Abstract
After almost four decades of struggle for ‘Swadhin Asom’ (Independent Assam), which started in 1979, the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) is a divided house now. The struggle has lost its momentum, its popular bases in Assam have eroded, and the political imagination ushered by ULFA has also faded away. The top level and the founding leaders of the organisation including its Chairperson, Foreign Secretary, Finance Secretary, Publicity Secretary, and so on, have either surrendered or have been captured by the Indian state. The ‘secret killers’, the former rebels who surrendered, and were used by the government machinery to search and kill the non-surrendered rebels and their families created political havoc in Assam in the latter part of the 1990s. A revolutionary struggle slipped into almost an anarchic force. But the struggle has not really ended. There is still a faction which continues to assert its commitment to the struggle and exhibits its presence through sporadic violence.
One among those who still continues to be the uncompromising rebel for the cause of ‘Swadhin Asom’ is ULFA’s founding Commander-in-Chief, that is, the head of its military wing, Paresh Baruah. Baruah continues to pose as something of a myth because his whereabouts are not known, although Baruah as a person, his commitment to the struggle, ULFA’s alliance with other rebel forces of the northeastern region and the equations among them, sources of funding and patronage, the hard lives of the cadres, the difficult terrain that they pass through while conducting the operation are something of a legend now. His voice too has now become familiar to the people of Assam because of its frequent appearance via phone on the local news channels including a long interview given to a leading news Assamese channel almost a year ago.
Rajeev Bhattacharyya, a young and energetic journalist from Assam, is the first to bring in ground reports about Baruah and his struggle, strategies and alliances through his book Rendezvous with Rebels: Journey to Meet India’s Most Wanted Men. The first version of the book appeared in Assamese, titled, ‘Paresh Baruar Sandhanat’ becoming a bestseller book, because it demystified Paresh Baruah in different ways. ULFA’s struggle, its mission, strategies, limitations and contradictions along with the political imagination carried by the outfit have been attempted to be captured by very few. Sanglat Fenla (first published in 1993), the fictional account written by Parag Kumar Das, who was one of the ideologues of ULFA but also a keen observer, was the first ever attempt to explore and expose both the class character and also the emerging contradictions within the rank and file of the movement. Later, in 2013, Kaberi Kochari Rajkonwor, wife of the then chairperson of ULFA, Arabinda Rajkhowa, who fell apart from Paresh Baruah and now leads the ongoing negotiation between ULFA and Government of India (GoI), published her autobiographical assessment of ULFA named Essa-Anissa Swotteo Kisu Katha. It also provides an overall idea about ULFA’s struggle but a basic objective of this autobiographical assessment is to defend Arabinda Rajkhowa who came under severe criticism after he had left the revolutionary path to engage himself in the path of negotiating settlement of the ULFA–GoI conflict. Nani Gopal Mahanta’s Confronting the State: ULFA’s Quest for Sovereignty (SAGE, 2013) is the only systematic academic treatment of ULFA so far. Rajeev Bhattacharyya’s book is an important contribution, which is both a non-fiction and impersonal journalistic assessment of ULFA’s struggle based on his troubled journey of interviewing the most wanted men of the region. The historical insight that the author brings in helps the readers to understand ULFA in a proper perspective.
Written as a travelogue, the book Rendezvous with Rebels: Journey to Meet India’s Most Wanted Men is an account of an assignment undertaken by two journalists—Rajeev Bhattacharyya and Pradip Gogoi. This daring assignment took the two men all the way to eastern Nagaland, a frontier area in Myanmar where they got the opportunity to interview leaders of different insurgent groups. This assignment which required a visit to the Naga inhabited parts of western Myanmar was undertaken to understand the future of ULFA and what it meant for the region.
The journey in a difficult terrain took around 39 days to reach the destined camp. For safety reasons, the journalists were asked to assume different identities and the author took the name of Captain Nipen Das, a senior ULFA functionary. In this wild terrain the border did not mean much to the locals who called their area a ‘free border regime’. A number of insurgent organisations like NSCN (K), NDFB, KIA and so on have their camps in close proximity to each other in this area. This area is under the Government of People’s Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) and the GPRN camp had cadres from different organisations.
The highly organised set-up of the camps as observed by the author was quite impressive. Some cadres of the outfit were trained by doctors who were sympathetic to its cause and could treat common diseases. While the region was under the control of different groups, they mostly worked in tandem; permission from respective groups was required to pass through these areas. The entire area was dotted by traditional villages still outside the ambit of modernisation. Eastern Nagaland was the traditional homeland to the Konyak tribe which practiced headhunting. Simple tribesmen who still engaged in the barter system were used by the GPRN for carrying their luggage from one place to another. However, no payment was made for such services.
An interesting change was the coming of Christianity to these areas. It intervened in the education, health sectors where services were not easily available. However, a common faith did act as a bond amongst warring Naga tribes. Money was also being pumped into a traditional economy in the form of taxes levied by the NSCN (K). Sexual division of labour was prevalent even in these simple societies and despite greater freedom women were kept out of the decision-making. While the Kachins and Nagas did not always get along, some understanding was worked out. The author in conversation with the outfits found out that the groups were in touch with the ISI of Pakistan and the intelligence department of China with regard to training and supply of weapons.
The gender division was evident even in the rebel camps. Too few women cadres could rise to positions of power. Most were relegated to doing chores in kitchen or cleaning.
The trekking through difficult terrain was followed by a long uncertain wait till the author got to interview Baruah. When asked about the organisation losing support amongst the masses, Baruah dismissed such claims and said that despite certain mistakes the organisation continued to enjoy people’s support. He was dismissive of past incidents which put a bad light on the organisation. He talked of probable linkages with other organisations.
Baruah was reluctant to admit that on many occassions the organisation had not behaved appropriately. People were killed brutally on flimsy grounds. His belief that communist China would intervene to liberate the region seemed too far-fetched. While Baruah seemed optimistic about the future of the organisation and did not seem worried about a large number of cadres surrendering, his attitude towards issues seemed more pragmatic. Still adamant on the issue of sovereignty, he believed that a solution to the longstanding problems that the region faced was possible.
Apart from Baruah, the author could also meet S.S. Khaplang and I.K. Songbijit, the chiefs of NSCN (K) and NDFB, respectively. His interactions with these ‘most wanted’ men brought forth issues that continue to be deciding factors in the region’s politics. The book has also thrown light on the lack of journalistic ethos amongst the media. The author’s life was put at risk when his supposedly ‘secret’ assignment was leaked to the media and it was circulated that he was kidnapped by the rebels. This was clarified and he came back after successfully finishing his assignment. His report which upheld a different view from the one popularised by the government also created trouble for Bhattacharyya. He was dismissed as someone sympathetic to the outfit.
The comprehensive account of the travel could have been skipped and more space could have been dedicated to the author’s experience in the camps and on his interviews with the different leaders. While the author clarifies that he did not get much opportunity to familiarise himself with the locals, one is left wondering the attitude of these tribes dotting the frontier towards these insurgent groups. This is crucial as groups which continue to assert a moral high ground embark on extracting forced labour from these tribes. It throws light on the changing equations amongst the various insurgent groups and the alleged role of our neighbouring countries, emphasising the need of a multi-pronged engagement for peace which continues to be elusive. Despite these limitation this is a must read book for understanding the politics of Northeast India.