school. An index was constructed (α = .85) to count whether or not each of these 11 security measures were practiced in a school. School locale represents whether the school is located in an urban or nonurban (reference category) locale.

Analytical Strategy

Since ELS is designed as a cluster sample in which schools are sampled with unequal probability and then students are sampled or “nested” within these selected schools, the subsample of ELS violates the assumption of independent observations. The nested structure of the ELS (i.e., students within schools) makes multilevel modeling an appropriate analytic tool (Raudenbush, Bryk, & Congdon, 2008). As presented in Table 1, because the dependent variable, bullying victimization, is skewed and violates the normality assumption underlying the linear model with a mean of 0.85 in a 9-point index, it is appropriate to estimate an overdispersed Poisson model (with constant exposure) using the nonlinear hierarchical generalized linear model (HGLM) function (see Raudenbush et al., 2008). Thus, HGLM will be utilized to analyze the multilevel factors associated with school bullying victimization. All Level 1 (student) and Level 2 (school) predictors have been centered on their group means. This allows us to examine the probability of bullying victimization within each school.

The analyses proceed in several steps. First, in Table 2, since race and ethnicity is a central aspect of this study, using mean comparisons, we investigate the differences between potential factors linked to racial and ethnic stereotypes (i.e., family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sports participation) across our sample of Black/African American, Latino American, Asian American, and White American students. Next, in Model 1 of Table 3, to establish the baseline effects for models on bullying victimization, we introduce race and ethnicity and other student- and school-level characteristics into our modeling. Then, in Model 2 of Table 3, racial and ethnic stereotype factors are added to the analysis presented in Model 1. Finally, in Model 3 of Table 3, to capture broken race and ethnic stereotypes, we include interactions between the race and ethnicity of the student and factors linked to racial and ethnic stereotypes. The core question is whether broken stereotypes moderate the relationship between bullying victimization and race and ethnicity.

Table 2.

Individual Student–Level Descriptives by Race and Ethnicity.

	Black/African American	Latino American	Asian American	White American
Variables	M (SD)	M (SD)	M (SD)	M (SD)
Bullying victimization	0.70 (1.18)*	0.77 (1.34)*	0.71 (1.24)*	0.94 (1.42)
Stereotypes
Family socioeconomic status	−0.26 (0.64)*	−0.46 (0.66)*	−0.05 (0.84)*	0.08 (0.67)
Test scores	43.91 (8.23)*	44.40 (9.38)*	52.21 (10.36)	52.19 (9.34)
Interscholastic sports	0.98 (1.39)	0.83 (1.35)*	0.70 (1.23)*	1.05 (1.28)
N	1,630	1,730	1,190	5,890

Note: Significant differences are denoted with asterisks. Significance tests are based on chi-square tests (for dummy variables) and Welch’s t tests (for continuous variables) and verified with nonparametric Wilcoxon–Mann–Whitney tests, statistically significant in Bonferroni tests compared to White Americans.

p ≤ .05.

Table 3.

Hierarchical Generalized Linear Model Effects and Standard Errors for Bullying Victimization.

	Model 1		Model 2		Model 3
	b	SE	b	SE	b	SE
Within schools
Stereotypes, race, ethnicity, and interactions
Family socioeconomic status	—	—	.070***	0.028	.033	0.037
Black/African American	—	—	—	—	.126*	0.085
Latino American	—	—	—	—	.154**	0.086
Asian American	—	—	—	—	−.075	0.095
Test scores			−.006****	0.002	−.006****	0.002
Black/African American	—	—	—	—	.016*	0.007
Latino American	—	—	—	—	−.002	0.006
Asian American	—	—	—	—	.017**	0.008
Interscholastic sports			−.022*	0.013	−.051***	0.018
Black/African American	—	—	—	—	.029	0.038
Latino American	—	—	—	—	.111****	0.034
Asian American	—	—	—	—	.091**	0.046
Race and ethnicity
Black/African American	−.197***	0.070	−.216***	0.072	−.455*	0.335
Latino American	−.138**	0.076	−.141**	0.077	−.120	0.317
Asian American	−.188**	0.088	−.183**	0.087	−1.192***	0.458
Student characteristics
Female	−.303****	0.035	−.307****	0.035	−.301****	0.035
Misbehavior	.181****	0.007	.176****	0.007	.174****	0.007
Between schools
Intercept	−.271****	0.020	−.268****	0.020	−.271****	0.020
Diversity	−.003***	0.001	−.003***	0.001	−.003***	0.001
Poverty	.002*	0.002	.002*	0.001	.002*	0.002
Social disorder	.015	0.013	.017	0.014	.015	0.013
Size	−.001***	0.001	−.001**	0.001	−.001**	0.001
Security	−.007	0.007	−.005	0.007	−.007	0.007
Urban locale	−.076*	0.046	−.076*	0.046	−.076*	0.046
Random effects	Variance = .115****	χ² = 1779.858	Variance = 0.115****	χ² = 1782.790	Variance = .113****	χ² = 1775.621

Note: The omitted categories are White American male and single-parent/guardian family structures and urban schools.

p ≤ .10. *p ≤ .05. **p ≤ .01. ****p ≤ .001.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Table 1 provides descriptive statistics about the variables utilized in this study. The average level of bullying victimization for the entire sample is 0.85. Table 2 reports the racial and ethnic group–specific means for individual student–level variables in this study. Clearly, there are racial and ethnic differences in the likelihood of bullying victimization and the factors linked to stereotypes for this analysis. Black/African American, Asian American, and Latino American students, respectively, have fewer experiences of bullying victimization than their White American peers. As for the potential factors linked to stereotypes, there are distinct racial and ethnic patterns for family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sports participation. Latino American, Black/African American, and Asian American students, all have lower levels of family SES in comparison to White American students. White American and Asian American students achieve similar levels of test scores, whereas Black/African American and Latino American students have lower test scores. White American and Black/African American students have similar levels of engagement in interscholastic sports, whereas Asian American and Latino American students have lower levels of school sports involvement. These distinctive racial and ethnic patterns are likely important for bullying victimization, in part, because these patterns reflect widely held stereotypes about racial and ethnic groups. We now turn to analyses of student- and school-level characteristics often associated with bullying victimization to establish baseline effects. We then consider potential factors linked to racial and ethnic stereotypes.

Model 1 of Table 3 investigates student- and school-level characteristics that prior research suggests influences the incidence of bullying. We find that Black/African American, Latino American, and Asian American students report less victimization than White students do. Female students report less bullying. Misbehavior is associated with an increase in bullying. At the school level, we find that racial and ethnic diversity decreases bullying victimization. School poverty increases the incidence of bullying. School size is associated with a decrease in bullying victimization. Schools in urban locales have lower levels of bullying. These findings are consistent with prior research, and most of these results are notably consistent throughout our models.

How do potential factors linked to racial and ethnic stereotypes influence bullying victimization? Model 2 in Table 3 adds family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sports to Model 1. Factors linked to racial and ethnic stereotypes do influence bullying victimization. Students with higher levels of family SES report more bullying victimization. Students with higher test scores report less victimization. Interscholastic sport student athletes identify fewer incidences of bullying victimization. Although these findings suggest that family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sports matter for bullying, they have little influence on the relationships between race, ethnicity, and bullying victimization. Black/African American, Latino American, and Asian American students remain less likely to be subjected to bullying victimization than their White American counterparts. This finding seems to suggest that it is not simply factors linked to racial and ethnic stereotypes that influence the reporting of bullying among racial and ethnic students. Instead, given the prior research suggesting social penalties for students who break stereotypes (e.g., Kao, 2000; Phelan & Rudman, 2010), it is important to consider whether racial and ethnic students who break stereotypes report more bullying victimization.

Bullying Racial and Ethnic Minority Youth Who Break Stereotypes

Model 3 of Table 3 reports factors linked to stereotypes, interactions with each factor, and student- and school-level controls. Consistent with our expectations, we find that Black/African American and Latino American, who are in families with higher SES, identify more incidences of bullying. Meanwhile, family SES is not associated with Asian American and White American students’ bullying victimization. These findings indicate that family SES is a potential risk factor for bullying victimization among youth from stereotypical economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Black/African American and Latino American youth who break stereotypes about their families’ SES are more susceptible to the incidence of bullying.

Next, with respect to test scores, we find some support for our expectations. We suspected that Black/African American and Latino American youth with higher test scores would experience more victimization and Asian American youth with lower test scores would report more bullying. The findings indicate that Black/African American and Asian American students with higher test scores report more incidences of bullying. White American and Latino American students with highser test scores report fewer incidences of victimization. Moreover, high test scores are a potential risk factor for bullying victimization among Black/African American and Asian American youth, whereas high test scores seem to protect White American and Latino American from victimization. Our expectations about test scores are not completely supported. However, theses findings may make some sense if we consider that standardized tests scores often do not get announced to the student body, which in turn may make it hard for potential perpetrators of bullying to identify high- or low-achieving students.

In addition, the findings for participation in interscholastic sports partially support our expectations. We suspected that bullying victimization would increase among Black/American students who were not involved in interscholastic sports and among Asian American students who were involved in interscholastic sports. Results suggest that Latino American and Asian American interscholastic student athletes are more likely to be bullied; however, participation in interscholastic sports is an insulating factor for White American and Black/African American students. Interscholastic sports participation places Latino American and Asian American at great risk for bullying victimization, whereas sports is a potential protective factor for White American and Black/African American youth from being bullied at school.

Lastly, it appears that factors linked to racial and ethnic stereotypes moderates the relationship between being Latino American and bullying victimization. This is not case for other racial and ethnic groups. As reflected in previous models, being Black/African American and Asian American is associated with lower odds of victimization; however, being Latino American is no longer significantly associated with victimization.

Discussion and Conclusion

Bullying is a reality in many schools and is consequential for the physical and emotional well-being of victims (Aalsma & Brown, 2008; Swearer et al., 2010). In this article, we build on research on racial and ethnic educational stereotypes and bullying victimization, by suggesting that the violation of racial and ethnic stereotypes may increase bullying victimization among racial and ethnic minority youth. We find that family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sport participation, which are factors that predict students’ educational success, are also factors linked to bullying within schools.

These findings have important implications for school programming. School personnel play a vital role toward protecting students from bullying and harassment. Teachers and administrators should pay special attention to racial and ethnic minority youth who break stereotypes as revealed in these findings. The justification for “backlash” toward racial and ethnic minority youth who break stereotypes is entrenched with youth motives or beliefs of defending racial and ethnic stereotypes (Phelan & Rudman, 2010; Rudman & Fairchild, 2004). In turn, school faculty and staff should implement programs that disrupt racial and ethnic stereotypes for their students. To ameliorate racial and ethnic disparities, policy makers, counselors, and administrators seek to increase the educational opportunities of racial and ethnic minority youth (Kozol, 1991, 2005; Lareau, 2004). However, given our findings, increased educational success and engagement may promote more bullying victimization if students’ behaviors and characteristics deviate from certain imposed racial and ethnic stereotypes. Consequently, researchers and school officials who are advocating for increased educational resources for racial and ethnic minority youth need to consider the prevalence of racial and ethnic disparities. Hong as well as Wessler and DeAndrade, for example, highlight the challenges that racial, ethnic, educational, and community inequality impose on implementing anti-violence and anti-bullying programs, such as the Olweus Bullying Prevention Program. Research denotes that situational contexts of violence for racial and ethnic minority youth overlap and are symbiotic with schools and communities (Brunson & Miller, 2009; Hagan, Hirschfield, & Shedd, 2002). Thus, strengthening community-level components, such as meetings with local community leaders and anti-violence and anti-bullying strategies through youth-related activities in communities and outreach must be part of any effort to ameliorate the bullying and the violence that racial and ethnic minority youth are exposed to within their schools (Hong, 2009; Wessler & DeAndrade, 2006).

As with most studies, there are limitations that often translate into further research questions. Because the growing number of racial and ethnic minority youth within the United States is a direct result of immigration, future research should consider the role of immigration. For example, Peguero (2009) indicates that generational status is linked to racial and ethnic minority youth victimization with first-generation youth having increased beliefs that their schools are unsafe. Violated stereotypes may operate differently for immigrate generations. In addition, previous research has clearly indicated a number of detrimental consequences associated with victimization for youth (Finkelhor, 2008; Macmillan & Hagan 2004); however, future research should examine the effects of bullying at school for racial and ethnic minority youth. The relationship between stereotypes, gender, and bullying may be a factor in this study’s findings of increased bullying for racial and ethnic minority youth who break stereotypes. There are gender stereotypes also linked to sports and achievement, particularly for those students pursuing science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education, which can influence how their peers perceive and interact with boys and girls (Rowley et al., 2007; Schmader, Johns, & Forbes, 2008). Furthermore, we also know that there are clear gender distinctions with victimization at schools (Popp & Peguero, 2011; Wilcox et al., 2009). Finally, the focus of our study was to specifically assess whether or not racial and ethnic minorities who do not adhere to stereotypes linked with family SES, test scores, and interscholastic sports participation are more likely to be victimized while at school. Because research demonstrates that racial and ethnic minority who do not conform to racially and ethnically biased stereotypes do experience inter- and intra-racial/ethnic peer harassment (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Kao, 2000; Lee, 2009; Phelan & Rudman, 2010; Tyson, 2002), future research should build on our findings and investigate the race and ethnicity as well as the motivation of perpetrators who bully racial and ethnic minority youth who do adhere to stereotypes.

Of course, addressing violence and bullying that occurs within schools is paramount toward sustaining an educational system that facilitates U.S. educational progress and economic sustainability. However, understanding and addressing racial and ethnic educational disparities in the U.S. is fundamental. There is a history of racial and ethnic educational stratification within the U.S. that remains evident. Our analyses suggest that bullying victimization increases among racial and ethnic minority youth who violate discriminatory stereotypes. Moreover, our findings call for researchers, educators, and policy makers to consider that simply focusing on attainment and achievement may not sufficiently address the racial and ethnic educational gap. Finally, it is reasonable to assume that racial and ethnic stereotypes are conditioned by the overall state of racial and ethnic relationships within the United States. As we enter an educational era in which the number of racial and ethnic minority will represent most youth in U.S. schools (U.S. Census Bureau, 2009), ensuring the educational progress, success, and safety of students who are breaking away from racial and ethnic derogatory stereotypes will only ensure the future of the United States as a plural and democratic society and a strong economy.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Appreciation is conveyed for the support offered by the Criminal Justice Research Center (CJRC) at The Ohio State University, directed by Ruth D. Peterson, as well as the Racial Democracy, Crime and Justice-Network (RDCJ-N). The authors gratefully acknowledge the helpful comments and suggestions from and Vincent Roscigno.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the National Science Foundation through a Graduate Research Fellowship to Lisa M. Williams.

Author Biographies

Anthony A. Peguero is an assistant professor of Sociology and research affiliate of the Center for Peace Studies and Violence Prevention at Virginia Tech. His research interests involve youth violence, socialization and marginalization, schools, and the adaptation of the children immigrants. He is also a member of the Racial Democracy, Crime, and Justice Network which holds the dual goals of advancing research on the intersection of race, crime and justice and of promoting racial democracy within the study of these issues by supporting junior scholars from under-represented groups.

Lisa M. Williams is a doctoral student in the department of Sociology at The Ohio State University. Her interests include social stratification, education, work, and race and ethnicity. Her current work, with Vincent Roscigno, investigates the bureaucratic justifications employers give for the discrimination of women, minority, and older workers. She is a former American Sociological Association minority fellow and was award a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship.

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