Rehabilitating Beyond Walls: The Role of Informal Spaces in Formal Programs among Young Rehabilitators

Spaces of Confinement, Imprisonment, and Rehabilitation

The present study draws on the theoretical framework of prison geography, which examines how the physical and spatial organization of prison environments shapes the lived experiences, emotions, and identities of prisoners. Moran (2013) describes prison visiting rooms as liminal spaces—areas situated between inside and outside, institutional control, and personal interaction—where prisoners negotiate boundaries of belonging and identity. Similarly, Johnsen (2018) highlights the importance of recreational spaces in prison, which offer moments of movement and relative freedom within the highly controlled environment. These spaces create opportunities for self-expression and emotional respite. Crewe et al. (2014) discuss the emotional geography of prison life, arguing that spatial and social arrangements within prison profoundly influence prisoners’ emotional states and their interpersonal relationships. Moran et al. (2016) further highlight how prison design and the space of confinement affect prisoners’ experiences of control, autonomy, and dignity. Together, these studies highlight the importance of paying attention to the material and symbolic meanings inherent in prison environments, especially those that allow for temporary detachment from the experience of imprisonment. These insights into the spatial and emotional dimensions of prison environments highlight the significance of not only formal institutional spaces but also of informal spaces that may support moments of agency and social interaction within and beyond the prison.

Informal spaces play a crucial role in rehabilitation, offering opportunities for social interaction and physical activity beyond formal therapy settings. Ribbe Kelso et al. (2024) show that patients are more physically and socially active in communal areas compared to their bedrooms. According to the researchers, these informal spaces positively influence patients’ mood and activity levels, although reduced independence can be a barrier to their use. Corridors, often designed solely for movement, serve as multipurpose spaces for care delivery and patient experiences (Colley et al., 2018). In low- and middle-income countries, where formal stroke rehabilitation services may be scarce, informal caregivers play a vital role in post-stroke care (Pandian et al., 2016). Recognizing the importance of these informal spaces and support systems can inform more effective rehabilitation strategies and hospital designs. While the role of space is central to shaping physical and social experiences, understanding the relational dynamics within these spaces requires a psychological lens focused on human connection and growth, such as that offered by Relational-Cultural Theory.

Relational-Cultural Theory (RCT) offers an alternative perspective on psychological development, emphasizing growth through connection and relationships throughout life (Jordan, 2001). Unlike traditional developmental theories that prioritize autonomy and separation, RCT highlights the significance of mutual empathy, relational resilience, and the repair of disconnection as key mechanisms for psychological well-being (Jordan, 2001). Rooted in feminist thought and developed by a group of women theorists, RCT aims to capture diverse human experiences that have often been marginalized in dominant psychological models (West, 2005). The theory has been applied to fields such as feminist mentoring in social work education (Alvarez & Lazzari, 2016) and the development of multicultural competence in counselor training (Dietz et al., 2017), emphasizing its relevance in contexts marked by social inequality and marginalization.

RCT may offer a valuable lens through which to understand the challenges faced by young rehabilitators, particularly in relation to disconnecting from family, community, and society. The theory provides a framework for exploring how relationships, especially those characterized by mutual empathy and authenticity, can contribute to identity reconstruction and reentry processes. By focusing on the relational context of human development, RCT allows for a more nuanced view of rehabilitation, where personal growth is closely linked to the capacity to form meaningful connections. This perspective may help illuminate how supportive relational environments could foster resilience, belonging, and a sense of agency among young rehabilitators navigating life after incarceration.

The Good Lives Model (GLM) of offender rehabilitation focuses on assisting offenders in constructing meaningful and fulfilling lives (Ward & Gannon, 2006). The participants’ choice to emphasize positive experiences challenges the prevailing research discourse in rehabilitation, which tends to focus on challenges and difficulties (Forsberg & Douglas, 2022). This choice indicates the need for a paradigm shift in the study of rehabilitation processes, from emphasizing pathology and difficulties to a more comprehensive understanding of factors of resilience and success (Hodgkinson et al., 2021; Morse et al., 2022; Sapp, 2023).

Both Relational-Cultural Theory (RCT) and the Good Lives Model (GLM) offer frameworks that emphasize the centrality of human connection and the pursuit of meaningful lives in the context of rehabilitation. While RCT focuses on psychological growth through mutual empathy and relationship-building (Jordan, 2001), GLM highlights the development of individual strengths and the attainment of personal goals in prosocial ways (Ward & Fortune, 2013). Together, these approaches suggest that successful reintegration after incarceration may depend not only on reducing risk but also on fostering supportive relationships and a sense of agency. In the context of this study, which explores the lived experiences of young rehabilitators, these theories provide complementary perspectives for understanding how identity, connection, and purpose shape the rehabilitation process.

As can be seen, the literature suggests that successful rehabilitation following incarceration involves more than structured programs or institutional control. It is shaped by dynamic interactions between individuals and the spaces they inhabit, both physical and relational. Informal spaces offer opportunities for connection, reflection, and agency that may be absent from formal rehabilitative contexts. Theories such as Relational-Cultural Theory and the Good Lives Model provide valuable perspectives for understanding how supportive environments – formal and mostly informal – and meaningful relationships can foster resilience, identity reconstruction, and social reintegration. These conceptual tools form the foundation for the present study, which explores how young people with histories of incarceration experience, represent, and make sense of rehabilitation through everyday spaces and interpersonal connections. Given the emphasis on space, relationships, and personal meaning in the rehabilitation process, it is essential to examine methodological tools that center participants’ voices and lived experiences.

Photovoice Among the Forensic Population

Photovoice is a qualitative methodology that transfers the responsibility of research to its participants, enabling them, through photographs they have taken, to provide a platform and voice for their experiences, perceptions, attitudes, and feelings regarding the community phenomenon under investigation (Wang, 1999; Wang & Burris, 1994, 1997; Wang et al., 1998). The method, initially termed “Photo novella,” has three primary objectives: The first is to present the strengths and weaknesses within their community context. The second objective was to stimulate critical thinking among interest groups of community members. The third objective is to facilitate change through policymakers, who will be exposed to the content emerging from research (Wang & Burris, 1997).

In their study of women in the criminal justice system, Fitzgibbon and Stengel (2017) noted that utilizing creative methods, such as Photovoice, effectively communicates complex messages to the public, professionals in the field, and decision-makers. This approach enables the presentation of challenges and experiences of individuals in the restoration and supervision processes as well as in the field of harm reduction. Theodoropoulou (2021), in his work on recovery, emphasized the significance of care practices and demonstrated how minor gestures can expand life’s possibilities, allowing for observation and, more critically, transforming our understanding and approaches to recovery.

Photovoice is a community-based participatory action research (PAR) encompassing four key elements: participation, action, research, and social change towards social justice. These components converge when stakeholders engage in a systematic research process to advance knowledge, which subsequently drives social change initiated by those stakeholders (Chevalier & Buckles, 2013). Critical interaction between research actions is designed to foster social change. Effective implementation of PAR requires equal and crucial attention to all four components during the planning and execution of projects (Baum et al., 2006; Israel et al., 1998). An essential aspect of the Photovoice method is sharing photographs with a broader community, which expands the opportunities for reflection and dialogue surrounding the images. It enhances the potential for community action, social mobilization, and policy reform (Liebenberg, 2018). This method facilitates mental flexibility and research creativity, manifested in various fields (Dassah et al., 2017; Han & Oliffe, 2016; Teti et al., 2018), including research involving young people. For instance, in a study on youth mental health, Photovoice was used to capture the daily experiences and challenges faced by young people, providing a unique insight into their mental health needs (Fountain et al., 2021).

Photovoice facilitates the examination of the world from the perspective of individuals outside the mainstream (Ruby, 1991), such as youths engaged in criminal activities. Furthermore, photographic equipment can directly capture moments, behaviors, and environments (Warren, 1971). In contrast to traditional methodologies, in which researchers typically control research instruments, this approach allows participants to present their world as they perceive and interpret it. The researcher’s role is to guide the process, ensuring that the participants’ perspectives are accurately and ethically represented. This enables researchers to capture the participants’ reality as they depict them. During data collection, the participants underwent a reflective process that fostered critical awareness of their circumstances. Consequently, collected information and data can induce positive changes in their lives and communities (Hermanns et al., 2015).

The forensic population comprises individuals subject to judicial or law enforcement systems due to their criminal activities (Tappan, 2003). This population includes defendants, prisoners, released inmates, forensic psychiatric patients, and individuals rehabilitated for criminal offenses. Forensic research focuses on crime, punishment, rehabilitation, and the rights of individuals within this population (Gacinya, 2024).

While all young people face challenges from rapid changes in personal development, the environment, and society (Ansell, 2016), those with criminal backgrounds encounter additional and more complex challenges (Lapp, 2019). These challenges stem from the consequences of imprisonment, social stigmatization, low socioeconomic status, and limited access to essential social resources (Keene et al., 2018; Tyler & Brockmann, 2017). These resources can be instrumental in reintegrating imprisoned youth into society and preventing recidivism. Without access to sufficient economic, emotional, and social support, many find themselves in cycles of adversity that impede their ability to abandon their previous lifestyles and establish a normative existence (Pranis et al., 2013; Visher & Travis, 2003). Shannon (2010) employed Photovoice to examine the re-entry process of young men returning to their communities after imprisonment. In a unique study in which one of the research participants, using the pseudonym Deer, became a co-author, the experiences of former female and male prisoners were examined. The research found that, with the autonomy to generate data, each participant offered a distinctive perspective on their life as ex-prisoners. Deer utilized this freedom by documenting her experience through film and writing, inviting us to perceive her perspective as a criminalized woman (Jarldorn & Deer, 2020).

It is crucial to note that Photovoice alone does not guarantee empowerment. It would be erroneous to assume that participants will be empowered merely by using this method. Genuine empowerment occurs through meticulous implementation, ensuring sufficient resources and capacities are in place to foster meaningful community engagement throughout the research and dissemination phases (Liebenberg, 2018; Liebenberg et al., 2017).

Shushan Centers – Youth Rehabilitation Program – A Case Study

The Israeli Prisoner Rehabilitation Authority promotes the rehabilitation and integration of released prisoners into society, focusing on youth and young adults. The primary objective of the authority is to facilitate the reintegration of former inmates into a normative life trajectory and mitigate the likelihood of recidivism. These objectives are achieved through various means, including individual and group support and counseling, developing and implementing rehabilitation programs tailored to each inmate’s specific needs, and promoting social and community activities to encourage social integration and strengthen the connection between prisoners and the community.

The Shushan program is a distinctive initiative by the Israeli Prisoner Rehabilitation Authority to integrate young individuals and youth undergoing rehabilitation aged 18 to 21. The program operates four centers that emphasizes developing social and professional skills, assisting young people in establishing themselves in society, and integrating them into social activities. Consequently, the program is predicated on collaboration between welfare agencies and educational and professional entities. Four Shushan centers operate in Israel and provide rehabilitation solutions for youth and young adults. These encompass social skills courses, including communication exercises, developing social connections, and preparing for social engagement; professional projects, including programs to develop professional skills and prepare for employment; and personal support and counseling to assist young people in addressing challenges and organizing their lives. This approach acknowledges that, despite their involvement in criminal activities and subsequent incarceration, young people possess the capacity and skills to reintegrate into a normative society. The Shushan program allows them to experience positive situations that highlight and enhance their personalities’ prosocial and constructive aspects. These experiences contribute to the capacity and conditions necessary for an interrogative lifecycle.

At the center, the young people encounter a multidisciplinary team: a center manager, social workers, employment counselors, rehabilitation instructors, and volunteers who provide support and guidance at every significant juncture in their lives. Each young man was assigned a dedicated therapist whose role was to facilitate the construction of a supportive environment. The therapist initiates contact while the individual is in prison to establish direct communication and build mutual trust. During this introduction, the therapists familiarized themselves with the young person’s environment, particularly their family, and visited the family to enlist their support. Concurrently, the therapist engages with additional community members to involve them in the process and to gather information from previous care providers. A rehabilitation plan, anchored in a treatment contract signed between the young person and the Prison Rehabilitation Authority, is developed with the young person’s consent and submitted to the committee. The committee, which includes a judge, reviews the plan and determines whether the young person is eligible for a sentence reduction (one-third). If approved by the committee, the individual will be released, and during their period as a “licensed prisoner,” they will be under the supervision of the Shushan program. The program will continue to provide support, guidance, and monitoring to ensure the individual adheres to the treatment contract and successfully reintegrates into society.

Persistence in the rehabilitation program necessitates adherence to several unambiguous and stringent regulations, including the provision of random urine samples to verify abstinence from drug use, disassociation from criminal social environments that do not facilitate rehabilitation, compliance with release conditions that encompass active participation in individual and group sessions, consistent daily attendance at work, and submission of a payslip at the commencement of each month.

Despite the acknowledgment of the literature regarding the significance and efficacy of rehabilitation for the forensic youth population (Finseth et al., 2022; Young et al., 2017) and the established success of the Photovoice research method among disadvantaged populations (Gombert et al., 2017; Valiquette-Tessier, 2015), few studies have integrated these two aspects. The present study, with its importance in enhancing the understanding of how young rehabilitators visually perceive their rehabilitation process, particularly within the context of rehabilitation center facilities, is sure to engage and invest the audience. Consequently, the research questions are as follows: How do young rehabilitators perceive the Shushan Center? What constitutes their rehabilitation process in rehabilitation centers? Focusing on young rehabilitators, we sought to augment our understanding of applying the Photovoice method in qualitative research among the juvenile population.

Participants

Of the 14 male participants aged 18 to 23 who were integrated into one of the Shushan Centers, 50% were in the initial phase of their rehabilitation process—during the evaluation phase of the young rehabilitator, the individual becomes familiar with the rules and requirements of the rehabilitation center. At this stage, they are subject to more intensive supervision and are expected to attend the center more frequently throughout the week. While the remainder were in advanced stages – the rehabilitation process progresses, the young rehabilitated person comes to the rehabilitation center less often, takes on more tasks and roles in managing time and activities at the center, and prepares to embark on an independent life. Three therapeutic staff members participated in the study. The Shushan Center was selected because the center’s directors were looking for a new home to run the center in, due to the lease expiration. And because of our desire to take advantage of the move to learn about the significance of the home in the therapeutic process. It is worth noting that all patients from the center were actively involved, ensuring the study’s comprehensive nature.

Procedure

The first researcher conducted two group sessions with the participants at the Shushan Center. During the initial session, the participants were introduced to the Photovoice methodology and provided instructions regarding the photographs they were required to capture. The participants were instructed to take pictures representing their experiences and perspectives on their rehabilitation journey. They were encouraged to capture images illustrating their environment’s challenges, strengths, and opportunities. For the first phase, participants were allocated 2 weeks and required to send the researcher a photograph using the WhatsApp application.

Before the second meeting, the first researcher developed photographs of the participants. At the commencement of the second meeting, which occurred 1 month after the initial session, participants were requested to share their perceptions of the Shushan Center as an integral component of their rehabilitation process. Subsequently, all participants were presented with photographs, and each participant exhibited their chosen image to the group, elucidating its content, the rationale behind its selection, and the specific perspective from which it was captured. The group engaged in a respectful and collaborative discussion, wherein each participant was allowed to respond and pose questions to the group members regarding their photographs and the inquiries directed towards them.

Both sessions were audio-recorded and transcribed, and the participants provided signed informed consent, acknowledging their voluntary participation in the study and their right to withdraw at any time. Compensation was not provided. It was explicitly stated that nonparticipation would not adversely affect the rehabilitation process.

Consent was obtained for the audio recording meetings and for using images for research purposes, with assurances of confidentiality and anonymity. The Israeli Prisoner Rehabilitation Authority and the institutional ethics committee of the first researcher approved the study, ensuring that all ethical guidelines were followed. Participants consented to include their photographs in a specialized exhibition at the Shushan Center to be viewed by family members, Prisoner Rehabilitation Authority officials, and Ministry of Social Services representatives. Several months after the conclusion of the research, the rehabilitation center relocated to new premises, and a photographic exhibition was curated for the inaugural event. The participants presented their photographs and shared their rehabilitation experiences through a visual medium.

While Photovoice is a valuable participatory method that allows participants to express their experiences visually and verbally, ethical and contextual considerations sometimes limit the inclusion of images. In the current study, this was particularly relevant due to the small number of Shushan Centers across Israel and the limited number of participants in each facility. Sharing images taken by participants could potentially compromise their anonymity and unintentionally reveal the location of the center or the identity of those residing there. These concerns echo similar challenges documented in participatory research with vulnerable populations, where visual data—especially photographs—can expose individuals or culturally significant spaces in unintended ways (Hudson et al., 2020; Lydon, 2014). Therefore, in line with ethical research practices, we opted not to include participants’ photos in the publication. Instead, we enhanced the textual descriptions of the photographs and the narratives they generated to preserve both the epistemological value of the images and the privacy of those involved (Henry & Gabel, 2019).

Data Analysis

Data analysis adhered to a thematic approach comprising the following steps: (a) initial coding: Transcripts from the group discussions were examined, and initial codes were generated based on recurring themes and concepts. (b) Categorization: Codes were grouped into broader categories, reflecting the main themes. Photographs were categorized based on their visual content and the accompanying narratives. (c) Interpretation: The categories were analyzed to identify key insights and patterns. Visual data (photographs) were integrated with textual data (transcripts) to comprehensively understand participants’ experiences (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

Shushan Center is a Mental-Emotional Home

The rehabilitation process is challenging. This requires perseverance, investment, and addressing numerous obstacles. It is a process that frequently presents a reflective surface before rehabilitation, and at times, the image that emerges is unpleasant or complex. Rehabilitation aimed at desisting from crime encompasses several life domains, such as familial, social, and cultural spheres. Individuals undergoing rehabilitation must implement specific changes and adjustments to persist in the rehabilitation process. Therefore, it is noteworthy to ascertain from the participants that the Shushan Center was perceived positively, indicating the rehabilitative process occurring there and the likelihood of success. The participants referred to the Shushan Center as a home, a secure environment that shields them from the criminal world, imparts behavioral norms, and, most significantly, instructs them to make appropriate choices when confronted with various situations that could jeopardize their rehabilitation process.

The first theme reveals Shushan as a transformative space that transcends traditional rehabilitation, embodying a profound reconceptualization of “home” and “family” within the rehabilitation context. Through their experiences, participants articulate Shushan as a physical space and an emotional and psychological sanctuary, facilitating profound personal transformation and self-discovery. In the participants’ narratives, the recurring metaphor of ‘home’ suggests a fundamental shift from viewing rehabilitation as an institutional process to experiencing it as a nurturing environment that fosters genuine personal growth and identity reconstruction. This transformation is particularly significant given the participants’ historical relationship with “home,” where many previously associated it with environments conducive to criminal behavior. As described by the participants, the Shushan Center is a nurturing environment, a haven that fosters personal growth and identity reconstruction:

Shushan is a real home for me, not the physical home I have, but a home of opportunity. Once, the street was my home. Here, I learned that there is something beyond violence and crime. There is hope. I have learned that I am worth more than I ever thought.

It is a home in the most profound sense. Not just a roof over your head but a place that gives you tools. Tools I never had - how to communicate, manage life, and be a good father.

The program’s approach operates at multiple levels simultaneously, providing practical tools for life management while fostering the emotional and psychological development necessary for sustainable change. Participants consistently emphasized the gradual nature of their transformation, describing it as a journey of incremental, daily steps rather than dramatic overnight changes, indicating a realistic and sustainable approach to rehabilitation. One participant explained this concept.

“It is not merely a rehabilitation program. It is a methodology—a methodology to instruct you on living differently. Not only to survive, but also to construct something. However, these changes did not occur instantaneously. It is a process. They educate you that change is not simply stating ‘I want to,’ but taking small steps daily.”

The emergence of hope as a central element in their narratives suggests that Shushan created what might be termed a ‘therapeutic landscape,’ a hopeful sign of the program’s potential, where personal growth and positive future orientation become feasible. The concept of being ‘worthy’ or ‘valuable’ repeatedly surfaces in participants’ statements, indicating that the program effectively addresses behavioral changes and fundamental issues of self-worth and identity. The familial aspect of the program, particularly the experience of being believed in and supported, addresses crucial developmental gaps in participants’ lives.

Shushan is the family I never had—someone who believes in you, even when you do not believe in yourself. I never thought I would reach a point where I would speak like this and envision a future. That I would be someone I can be proud of.

The Courtyard and Its Significance in the Rehabilitation Process

The courtyard emerges as a crucial space in the rehabilitation process among most participants, serving as a symbolic and physical refuge where they can temporarily suspend their institutional identities and reconnect with their authentic selves. For example, several photographs captured a colourful ornamental hammock tied between two trees, each taken from a different angle. Other photos showed a small seating area with a round hammock and several white plastic chairs scattered loosely around. In another corner, a garden sofa and matching garden chairs were photographed. Across all images, sections of green grass are visible, and all were taken during daylight hours.

These recurring visual elements serve as a descriptive anchor for the analytic sections that follow, where participants’ interpretations of these scenes provide insight into their perceptions and experiences within the space. Through participants’ narratives, the courtyard is characterized as a domain of emotional freedom, where the absence of formal supervision empowers them to express themselves genuinely and connect with others immediately. One participant emphasized:

This yard is not merely another parcel of land. It is the sole place to feel authentic. Here, we did not observe the sensation of being observed. Here, we refer to the individuals. Sitting, conversing, and engaging in habitual behaviors like any typical family unit.

The physical features of the courtyard—the hammock, punching bag, and smoking area—became significant symbols of normality and autonomy, enabling the participants to escape the structured nature of their rehabilitation program temporarily. As articulated by some participants, This punching bag is analogous to my actual therapy. Here, I can release all my frustration and anger, but not in the presence of therapists or social workers. I am the sole individual confronting myself. Each punch releases something internal.

In contrast to formal therapeutic spaces within the program, the courtyard represents an informal healing environment where participants can process their emotions and experiences without pressure from observation or therapeutic evaluation. The recurring theme of “looking” versus “being free” in participants’ narratives highlights the significance of the courtyard as a rare space where they can shed their institutional labels and experience themselves as complete human beings rather than patients or offenders. As elucidated by one of the participants: “Here, no one passes judgment. No one verifies whether you have completed the weekly tasks or attended the support groups. Here, it is solely us.”

Other participants expounded this perspective: “This is the only place I feel I belong to, not in treatment or meetings with the social worker. Here, I feel equal. There are no labels of offender or patient here.”

Particularly noteworthy is how participants described the courtyard as their “real home,” suggesting that this space fulfills a fundamental human need for belonging and authenticity that may be challenging to achieve within the more structured aspects of the rehabilitation program. The contrast that participants draw between the courtyard and other spaces in the facility elucidates a crucial distinction between formal therapeutic interventions and informal healing spaces, with the latter providing opportunities for spontaneous peer support and natural social interaction. As one of the participants shared, “Anywhere else we have to remain within the framework. Follow the rules. We have demonstrated that we are changing. But here? Here, we are simply ourselves. Without having to justify, without having to apologize.” Other participants supplemented: “This is the only place that engenders a sense of individuality beyond being another number in the rehabilitation program. When I recline here, it is as if all the pressures from treatment, surveillance, and commitments have dissipated. This hammock serves as my personal space for release.”

The significance of the courtyard as a space of normalized social interaction is emphasized through references to quotidian activities, such as smoking and casual conversation, which participants associate with ‘normal’ life outside the institutional context. Furthermore, the courtyard appears to function as a crucial pressure-release mechanism in rehabilitation, offering participants the necessary respite from the constant demands of demonstrating their progress and commitment to change. The emergence of this informal therapeutic space demonstrates the importance of incorporating unstructured and unsupervised areas within rehabilitation programs, where participants can experience moments of normality and authentic self-expression as part of their recovery journey. “This is our only space. The space where we do not have to be something else. We do not have to show progress; we do not have to prove anything.”

The findings elucidate how the Shushan Center creates a unique rehabilitative environment that transcends traditional institutional boundaries, mainly through the courtyard space. The dual themes that emerged—the Center as a mental-emotional home and the courtyard as a significant therapeutic space—demonstrate the complex interplay between formal and informal rehabilitation processes. The courtyard, in particular, is highlighted as a mental-emotional home, providing comfort and security to the participants. While the Center provides the structured framework necessary for rehabilitation, the courtyard emerges as a crucial complementary space where authentic self-expression and genuine peer connections flourish without formal supervision. The dynamic interaction between structured therapeutic interventions and unstructured authentic experiences significantly enhances rehabilitation. The participants’ narratives revealed how this combination supports their journey from viewing rehabilitation as an institutional process to experiencing it as a transformative path toward personal growth and identity reconstruction.

Limitations and Further Research

Personal judgments have the potential to influence research outcomes. Participants’ selection of photographs, decisions regarding what not to photograph, and choices for discussion and subjects were subject to individual bias—the participants’ subjective perceptions allowed for the presentation of the specific aspects they chose to reveal. A quantitative approach was employed to examine parallel issues and address this limitation in large-scale research.

Particular attention should be paid to the design of informal spaces in rehabilitation settings, understanding that these areas may be as significant as the treatment rooms. Theoretically, there is scope for developing conceptual models incorporating the notion of “home” as a central element in rehabilitation processes, and your contributions to this process are integral. Methodologically, Photovoice has demonstrated particular efficacy in rehabilitation processes for young populations, and its expanded application in future studies is recommended.

While this study provides unique insights into the lived experiences of youth within the Shushan rehabilitation centers, it does not offer longitudinal data on post-release outcomes such as recidivism rates or long-term desistance from crime. This limitation stems from both the nature of the Shushan Centers—community-based facilities serving youth in the final stage of their sentence who transition directly into society—and the fact that this study constitutes an early-stage evaluation of a relatively new rehabilitative model. At present, no systematic recidivism tracking exists for this specific population. Future research would benefit from incorporating follow-up data to assess the longer-term impact of the Shushan model on participants’ trajectories after release. Such research could meaningfully complement the present study’s focus on subjective experiences and highlight how the meanings and skills cultivated during rehabilitation may—or may not—translate into sustained change in participants’ lives.