Reconceptualizing Tourists’ Extraordinary Experiences

Abstract

Research that conceptualizes tourist extraordinary experiences both from the structural and anti-structural perspective is limited in the tourism literature. The purpose of this research is to develop a new theoretical perspective that re-conceptualizes our understanding of tourists’ extraordinary experience by taking into consideration both the structural and anti-structural elements of an experience. It draws on phenomenological interviews with 26 food tourists. The study finds that extraordinary experience consists of elements such as profaneness, collaborative interactions and conflict-easing, which represent both the structural and anti-structural elements. The findings of this study allow us to question whether extraordinary experience is purely structural or anti-structural as suggested by previous research. Rather, based on the findings, we argue that extraordinary experience is the positive co-existence of both the ordinary and the non-ordinary. As a result, we use the term “synstructure” to conceptualize the tourist extraordinary experience.

Keywords

extraordinary experience structure anti-structure tourist experience phenomenology

Introduction

Destinations are increasingly positioning themselves as experiential contexts providing travelers with a unique experience (Ponsignon and Derbaix 2020). Experience is a complex concept with no single theoretical underpinning. Uriely (2005), for example, identified four conceptual developments that have shaped the theoretical foundations of tourist experience: (1) differentiating the experience from everyday life, (2) pluralized nature of tourist experience, (3) subjectivity in the constitution of tourist experience, and (4) shift from modern to postmodern tourist experience conceptualization. Despite the various conceptualizations of tourist experience that exist in the literature, it has historically been analyzed as tourists seeking to get away from everyday life, in search of an extraordinary experience. Studies focusing on various experiential contexts such as spiritual journeys (e.g., Sheldon 2020), music festivals (e.g., Wu et al. 2020), sex tourism (e.g., Zhang and Xu 2019), holidaying at ski resorts, hotels or activity camps (e.g., Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia 2019) suggest that destinations and activities act as a liminal world that represents the borderland between the ordinary and extraordinary, which marks the transition from the known to the unknown (Nisbet 1969).

In this way, tourists are provided with the opportunity to detach themselves from their day-to-day routine and indulge in extraordinary experiences (Foster and McCabe 2015; Pritchard and Morgan 2006; Wu et al. 2020). The non-ordinary relates to the tourists’ experience of their inner self and freedom, communitas (i.e., the friendship and bonding that developed from sharing an experience), quality time, serendipitous and surprising encounters, adoption of different identities and behaviors as well as a sense of self-discovery and connection. Much of these existing studies are built on Jafari’s (1987) “springboard metaphor” (p. 151), focusing mainly on the anti-structural elements, positing that the tourist experience is predominately positive and occurs in a liminal or extraordinary environment. The anti-structure theorized as being in direct opposition to structure, is considered as inherently sacred, and liberates individuals from their daily constraints and profane social structures (Turner 1969). The sacred is representative of the non-ordinary, festive time where behavior is different from the ordinary (Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989; Graburn 1983). It is also considered as significant and meaningful moments. The profane, on the other hand, reflects the ordinary and lacks the ability to induce ecstatic. A consequence of the theoretical grounding of majority of the studies in the anti-structural perspective is the romanticized and celebratory view of tourist extraordinary experience.

Nevertheless, recent studies in the field of consumer behavior demonstrate that extraordinary experience does not always provide an escape from the structure/ordinary (e.g., Lindberg and Jensen 2021; Tumbat and Belk 2011). Instead, such research shows that extraordinary experiences consist of both structural (mundane and routine) and anti-structural (non-ordinary) elements that come into play, giving rise to negotiable marketplace that eventually leads to extraordinary consumption experiences (e.g., Husemann et al. 2016; Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia 2019; Lindberg and Eide 2016; Tumbat and Belk 2011). Lindberg and Eide (2016), for example, demonstrated how tourists’ participating in Arctic activities encounter not only the authentic aura of the place, but also structural elements such as disunion with nature, lack of connection with others as well as struggle to transform into a touristic role. Similarly, Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia (2019) highlighted the importance of both structural (e.g., nesting, the need to feel at home) and anti-structural (e.g., sense of discovery, bonding, cocoon from outside world) elements as important in shaping the tourists’ experience of the destination.

However, research that conceptualizes tourist extraordinary experiences both from the structural and anti-structural perspective is limited in the tourism literature. There is a clear research gap when it comes to our understanding of the notion of extraordinary experience, limiting our theoretical understanding of tourist experiences. In an attempt to fill the literature gap, this study attempts to develop a new theoretical perspective that re-conceptualizes our understanding of tourists’ extraordinary experience by taking into consideration both the structural and anti-structural elements of an experience. The research question of the study is given as follows: what are the dimensions of an extraordinary tourist experience? The study uses the context of food tourism to answer the research question. Food is an integral part of the tourism system and not only supports the overall tourist experience but can also be the peak touristic experience (Quan and Wang 2004). For travelers, therefore, the consumption of food is not only an act that satisfies their nutritional needs but also a culinary-gastronomic experience (Meler and Cerovic 2003) that influences a range of behavioral outcomes such as their satisfaction, destination choice, and repeat visitation (Björk and Kauppinen-Räisänen 2019). This study research relies on in-depth interviews with food tourists, that is, those who travel exclusively for or are primarily motivated by food experiences. These food tourists are explicitly searching for extraordinary experiences that are unique and emotionally intense (Björk and Kauppinen-Räisänen 2019; Mei, Hågensen, and Kristiansen 2020). Food tourism, therefore, constitutes a relevant and interesting context to explore travelers’ extraordinary experiences.

Theoretically, the study contributes to the literature of tourists experience by presenting a novel framework that highlights the co-existence of the structural and anti-structural elements in creating an extraordinary experience, which previous studies have failed to do. It is important to consider both the structural and anti-structural elements since they are practices that are part of the overall tourist experience and play an important role in anchoring them at the host destinations (De Souza Bispo 2016; Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia 2019). In particular, the term synstructure is proposed to illustrate the positive co-existence that exists between the ordinary and non-ordinary. The findings of this study also have significant practical implications for destination marketers and experience designers in understanding the elements needed to create an extraordinary experience.

Theoretical Foundation

Turner’s Structure and Anti-structure Theory

The theoretical framework of “structure” and “anti-structure” is rooted in Victor Turner’s analysis of rituals within the context of pilgrimages. Turner’s conceptualization of the structure and anti-structure has been heavily influenced by Van Gennep’s (1960) concept of liminality and rites de passage. The term rites de passage is used to describe the process of how an individual is removed from the profane (ordinary) world, enter a sacred world, and prepare himself/herself to return into a new profane. Liminality, on the other hand, are spaces of transitional territories where an individual is separated from his existing social structure by passing into some kind of “social limbo” (Turner 1969). However, liminality for some can be experienced as offering freedom, whilst, for others, it can be places of anxiety or constraint (Preston-Whyte 2004). These concepts have been particularly useful in explaining the tourism phenomenon (e.g., Graburn 1983; Jafari 1987; Uriely 2005) or show how tourist destinations or specific activities can offer a liminal space (e.g., Wu et al. 2020; Zhang and Xu 2019). In particular, the concept has traditionally been used to describe the three stages of the tourism model: (1) the stage where an individual experience separation from their ordinary life; (2) enter a liminal state (i.e., a temporal leap into the tourism world); and (3) the reintegration to the ordinary life (e.g., Graburn 1983; Jafari 1987). Jafari (1987) refers to this process by using the “springboard” metaphor. At the core, the different stages of the tourism model reflect a combination of structural and anti-structural elements that a tourist goes through.

Structure refers to the institutionalized sets of economic and political roles and statuses that constitute social organization (Turner 1969). In short, it encompasses the ordinary experiences that occurs on a daily basis. Structure is mainly characterized by inequality, presence of status, pride of position, distinctions of wealth, selfishness, profanes, and maximization of sex distinctions (Turner 1969). In particular, the structural phase is seen as occurring in the tourists’ usual place of residence and where planning for the holidays takes place (Lett 1983). In Leiper’s (1979) word, this occurs in the tourist generating regions, which is the “permanent residential bases of the tourists, and where tourists’ begin and end” (p. 396). However, recent studies have shown that structural characteristics are not only experienced in the ordinary or usual place of residence of the tourists, rather it is an important part of the tourist experience (Goolaup 2018; Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia 2019; Lepoša 2018). Recently, Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia (2019) have demonstrated how tourists staying at a ski resort create the structural/ ordinary environment by making their accommodation more “homey like,” develop routines, as well as implement the allocation of roles among members of the family.

Anti-structure, on the other hand, is perceived as being sacred and liberates an individual from their daily constraints and social structure (Turner 1969). In short, it refers to the non-ordinary and non-routine experiences of an individual. Anti-structure has often been equated to the genres of extraordinary experiences. That is, it is seen as being positive and rejuvenating for an individual. Some of the inherent attributes of anti-structure are communitas, which relates to the way human relates to each other (Turner 1974). In particular, communitas is used to describe the strong bond and friendship that develops from the sharing of an experience (Turner 1969). The anti-structural phase is also characterized by equality, absence of status, humility, simplicity, unselfishness, sacredness, no distinctions of wealth and minimization of sex distinctions (Turner 1969). Within the tourism literature, the anti-structural phase is the tourist destination and where the experience occurs.

Extraordinary Experience

An extraordinary experience is defined as a once in a lifetime experience which is positively intense, intrinsically enjoyable, transformative, and provides a distance from the ordinary world (Arnould and Price 1993). The structural and anti-structural theoretical framework underlines much of the current extraordinary tourist experience conceptualization (e.g., Arnould and Price 1993; Goolaup 2018; Tumbat and Belk 2011). Extraordinary experience is rooted in anthropology and can be traced back as early as 1986 in the work of Roger Abrahams. As a theoretical concept, it gained popularity since it is based on the notion that people fear boredom and the obsession for novelty drives them to engage in behaviors that provoke strong emotions and extraordinary experience. Extraordinary experience is a special case of hedonic experience existing outside the realm of ordinary, yields feelings of personal growth and are often considered as once in a lifetime experience (Abrahams 1986; Arnould and Price 1993). Within the field of tourism and hospitality, extraordinary experience has often been equated to memorable experience (e.g., Kim 2014; Tung and Ritchie 2011). As noted by researchers, this has led to missed opportunities in exploring the concept of extraordinary experience (e.g., Goolaup, Solér, and Nunkoo 2018; Knobloch, Robertson, and Aitken 2014). Indeed, research shows that extraordinary and memorable experience are theoretically distinct concepts (Kim, Ritchie, and McCormick 2012; Knobloch, Robertson, and Aitken 2014). Memorable experience has been studied from a psychological perspective and is often linked with the recollection of emotions and subjective experience (Sterchele 2020) and can be either positive or negative. Tung and Ritchie (2011) identified factors such as affective feelings, cognitive evaluations and novel events as being crucial for memorable experience to occur.

Within the field of consumer behavior, researchers have traditionally framed and analyzed extraordinary experiences as an escape from the mundane (e.g., Arnould and Price 1993; Lindberg and Jensen 2021; Tumbat and Belk 2011). Hence, it is not surprising that much of the existing research on extraordinary experience has focused on the consumption of commercialized experiential offerings in nature and wilderness such as river rafting (e.g., Arnould and Price 1993), canoeing, and adventurous outdoor activities in the Arctic (Lindberg and Eide 2016) and extreme leisure activities such as skydiving (e.g., Celsi, Rose, and Leigh 1993) and mountain climbing expeditions (Tumbat and Belk 2011). These high-risk, adventurous, and thrilling experiences are believed to offer greater gratification compared to the daily routine experiences (Carù and Cova 2003).

Much of the earlier studies have largely focused on the antistructural elements of the extraordinary experience (e.g., Arnould and Price 1993; Celsi, Rose, and Leigh 1993). These studies have portrayed extraordinary experience as featuring numerous positive elements such as collaborative social interactions, common goals, acting within a community, sacredness, and transcending qualities of the liminal and authenticity of the experience. Indeed, Arnould and Price’s (1993), study of the multiday river rafting trips in the Colorado River, for instance, have demonstrated how “communion with nature, communitas, connecting with others, rediscovered sense of self, magic and spiritual enrichment” (p. 31) are essential features of extraordinary experience. The anti-structural elements of the extraordinary experience can explicitly be considered as a form of liberating experience that frees an individual from the oppressive and tedious forces of the everyday life to encounters that they considered as more meaningful.

On the other hand, some scholars argue that extraordinary experience does not always provide an escape from the ordinary (e.g., Holt 1995; Tumbat and Belk 2011). Tumbat and Belk (2011), for instance, demonstrate how individuals’ participating in Everest climbing expeditions encountered conflicting situations, competitive environment, limited camaraderie as well as individualistic behaviors. In particular, these elements highlight how individuals value the structural elements of the experience in order to reap the reward of a successful climb. In the words of Lanier and Rader (2015), this type of performance experiences, directly addresses how structural element present in the ordinary can also offer an extraordinary experience.

However, recent studies have demonstrated that extraordinary experiences consist of both structural and anti-structural elements (e.g., Husemann et al. 2016; Lindberg and Eide 2016; Skandalis, Byrom, and Banister 2019). For example, Lindberg and Eide (2016) study of adventurous activities in the artic, and Husemann et al. (2016) case on pilgrimage show how lack of skills, unrealistic expectations, problems in connecting with others do not allow the tourists to escape the structure. This clash between structure and anti-structure (e.g., authentic vs. commercial; sacredness vs. profanes; shared goals vs. individualized goals) in the creation of extraordinary experiences are seen as causing tensions. These tensions arise either due to an excess of structure, anti-structure, lack of structure or antistructure (Husemann et al. 2016). This tension, in Husemann et al.’s (2016) word is a form of anastructure, a transient state created by high levels of anti-structural and structural characteristics within the same tourists’ experience. The anastructure is mainly characterized by coercion, obligation, and disturbance and it is perceived as being conflict-laden and stressful. In the anastructure phase, the consumers are also perceived as employing various resolution strategies to reduce conflict and enhance the experience.

Food Experience

The food tourism market, currently valued at USD 1,116.7 billion, is expected to reach USD 1,796.5 billion by 2027 (Allied Analytics, LLP 2021). For the contemporary tourists, food plays an important role in their appreciation of a destination’s product and overall travel experience. Stone et al. (2020), for example, found that 64% of the 4,554 leisure travelers they surveyed in six countries agreed that the food and drinks are now more important when they travel than it was five years ago. Stone et al.’s (2020) study also revealed that 77% of travelers believe that the food experience are important to their overall satisfaction with the tourism product. For some travelers, commonly referred to as the food tourists, food is the primary motivation to travel, and they constitute an important market segment for many destinations. In the US, for example, food tourists represent more than 45% of leisure travelers but account for 61% of leisure travel expenditure. Regardless of their level of income, food tourists prioritize spending and spend more on food and beverages compared to non-culinary travelers (Stone and Migacz 2016).

The food experience is no longer considered as supporting or an ad-on to the travelers’ overall experience, but as a core attribute of a destination’s tourism product. Food has shifted from being seen as a supporting tourist experience to peak tourist experience (Quan and Wang 2004). Peak experience occurs when food becomes the sole motivation to travel to a specific destination. Mkono, Markwell, and Wilson’s (2013) netnography study based on online reviews, for example, found that for most travelers, the consumption of food was considered as a peak experience than a mere daily routine. The consumption of local food also offers various emotional experiences such as enjoyment, sensory stimulation, and fulfilment (Mak et al. 2012). The food experience provides tourists with the opportunity to experience the local culture, novelty, socialize, and escape (Kim, Park, and Lamb 2019; Schänzel and Lynch 2016; Su, Johnson, and O’Mahony 2020). The sharing of food experiences offers opportunities for bonding, communication, strengthening of relationships, and creating exceptional experiences (Atsiz, Cifci, and Law 2021; Schänzel and Lynch 2016). Likewise, the tasting of dishes made with local ingredients and cooking techniques provide tourists an opportunity to learn about the local culture. The novelty provides an intensification of daily life experiences by offering novel, fresh, and original meal.

Food tourists are not only looking to fulfill their biological needs but are after what can be referred to as an extraordinary (Goolaup 2018) and/or memorable food experiences (Stone et al. 2018). Memorable food experiences are based on tourists’ evaluation of the experience, it is largely facilitated by the decor, service quality social interactions and novelty of the experience (Stone et al. 2018). Extraordinary food experiences, on the other hand, require several inter-related elements such as positive surprise, the experiencescape, the nature of the experience, social dynamics, and opportunity to develop new skills or a change in attitudes and behaviors (Goolaup, Solér, and Nunkoo 2018; Goolaup and Mossberg 2017; Hanefors and Mossberg 2003).

Overall, food is an increasingly important element of the tourist overall experience within a destination. Current research has largely positioned food as facilitating the sharing of experiences by bringing together individuals from different walks of life, providing them with novelty, a way to experience the local culture, and the opportunity to fulfill their sensorial and emotional experiences. The literature, therefore, has largely conceptualized travelers’ food experience from the anti-structural theoretical perspective. In this study, we develop a new theoretical perspective that re-conceptualizes our understanding of tourists’ extraordinary experience by taking into consideration both the structural and anti-structural elements of an experience.

Research Methodology

Phenomenology is a useful method to understand the meanings that tourists’ attach to a specific experience. Ziakas and Boukas (2014) identified three approaches that are the most prevalent to understand experience: (1) empirical phenomenology, (2) existential phenomenology, and (3) hermeneutic phenomenology. While these approaches overlap, they are different in several aspects. In line with the purpose of the study, we use the existential phenomenology, which is a merger between Husserlian and Heideggerian phenomenology (Goulding 2005; Thompson, Locander, and Pollio 1989). It is based on the premises of existentialism and methods of phenomenology (Goolaup and Solér 2018). Rooted in interpretative marketing and consumption studies, existential phenomenology is widely used in consumer research to develop an understanding of issues that may not be implicit in surface response (Goulding 2005; Thompson 1996). Existential phenomenology is based on understanding human experiences as it is lived (Thompson, Locander, and Pollio 1989). More specifically, it places importance on how individuals ascribe meaning to and perceive lived experience (Wilson and Hutchinson 1991). As highlighted by Gadamer (2004), something becomes an experience only if it “makes a special impression that gives it lasting importance” (p. 53). Therefore, an existential phenomenological conceptualization of lived experience is largely based on the centrality of meanings attributed to the experience. Alternatively, Heidegger (1962) describes it as human experience being formed through our understanding of the lifeworld. For this study, such a methodological approach is deemed appropriate since it captures the unique and subjective lived extraordinary experience of the tourists. It also mirrors previous studies designed to provide insights into the nature of the lived experiences of tourists’ (e.g., Chen et al. 2020; Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia 2019; Varley, Schilar, and Rickly 2020).

Following the existential phenomenological approach, a purposive sampling was used by selecting participants based on the following criteria: they had a deep interest in food; traveling for food was the main motivation; and they had an extraordinary food experience. As it is generally difficult to identify food tourists from mainstream travelers, to select our participants, we used a snowball sampling method, which is useful when the target participants are not easily identifiable (Noy 2008). The lead researcher of this study personally knew Anna, our first interviewee. Anna is a freelance journalist, has a deep interest in food, and travels frequently in the quest for food experiences. As a result, she was an ideal participant for our study. Anna introduced us to several other food tourists she personally knew and provided us with the names of other food tourists she read about in the food section of a weekly newspaper. The snowball sampling approach facilitated by Anna, allowed us to recruit 14 participants residing in the Western part of Sweden. Other participants were recruited in academic conferences attended by the lead researcher of this study.

Our approach to recruiting the participants was useful since trust was already established from the outset, with referrals made through the participants’ acquaintances or peers. Data were collected in 2019 and 2020. Interviews were conducted until we reached the 26th participant, which was deemed sufficient since new interviews did not add any new knowledge (Guest, Bunce, and Johnson 2006). As shown in Table 1, the participants of the study consisted of 16 women and 10 men, representing different nationalities: Swedish (16), British (1), Danish (2), German (2), Scottish (1), Australian (1), Mexican (1), and Tanzanian (2). The participants are aged between 28 and 69 and have occupations spanning from PhD students to CEO of multinational companies. The socioeconomic profile of the participants is in line with previous studies that have portrayed food tourists as having higher socio-economic profile compared to other types of tourists (e.g., Goolaup, Solér, and Nunkoo 2018).

Table 1.

Profile of Study Participants.

No.	Interviewees	Gender	Age	Nationality	Occupation
1	Andy	Male	52	British	Chief Executive Officer
2	Anna	Female	54	Swedish	Freelance Journalist
3	Anne	Female	52	Danish	Chief Executive Officer
4	Annelie	Female	44	Swedish	Technical Specialist
5	Camilla	Female	40	Swedish	Foot therapist
6	Carina	Female	60	Swedish	Medical Practitioner
7	Chris	Male	45	Scottish	Manager
8	Elizabeth	Female	47	Swedish	Owner of an antique shop
9	Esteban	Male	36	Mexican	Student
10	Fiona	Female	45	Australian	Medical Specialist
11	Hanna	Female	37	Swedish	Self-employed fashion designer
12	Henrik	Male	48	Swedish	Managing Director
13	Jasper	Male	44	Swedish	Chief Executive officer
14	Jesper	Male	47	Swedish	Owner of a consulting firm
15	Jessica	Female	37	Tanzanian	PhD Student/ Lecturer
16	Jim	Male	33	Tanzanian	PhD Student/Lecturer
17	Johanna	Female	28	Swedish	Disability Rehabilitator
18	Johnny	Male	69	German	Retired Doctor
19	Kim	Female	32	Swedish	Project Manager
20	Kira	Female	33	Danish	Researcher
21	Klara	Female	29	German	Researcher
22	Lars	Male	56	Swedish	Chief Executive Officer
23	Maria	Female	49	Swedish	Freelance Journalist
24	Oscar	Male	43	Swedish	Researcher
25	Sara	Female	33	Swedish	Medical Doctor
26	Sofia	Female	45	Swedish	Communication Manager

The interviews questions were framed in such a way that it allowed the interviewer to have a deep understanding of the participants’ extraordinary food experience as well as how they experienced it as being meaningful. Since the aim of such interviewing technique is to make the interviewee describe his or her experience (Thompson, Locander, and Pollio 1989), the opening question of the interview was set as follows “Can you describe an extraordinary food experience you have had while traveling”? The other interview questions were formulated as each participant described their experiences. In particular, follow up descriptive questions such as “what was it like to eat at. . ..?,” “how did you feel. . .?,” “what do you mean by that?” and “when. . .. . .” were also used to get as much details as possible. The interviews were conducted either face-to-face or through skype. Face-to-face interviews were mainly carried out with those who stayed in places/regions that were easily accessible to the first researcher. Eighteen of the 26 interviews were conducted face-to-face while the remaining were carried out using Skype. Interviews generally lasted for 60 minutes, were recorded with the consent of the participants, and transcribed immediately after they ended.

Following Thompson (1996) and Thompson, Locander, and Pollio (1989), the data were analyzed and interpreted using an iterative process based on the principles of phenomenological analysis. This entails following the spiral logic of (pre) understanding-interpretation-understanding, with the aim of meanings condensation (Kvale and Brinkmann 2009; Sandberg 1997). This approach is useful to gain a holistic understanding from the interpretive interactions between these core life-world categories and in developing an understanding of the tourists’ life narratives. The analysis entails an iterative process of reading, documenting, and systematizing the interview transcripts. In the initial phase, each individual transcripts were read, by relating separate paragraph of the transcript to its overall content. The reading phase consists of identifying key phrases and patterns of meanings to grasp thematic similarities and meaning-based linkages of the extraordinary experience being described (Thompson 1996). The interpretive process consists of not only identifying similarities but also differences among the different interview transcriptions. This process was useful since it facilitated the process of deriving larger pattern of thematic relationships that help in capturing essential dimensions common to all the participants’ interviews. During the analysis, the notion of perspective was also used to provide insights on the tourists understanding of the extraordinary food experience. The concept of perspective is important since it highlights how similar situation can be experienced in different ways or how different situations can be experienced as similar from a third person perspective (Thompson, Locander, and Pollio 1989).

To ensure the trustworthiness of the interpretation of the tourists’ extraordinary food experiences, the themes derived were discussed exhaustively between the researchers and were evaluated and verified by constantly referring to the interview transcripts (Sandberg 1997; Thompson, Locander, and Pollio 1989). We read through the transcript that expressed a particular interpretation and assessed it against the sense of the alternative perspective. This was performed until we found the most truthful interpretation of their extraordinary food experiences. Likewise, at the beginning of each interview, the researcher reminded the interviewees the purpose of the study, which was to understand their extraordinary food experiences. Such clarifications, Sandberg 1997 argues, contribute to establishing a fruitful community of interpretation for the interviews. These strategies were useful because they helped the researchers to search for consistent and unequivocal interpretations of the tourists lived extraordinary food experience. However, we acknowledge that our own values, beliefs, and experiences as researchers can influence our interpretations of the results. One of the strategies we used in this study is to maintain our interpretive awareness by acknowledging and explicitly dealing with our subjectivity throughout the research process by being aware of our influence on the data collection and analysis processes, for example. In the words of Sandberg 1997, this form of “phenomenological epoché” ensures that, as researchers, we withhold our prejudices when interpreting lived experiences.

Findings

The interview participants experienced extraordinary food experience in three ways: (1) profaneness, (2) collaborative and/or limited interactions, and (3) conflict easing situation. In relation to Turner’s structural model, these elements are representative of both the structural and anti-structural. Even though these elements are mutually inclusive, for the sake of clarity, they are discussed separately.

Profaneness

One of the unanimous themes reported by majority of the participants is the profaneness of the experience. In particular, the profaneness of the extraordinary food experience is described in terms of: (1) simplicity of the environment and (2) simplicity of the dish.

The simplicity of the environment was prevalent when the participants describe the experiencescape as being small, simple, basic, and cozy, which provides them with feelings of genuineness and authenticity. Even though the experience occurs in a different experiencescape, the ordinariness associated with the physical environment, décor and layout, the homely feeling, is what provides the tourists with the feeling of being in an ordinary environment. This aspect was best exemplified by Klara who relate to the simplicity of the environment by describing the tourism environment as having very simple décor and layout, and with descriptions like having the feeling of “being in someone’s living room,” “being in the real world,” or “I was out of the tourism things to a local kitchen.”

Klara: The whole environment was extraordinary because she took us from this hotel into a real world, into the traditional way of doing Balinese cuisine. I did not feel like a tourist anymore, I was feeling more as if I was part of her world. . .. We had to go through mud toward the kitchen in her house. . . . It was also an extraordinary experience due to the smell of the exotic vegetables and fruits and the Balinese air, which is very distinct, the way we took to the market, going there with someone who is local. . . The cooking class for me was something that was local and a very native experience. The kitchen was in the backyard, and I was having the feeling that I was out of the tourism things.

Similarly, the profaneness of the extraordinary experience was also conceived in terms of the simplicity of the dish. This aspect is mainly defined in terms of dishes that are cooked using simple and few ingredients as well easy cooking procedures. Those dishes tend to be food that are considered comforting in nature, as well as foods that are part of the tourists’ daily experiences. For instance, the surprise associated with the simplicity of a dish with very few ingredients are elements that help to create the extraordinary experience. Elizabeth eloquently describes this feature of the experience by relating how having only grilled fish served without any kind of side dish or garnishing provided her with an extraordinary experience:

Elizabeth: At this restaurant, usually they have different fishes according to season but this time, they were serving Halibut Fish. They just grilled it and served it. There was no side dish or any kind of garnishing. We had some wine accompanied and just eating this delicious fish was so good. That was really an amazing experience because if you prepare and mix many ingredients, you can create a delicacy. But if you have only one product, and you can prepare it so good, it is just so wow.

The statement above illuminates not only the cooking technique used and how the dish was served but also in terms of the number of ingredients used. The second set of statement by Kim further reinforced on how having a simple dish provided her with the possibility to taste each and every ingredient and was surprised to know that just a few ingredients can create such a magical dish.

Kim: It was extraordinary in the sense that you didn’t expect the taste for such a simple dish. The food was so good. It was like you could taste all the ingredients and it was just a couple of them and you make such good food out of nothing. The dish was kind of magic, it was full of flavor but yet so simple.

Collaborative Interactions

A second theme, which is prevalent in this study, is collaborative interactions. This refers to the positive social interactions that occurs among participants. The positive collaboration is seen as emerging from sharing positive experience that helps them to get close to each other and facilitate bonding. In particular, the food experience was perceived as extraordinary since it provided the tourists with the opportunity to interact and bond with their loved ones, friends, or relatives. The experiencescape in this context acts as a liminal space that facilitates the interactions and the opportunity to re-connect with their loved ones, since the ordinary or structural environment is perceived as being hectic, time-pressed and overwhelmed with responsibilities. The collaborative interaction was largely facilitated by the common interests of the tourists and with the sharing of meaningful consumption experiences that strengthen interpersonal ties. This aspect is best described by Johnny:

Johnny: I think it was more about being together with my son and sharing some moments and time together. Because as I told you before, we hardly have time to spend with each other and even when we meet, with my grandchild around, it is very hard. . .we don’t see each other that often. . . And normally, we also have my grandchild, who takes over the space and then we hardly have time for each other.

Likewise, the collaborative aspect was highlighted when the majority of our participants emphasized how by having similar or shared interest, like, for instance, being equally enthusiastic in discussing about food and sharing knowledge, leads to positive interpersonal interactions. However, this phenomenon was observed not only when participants were with their companions but also with strangers who were sharing the same experience. As highlighted Klara, the shared food experience leads to the emergence of some form of temporal communitas. Temporal communitas refers to the short-term bonding and connections resulting from the sharing of an experience.

Klara: When we were in Bali, we had this very strong connection as a group. We were 16 people sitting at this big table, sharing this fantastic meal, the ambiance was just extraordinary, there was so much love and joy, even though we could not understand each other that well.

Conflict Easing

Another theme reported by majority of the food tourists is the perception of their extraordinary food experience as conflict easing, defined as those actions that the participants took to reduce conflicts. This was enacted by the participants by distancing themselves from individuals who do not share their food interests, that is, by setting boundaries. Most participants explained how by having common objective of learning about food, for example, led to conflict easing situation and facilitated an extraordinary food experience. The vignette below best describes this theme.

Henrik: . . . and if you have the right people with you then everything looks much better.. . . I believe this makes a difference or else things won’t be the same. Do you see what I mean? Well, you can’t go to this place with someone who doesn’t love to eat oysters or who is not interested in knowing more about oysters, this will definitely not work. We all share similar interest and that is why we had such an amazing experience.

In some cases, to avoid conflict and set boundaries, the participants even choose to travel alone if they do not find a companion who share similar interests. This is best exemplified by Jesper narrating how he prefers to be on his own when he cannot find someone sharing his passion for food.

Jesper: Actually, I prefer to travel with people who have the same interest as me. . .Last time, I made a reservation in one restaurant and I talked to one particular person, he said, oh should we go to this restaurant, can’t we just go to a bar, then I say no, I don’t go to such places. In such cases, I prefer to be on my own.

Being with the right people and in situation where they can easily connect with those having same interests also allowed the participants to increase or share their knowledge. In particular, the most resourceful tourists’ acts as a knowledge dispenser to the least resourceful tourists’ by providing knowledge, information, and skills, whilst the least resourceful consumers used it as an opportunity to improve their skills. For those who are very skillful, it also represents an opportunity to show off their skills or knowledge. For instance, Fiona highlighted how traveling with others who share her interests and resources leads them to participate in meaningful discussions as well as further enhance their skills and knowledge. This is exemplified in the quotations below:

Fiona: . . .The three friends taught me a lot about Thai food particularly from that part of the country, and we often go to one restaurant where they made this amazing barbecued chicken, which you ate with the sticky rice and green papaya salad. It has been very fulfilling sharing that time with them, you know the conversation and with the amazing food.

Reconceptualizing Extraordinary Experience

The three dimensions of the extraordinary experience revealed by our findings are: (1) profaneness, (2) collaborative interactions, and (3) conflict easing situation. The profaneness or ordinariness associated with an experience has primarily been theorized as a structural element and part of the everyday life of the consumers. As argued in previous research, the profaneness of the daily life is what makes tourists engage in behaviors provoking strong emotions and extraordinary experience (e.g., Lindberg and Eide 2016; Tumbat and Belk 2011). However, this research shows that it is the profaneness of the experience that plays an important role in the extraordinary food experience. Whilst previous research has conceptualized extraordinary food experience as being expensive, extravagant, complex, or having some elements of novelty (Hanefors and Mossberg 2003; Quan and Wang 2004), the findings of this study reveal that, within the touristic extraordinary food settings, the simplicity or ordinariness that are found in people’s ordinary lives can become extraordinary. In particular, for those food tourists who perceive the profaneness of the experience, it is a reflection of the genuineness and authenticity of the experience. It connotes well with what Sharpley (2018) described as engaging with the ordinariness that are perceived as real, unique, basic, and original. Furthermore, unlike previous studies that have conceptualized the authenticity in extraordinary experience as encompassing the non-ordinary aspects, our research highlights how the ordinariness of the experience is reflective of the authentic experience (Wang 1999). Thus, this finding contradicts the importance of the non-ordinariness of the experiencescape emphasized by previous research (Arnould and Price 1993; Wu et al. 2020) by illustrating how the ordinariness, such as familiarity, homely feeling and simplicity provides an extraordinary experience.

The findings also enable us to understand how the liminal space provides the tourists with the opportunity to interact and bond, since the ordinary or structured world is perceived as being hectic, time-pressed and overwhelmed with responsibilities. These findings resonate with the majority of research suggesting that extraordinary experiences incorporate collaborative interaction between participants (Arnould and Price 1993; Wu et al. 2020; Zhang and Xu 2019). Indeed, this finding also provides support to previous food tourism related studies that emphasized how food facilitates socialization and creates a sense of belonging among tourists (Kim, Park, and Lamb 2019; Mynttinen et al. 2015). Previous studies have conceptualized consumer extraordinary experiences as being either conflict easing (Arnould and Price 1993; Huang, Xiao, and Wang 2018; Sheldon 2020) or conflict laden (Tumbat and Belk 2011). However, the finding of this study is in contrast with previous research that has shown how consumers with different resources tend to avoid other individuals by setting boundary with those who do not share their skills and objectives (Tumbat and Belk 2011). Boundary setting is rather seen as a way of facilitating collaborative interaction that consequently leads to conflict easing situations. These findings can be explained by the fact that previous studies have focused on challenging and risky activities, where appropriate skills are highly valued and not having the relevant skills can be life-threatening. However, the food context is a mundane activity that does not require any specific skills, hence the tourists are more likely to engage in non-conflicting situations.

Synstructure

Extraordinary experience has traditionally been conceptualized as “totally different” from the known and familiar and is comparably stronger than memorable experience (Knobloch, Robertson, and Aitken 2014; Sterchele 2020). Extraordinary experiences are seen as occurring outside of the individual consumer’s ordinary life. Hence, it is not surprising that numerous studies have found that extraordinary experience comprised of anti-structural elements such as communitas, positive and collaborative interactions, shared goals, and are transformative in nature (Arnould and Price 1993). There is also a range of studies that are situated at the other extreme of the continuum, having found extraordinary experience to consist of more ordinary elements such as limited interactions, focused and individualized goals, and conflict laden situation (Tumbat and Belk 2011). However, in this study, we demonstrate that extraordinary experience also contains elements that are not completely unfamiliar or totally different from the unknown but are representative of the ordinariness.

Figure 1 provides a reconceptualization of the tourists’ extraordinary experience. As illustrated, the extraordinary experience consists of both structural (profaneness) and anti-structural (collaborative interaction, conflict easing) elements. To refer to this positive co-existence between structure and anti-structure, the term “synstructure” is used. “Syn” is a prefix that is used to express “with, together” or a fusion between different elements. Therefore, the word synstructure is deemed suitable since it echoes a form of synchronization between structure and anti-structure. Hence, the term synstructure is defined as a transient state that occurs due to the positive co-existence and interrelatedness of both structure and anti-structure. Unlike Husemann et al.’s (2016) concept of anastructure which portrayed the co-existence between structure and anti-structure as having a negative effect on the tourists’ extraordinary experience and as being likely to create tensions, synstructure is conceptualized as having a harmonizing and positive effect on the tourists’ experience of the extraordinary. Indeed, this study shows that the structural elements lead to and foster benefits that are atypical of anti-structure. This co-existence is reflected in Turner’s (1974) structure and anti-structure conceptualization since he argued that both can co-exist and they are constantly modifying one another over time, and it is the processes that relate the two of them. Indeed, as he stated, the “anti-structure is periodically transformed into structure and structure into antistructure” (p. 284), suggestive of the positive synergy that exists between the structure and anti-structure.

Figure 1.

An illustration of the dynamic between anti-structure, structure, and synstructure.

The profaneness of the food experience has recently been discussed in the literature. Travelers’ experience with simple and comfort food has been found to contribute to their overall experience and satisfaction (Shafieizadeh, Alotaibi, and Tao 2021; Zhang, Chen, and Hu 2019). Goolaup, Solér, and Nunkoo (2018), for example, discussed the presence of structural elements in the food experience. They highlighted how tourists perceived the simplicity of the food experience as an element facilitating an extraordinary experience. Other studies have identified anti-structural elements of the tourist experience such as collaborative interactions and conflict easing (Lett 1983; Wu et al. 2020; Zhang and Xu 2019). Zhang and Xu (2019), for example, discussed how tourism destinations that act as a liminal world provide tourists with more opportunities to interact with each other and develop camaraderie due to the shared goals and objectives, which are seen as ways to minimize conflicts (Lett 1983). Isabelle, Dominique, and Statia (2019) is one of the few studies demonstrating that the tourist experience is formed through a combination of both structural and anti-structural elements. The mundane dimensions included the need to organize the physical scape to provide the feeling of home, while the non-ordinary dimensions consisted of the need to discover something new, share a good time together, and bond. These findings reinforce the positive co-existence of the structure and anti-structure in the tourist experience, supporting our reconceptualization of the tourist extraordinary experience.

It is important that the elements of an extraordinary tourist experience revealed by this study are interpreted considering the “new normal” amid the Covid-19 pandemic. The pandemic has altered tourists’ behaviors, increased their exposure to health risks, and limited social interactions (Shin and Kang 2020; Zhang, Wang, and Rickly 2021). With strong public health measures in place such as social distancing, quarantine, and the wearing of face masks, collaborative interactions and communitas that are central to the tourists’ extraordinary experiences might be difficult to achieve. Zhang, Wang, and Rickly (2021) used the term “non-interaction” to explain the new norm of tourist behavior amid the pandemic, explaining how it influences shared identities and the experiences and behaviors of travelers. Moreover, the wearing of face masks has been found to influence interpersonal communication and connection (Mheidly et al. 2020) and emotion recognition (Noyes et al. 2021) which may limit collaborative interactions between consumers, impacting on their experiences with the tourism products and services. Nevertheless, our study provides a valuable theoretical extension to the current understanding of tourists’ extraordinary experiences.

Conclusion

Although previous studies on extraordinary experience have acknowledged the existence of both structural and anti-structural elements, their coexistence is conceptualized as being in opposition to each other (Kozinets 2002; Weinberger and Wallendorf 2012). Kozinets’s (2002) study of the Burning Man Festival, for example, while acknowledging the existence of both structural (entry fees represent a form of commercialization) and anti-structural (sharing, communitas) elements, found that they conflicted with each other. This study makes an important theoretical contribution by demonstrating that rather than conceptualizing structure and antistructure as opposing each other or seeing their co-existence as conflicting, the dynamic process between them co-exists and relate to each other in a positive way.

The study contributes to research on extraordinary experience by moving away from the notion that extraordinary experiences are “beyond the everyday life” (Megehee, Ko, and Belk 2016, 1) or that they are “more intense, framed and stylized than the ordinary experience” (Abrahams 1986, 46). The findings of this study allows us to question whether extraordinary experience is purely structural or anti-structural as suggested by previous research. Instead, we argue that extraordinary experience is the positive co-existence of both the ordinary and the non-ordinary. Nevertheless, there are also some similarities noted with other extraordinary experience related studies. In line with other previous research, we argue that an extraordinary experience is an emotionally positive experience, intrinsically enjoyable, and encompasses collaborative interactions and conflict easing situations by setting up boundaries.

This study provides important insights to practitioners on the elements that should be incorporated in the design of an experiencescape that provides travelers with an extraordinary experience. Those involved in the marketing of food experiences need to create simplicity to generate an element of surprise during the food consumption process. They can, for example, offer homemade food and create a comforting, safe, and homely atmosphere for the tourists. A “feel home” atmosphere also requires sociality and solidarity (Olesen 2010). As our findings indicate, collaborative interaction is an important dimension of an extraordinary experience for the food tourists. Marketers can, therefore, create an environment that facilitates social interactions among food tourists to provide them with the opportunity to share their experiences and learn from each other. Destination marketers should also emphasize on both the ordinary and non-ordinary aspects of the experience when promoting their services and products. Amid the Covid-19 pandemic, policy makers should not only focus on the recovery of tourist arrivals, but also on tourist experience recovery. Given the health restrictions and sanitary requirements in place in most food service outlets, technology can provide new opportunities to create a home-based extraordinary experience for the consumers (Garibaldi and Pozzi 2020).

The contributions of this study to theory and practice must be understood in the light of its limitations. First, our reconceptualization of the tourists’ extraordinary experiences is derived solely from interviews with food tourists. Although we believe that our findings can be generalized to other forms of tourist experiences, it is important that future studies are carried out using other mundane and different types of tourists experiences to validate our findings. Second, our reconceptualization of the tourists’ extraordinary experience emanates from a qualitative study. Future research should, therefore, empirically test the framework to validate our findings. Finally, the data for this study were collected in pre-Covid-19 context. The pandemic has impacted on travelers’ experience, identity, emotions, and service quality perceptions (Yang et al. 2021a, 2021b; Zhang, Wang, and Rickly 2021). It is important, therefore, that researchers reassess tourists’ extraordinary experiences in a post-Covid-19 context. Such studies may reveal different elements of an extraordinary experience that reflect the new post-pandemic travel realities.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Robin Nunkoo

Author Biographies

Sandhiya Goolaup is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Business Administration from the University of Borås, Sweden. She holds a PhD from the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. Her research interest revolves around food tourism, tourist experience, qualitative research methods and sustainable development.

Robin Nunkoo is an Associate Professor in the Department of Management at the University of Mauritius; a Visiting Senior Research Fellow in the Faculty of Management at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa; an Adjunct Professor at Griffith Institute for Tourism, Griffith University, Australia. He holds a PhD from the University of Waterloo, Canada. He is the managing editor for Journal of Hospitality Marketing and Management and associate editor Tourism Review. He has published widely in leading journals such as Annals of Tourism Research, Tourism Management, Journal of Travel Research, Journal of Business Research, and Government Information Quarterly and has edited books on research methods and tourism planning.

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