Abstract
The research article seeks to focus on the status of women from the coastal districts of Odisha who have become migrants essentially because of repeated floods and extreme climatic events. Fluctuating weather conditions, the consequent depletion of agricultural work and availability of other forms of employment in their place of origin are some reasons behind the migration of these women. The study particularly looks at Bhubaneswar where women, largely illiterate and landless, mostly belonging to Scheduled Caste groups, have been able to find work on construction sites. Despite evident hardship, they have been able to meet the challenges of living in new urban destinations and in the process better their living conditions. This can be seen in the improvement of their financial status, a new-found focus of educating their daughters, the development of levels of self-confidence and the overcoming of some deeply entrenched social barriers. However, in other areas, the marginalisation of such groups continues, and vulnerabilities prevail in many forms, evident, for instance, in the lack of land ownership by women, the absence of opportunities to upgrade skills to access better work opportunities and issues of safety and security of young girls.
Introduction
One of the major effects of climate change is its impact on migration. Women are particularly impacted resulting in their migration to safer and economically viable locations. Understanding the process lays the foundation for recognising how migration becomes an adaptation strategy in the Indian policy framework of climate change. This article explores the opportunities that migration offers to women as a coping mechanism, in this case to tackle climate change, at the same time recognising vulnerabilities that continue to confront women. The study, based on secondary sources and a desk review of climate change, of migration and adaptation policies of India and Odisha is supplemented with research work by Sansristi 1 on the migration of women from the coastal parts of Odisha, areas affected by continuing disasters. It also focusses on migrant women who work as construction workers in Bhubaneswar, the capital of the eastern state of Odisha.
Central to this study is the posing of certain questions: What are the causes and push factors for women to move? Is climate change a significant enough reason for migration? What is the nature of migration? How does migration impact women? Specifically, what are the opportunities and what are the vulnerabilities these women face?
Climate Change and its Impact on Women
It has been said that globally as far as the impact of climate change is concerned, India is the second most vulnerable country in the world. 2 It has resulted in water stress, heat waves and drought, severe storms and flooding all of which have been seen throughout the country. Some recurrent events include the increasing intensity and frequency of cyclones and floods along the banks of the country’s main rivers such as the Ganges and Brahmaputra in the north; the Mahanadi, Godavari and Krishna rivers in the south; and the Indus in the west. Floods are also a common occurrence in the northeastern and eastern regions from Assam, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu (Revi, 2008). In the context of Odisha, while the western and southern parts of the state 3 face a high risk of being blighted by drought, the coastal, central and north-western districts 4 are liable to get flooded and have a very high risk of being affected due to winds and cyclones (Government of Odisha, Department of Forest & Environment, 2010). A multi-hazard risk mapping 5 of the blocks of the districts of Bhadrak, Kendrapara, Jagatsinghpur, Khurda and Puri (covered under the Deltas, Vulnerability and Climate Change: Migration and Adaptation [DECCMA] study for the Mahanadi delta considering the 5-m contour 6 ) reveals that blocks such as Dhamnagar, Tihidi, Chadabali of Bhadrak district, Marshaghai of Kendrapara district, Ersama and Balikuda blocks of Jagatsinghpur district face the dangers of climate change. Biophysical and socio-economic factors were categorised into hazard, sensitivity and adaptive capacity to determine levels of risk (DECCMA, 2017).
The impact of climate change can cause an escalation of inequalities as the adaptive capacity in the country varies by state, geographical region and socio-economic status, according to the special report, India: Impact of Climate Change to 2030 (National Intelligence Council, 2009). The two most obvious consequences are on health and agriculture. Other effects include changes in biodiversity, especially in coastal and hilly terrains that in turn affect the populace dependent on them. The key issue to recognise is that any impact of climate change does not result in a stand-alone effect. That one impact intersects with other areas such as poverty, human development and women’s empowerment. Existing vulnerabilities that the poor already face such as food insecurity, morbidity or indebtedness get further aggravated because of the threat of climate change (Gorakhpur Environmental Action Group, 2008). Issues of gender inequality in the climate change discourse have originated from socio-economic and other forms of discrimination such as a woman’s limited accessibility to work, low literacy, less mobility, reduced access to resources including opportunities, services, productive assets and land. Access to justice and political representation can also be limited, thus keeping them out of decision-making situations (Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, 2015).
The impact of climate change on women is thoroughly documented in the Indian National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC), which states that the effect of climate change on (poor) women will be ‘particularly severe’, worsening the deprivations already faced by them. It also highlights that,
with climate change there would be increasing scarcity of water, reductions in yields of biomass, and increased risks to human health with children, women and the elderly in a household becoming the most vulnerable. With the possibility of a decline in the availability of food grains, the threat of malnutrition may also increase. All these collectively add to the deprivation that women already encounter.
The plan suggests that in each of the adaptation programmes, special attention should be paid to aspects of gender (Government of India, Ministry of Environment & Forest, 2008). Similarly, the Odisha Climate Change Action Plan (OCCAP) states that there is an increased risk to human health, especially for women during the period of pregnancy, children and the elderly in the context of climate change (Government of Odisha, Department of Forest & Environment, 2010).
Women’s Migration
That climate change is a major reason behind migration and specifically the impact of climate change-induced migration on women has been highlighted in a report, Climate Change Knows no Borders prepared by Action Aid, Climate Action Network South Asia and Bread for the World (BrotFuer Die Welt). The study calls on national policymakers to especially monitor the impact of climate-induced migration on women and urgently address policy gaps (Climate Action Network-South Asia, Bread for the World and Action Aid, 2016).
The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) has estimated displacement caused by climatic changes was around 3.6 million in India in 2015, although it was also stated that it is difficult to differentiate internal migration that is triggered only by environmental factors. The increasing adverse effects of climate change along Indian coasts may induce many people to migrate from low-lying and risky areas. Displacement along the east coast where communities are exposed to tropical storms from the Bay of Bengal, and in the Ganges, Brahmaputra and Yamuna River Basins in the north and Northeast of the country have been estimated. A 1-m sea-level rise is projected to displace approximately 7.1 million people in India, resulting in a loss of 5,764 sq km of land area and 4,200 km of roads (Government of India, Ministry of Environment & Forest, 2004).
In the National Sample Survey (NSS), the 64th round done in Odisha on migration, indicated that the main reason for migration is due to natural disasters such as earthquake, drought, flood and tsunami (Government of Odisha, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, 2008). But the survey also shows that women’s outmigration, in rural and urban areas, which were 98.67 per cent and 100 per cent, respectively, is linked to marriage. This survey data has, however, not been able to take into account thousands of women moving for work outside the state (Sansristi, 2007).
Generally, even though female migration rates are seen to be closely interconnected with male migration rates, indicating that females accompany males as associational migrants, there is evidence that reflects there is also some economic motivation behind migration of women, and this economic role cannot be undermined (Mahapatro, 2010). A study conducted by the Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWDS), though not directly linked to climate change, shows that women migrants working in paid domestic work, particularly in rural to urban migration, cut across all caste/tribe/community lines. Poverty, debt, a decline in income, a lack of local employment or loss of such employment are some of the main reasons influencing outmigration (Mazumdar, Neetha, & Agnihotri, 2013).
Migration has both a positive and negative impact on human development and specifically on women. Learning new skills and an improvement in one’s social status can occur when women themselves migrate. It also reflects an improvement in one’s self-confidence, social assertion and aspirational motivation. In the CWDS study quoted earlier, a high proportion of women migrant workers declared that they had decided to migrate to achieve a better economic status (Mazumdar et al., 2013). For the women who stayed behind when men migrated, it brings remittances which often result in an improvement in the standard of living in households headed by women. On the negative side, however, migration also carries the risk of injury, exposure to life-threatening diseases, loneliness and an increase in work burden for the women left behind. The overall outcome of migration depends on how these positive and negative aspects add up (UNDP, 2009).
Women Migrants in Construction Work
Migration due to climate change is a reality in Odisha although this fact has rarely been recognised or captured in surveys. The NSS in Odisha of 2007, as stated earlier, looks at migration caused by natural hazards, but the results do not capture this trend. Generally, the response to this query has been that marriage is the prime reason for migration of women. Thus, it is important to understand that climate change is a determinant for migration, the nature of migration and its impact on women.
To understand the gains and losses due to migration in the context of climate change from women’s perspective, this article draws on some learnings from a study conducted in Odisha by the lead author of this article on behalf of Sansristi. The study focused on migrant women construction workers working in Bhubaneswar, Khurdha district, which was the destination of women from the coastal districts such as Ganjam, Jagatsinghpur and Kendrapara—all areas affected by hazards.
The key research questions posed relate to understanding the push factor that facilitate the movement of women. Is climate change a determinant for migration? What is the nature of migration? How does migration impact women? Who are the women who move? What are the gains and what are the losses? Finally, is migration a good coping mechanism for women in climate change situations?
Methodology
The article is based on a study which has both quantitative and qualitative methods of investigation of secondary and primary sources which consists of a desk review of schemes, programmes and laws related to climate change, migration and construction sector of India and the state of Odisha from a women’s perspective. 7 Focus group discussions were undertaken in six locations which fell under the Bhubaneswar municipality area with migrant women construction workers to capture their voices.
Findings
Registration
The Government of Odisha has undertaken the registration of workers under the Orissa Building and Other Construction Workers’ Welfare Board (hereafter referred to as the Welfare Board). All across the state, a total of 1.42 million (14,28,032) construction workers have been registered out of which women comprise 28.26 per cent. 8 Altogether, Jajpur district has the highest number of registered construction workers at 0.13 million (1,28,710). As far as women construction workers are concerned, the highest percentage is in Chhatarpur and Ganjam labour districts at 53.16 per cent and 45.37 per cent, respectively. Khurdha district (which includes the capital city of Bhubaneswar) is the study area for the article and has the second highest number of registered labourers of 0.12 million (1,16,042) out of which women comprise 31.98 per cent. 9
The Welfare Board was reconstituted in 2008 under section 18 of the Building and Other Construction Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act 1996. It collects 1 per cent from all construction works being undertaken in the state and deposits it in the Orissa Building and Other Construction Workers Welfare Fund. This fund is utilised in extending different welfare measures 10 to registered beneficiaries. A total amount of ₹11.21 billion has been collected by the Orissa Building and Other Construction Workers’ Welfare Board out of which ₹3.58 billion has been disbursed as benefits constituting about 31 per cent of the funds as on March 2017.
Migrants and the Social Category
Women migrant construction workers at Bhubaneswar mostly belong to Scheduled Caste and Other Backward Class (OBC) categories. Generally, landless or with low agricultural landholding (less than half an acre), the women who have migrated and are working as construction workers stay as a nuclear unit of family with husband and children. There are very few migrant widows or young adolescent migrant girls working as construction workers.
A quantitative analysis done on 135 registered women workers of Bhubaneswar reveals that 80 per cent of women workers belong to the OBC and 13 per cent to the SC category. Only 3.7 per cent were unmarried. The women in the age group 30 years and above constitute the highest proportion, while young women below 30 years at 21.5 per cent are comparatively less. The women are generally illiterate though the young women have been in school for 2–5 years.
Climate Change and Mobility
The source districts from where migrant women construction workers have migrated are Kendrapara, Ganjam, Jajpur and Jagatsinghpur. The highest number of migrant women workers belong to the district of Ganjam (54.1%), followed by Khurdha district (20.7%) in the quantitative analysis done on 135 women migrant workers. This region is highly prone to natural disasters and cyclones. Frequent floods and cyclones ravage the districts such as Kendrapara, Jagatsinghpur, Jajpur and Ganjam. In Kendrapara and Jajpur districts, flooding of the rivers Brahmani, Kusabhadra and Kharasrota happen almost every year. In Ganjam, the Super Cyclone in 1999 and Phailin in 2013 destroyed standing crops and kutcha 11 (temporary) houses. Jagatsinghpur was also severely affected during the Super Cyclone, and as the district is surrounded by river systems of the Mahanadi in the north and the Devi in the south, the area is prone to floods each year. The Daleighai embankment of the Devi river flows above the danger mark every year from July to September, and the villages are prone to flood alerts resulting often in a heavy loss of crops and vegetables. Salinisation in the low-lying agricultural fields along the coast further adversely affects paddy production, which is already declining. The fishing community’s boats and nets get damaged while share croppers and marginal farmers lose livestock. Flood waters typically inundate farm land making it unworkable and preventing crops from being planted or harvested. The source areas also suffer from erratic rainfall, which in turn adversely affects the paddy cultivation. Agricultural labour is no longer a sustainable source of livelihood at the districts. Thus, one of the push factors for people to move has been the extreme events and climatic uncertainty of the source areas. The other reasons are landlessness, the lack of regular employment in the local area, and the relatively low wages paid at local worksites, limited resources and therefore the inability to acquire advanced skills for better employment opportunities.
An interplay of reasons of push factors as well as pull factors propel people to move. Strong networking avenues in the end-destination; better mobility because of improved road connectivity, accessible communication, improved self confidence and hope for an improvement standards for their children are some significant factors which facilitate decision-making in migration. The availability of work and that too non-farm work is an attractive proposition. The lure and attraction of the large city for higher income, particularly Bhubaneswar, is a vital factor as the distance from the home district is within 100 km. The pull factors are stimulated by economic consideration of benefits and costs, mostly financial but also social such as continuity in kinship bonds.
Many people from my area are here. They have been coming to Bhubaneswar since the last 10 years or more especially after the Super Cyclone. Nobody wants to remain in the village. There is no work, paddy cultivation is low, and land owners are selling their land, salt water is getting into the fields. Where will we get work in the village now? It is better to be here in Bhubaneswar. My sons are here, married and living in another area. They are driving Ola and Uber taxis.
The migration of women in this case is mostly permanent in nature and inter-district. Women have moved with their full family, that is, husband and children, from their villages to Bhubaneswar. In almost all cases, the prime mover in the decision-making for migration has been the husband. Thus, women and children migrate as associated migrants with the main decision to migrate being taken by the male of the household. In general, a family moves together or one by one from a particular location to the destination. A cascading effect is observed in the process of migration. The migration chain is very evident wherein one person/family from a particular area moves to Bhubaneswar and subsequently others follow. The advice of relatives or familiarity with the area are key facilitators. The migration trend has increased in recent years. In very rare instances, as seen in interactions during fieldwork, decisions of migration are a collective process in which there is participation of women. There is also some interstate and international migration, but that is mostly of single males.
Earlier women rarely moved out of the village. The men used to leave Odisha for work. Even today, boys are going to Bengaluru and Kerala. Now the situation has changed as complete families are migrating, mostly to Bhubaneswar.
Instances of single women migrating for construction work are usually small and confined to widows who have moved with their children and also part of a larger group of their own kith and kin. Unmarried women moving alone and working in the construction sector could not be seen in the study.
I am alone. I was employed as wage labour in the village, but did not get work regularly. My brother asked me to come. He has been in Bhubaneswar for the past five years. I am happy as I get regular work. I am connected to a labour contractor and I work on an apartment site, carrying bricks.
Women’s Work and Working Conditions
Women migrants mostly work as unskilled labour; paid low wages, and they are part of the unorganised sector. Most work as wage labourers in building and other constructions like brick-making. The women generally get work on apartment construction sites and personal house construction which are located in and around Bhubaneswar. They carry headloads of bricks and cement mix and are involved in sorting and chipping of stones and so on. Generally, they are engaged as daily wage labourers in the unskilled segment of the workforce, which receives the lowest wages. They work as construction workers because of the familiarity and their spouse's engagement in that work. Most of their spouses are also working as construction workers but usually in the semi-skilled and low-skilled areas.
Work is generally regular as I am with a group and I go with them to the chhack (cross road/square) everyday. But we don’t get any facilities in the work site. I am right now working in the stadium construction where there are no rest sheds. I am a registered worker with the Board but no one is bothered about us. With great difficulty I got myself registered. I haven’t got anything like a cycle. 12
The registered workers under the Board are to be provided with standard hours of work, welfare measures and other conditions of service such as crèches, urinals, drinking water and so on. 13 In none of the interactions carried out with the women construction workers in Bhubaneswar did any worker talk about having these facilities nor did the worksite visit reveal the existence of any such facilities. Women workers are not given maternity benefits, though it is obligatory under the rules.
Income for Independence
Women working as construction workers are able to earn about ₹5,000 per month. The gender disparity in wage rates is visible as daily wage rates for men range from ₹350 to ₹550, while for women it is from ₹200 to ₹300. Men mostly work as head men and women as assistants in construction-related activities. Though migrant women do have a steady source of income but due to their low level of literacy, education and skill, they are perforce found in absolute bare minimum levels of work with no scope of any upward mobility in skill or type of work. They will continue to be at the lowest rung in the construction sector.
Source of income, amount and sustainability are key to the financial stability of a household, and for migrant women subsistence survival is the general scenario. For those who are able to maintain a little higher standard of living as compared to others, it is because of additional earnings from some other source such as domestic work or older children contributing towards the family income. Income from construction work is inadequate to meet basic family requirements. But, overall, it is still higher than what they were earning back in their villages. This higher level of earnings have facilitated some savings, access to healthcare and better living conditions. All women had their own bank accounts, and there was an element of saving. Wages are generally given in cash, but over the last one year, in some cases, women get their wages through a direct bank transfer into their own bank account.
Remittance to families back home is being done by the women. In case of some single women (widows), they are able to send money back home, especially for the education of the children left behind. Generally, elders back in the village take care of the children left behind.
My daughter is in the Ashram 14 school. I am able to send money for her to my parents. My father keeps the money in an account for her. I am hoping that she will finish her school and go out for work. Maybe out of Odisha. I have heard that nowadays girls are going to Bengaluru. I am able to earn more money here in Bhubaneswar. Once I stop work, I may go back. I live in a rented house here. I am trying to buy a house here. My son is here with me. He is small and going to school.
Accessing Healthcare Facilities
These migrants often live on the margins of society and have little or no legal access to prevention and healthcare services. They face higher risks of exposure to unsafe living and working conditions. But the interactions revealed that women have better access to healthcare facilities in Bhubaneswar, which are mostly private. The Welfare Board is supposed to provide health insurance, but fieldwork revealed that none of the registered women workers had availed any benefits from the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) and Biju Krushak Kalyan Yojana (BKKY). 15
Education and its Access
Migrant women have a low educational status. Middle-aged women and those from higher age groups are generally illiterate. However, there are exceptions where some women have learnt how to maintain accounts, do bank transactions and also do household expenditure and manage family finances. This has been possible due to the involvement of women in self-help groups and labour unions.
Women have been able to provide for education of their children both at destination (Bhubaneswar) as well as at source (home district). Age-appropriate education of girls and boys is being practised, and all children are in schools, and some girls also are in colleges. Over the years, the economic condition has improved, and this has resulted in better levels of children’s education, especially for the girl child.
I am glad I came to Bhubaneswar. What to do in the village? Every time there is cyclone, we have to move. Cows and goats perish. The agriculture land gets salty. The land owners don’t do much for us labourers. I am registered with the Board as a construction worker in Ganjam. But doesn’t matter. I earn and my husband and son also work. I am now working in the Infocity area. My husband is a house/building painter and my sons are driving autos. My daughter is in Class 10. I don’t know about her marriage. But let her finish ‘matric’ first.
However, girls dropping out from school is also a reality. Oftentimes, the reason that girls drop out after elementary education is to take care of siblings and to undertake household work. Boys also drop out so that they can help their fathers/family in generating income through family business and trades.
Living Condition, Housing and Land Ownership
The migration of women has led to an improvement of living conditions in Bhubaneswar, their destination as well as their places of origin because of remittances. Their houses in towns are generally made of bricks and cement with an asbestos roof. Toilet facilities are also available. Drinking water is available through piped water supply, and borewells have also been put in the settlements. Electricity is available, and firewood, kerosene and LPG are used as fuels for cooking purposes in these households. Before migrating to Bhubaneswar, these women lived in the thatched houses, with limited access to electronic items, but today, they possess electronic and household gadgets like refrigerator, grinder, iron, and, in some cases, even a washing machine while mobile phones are common. Toilet are a rarity in their village. In some settlements in Bhubaneswar, Anganwadi centres are available. But a fear of being evicted is always present, and in some settlements, where the study was conducted, the women were living on encroached land. The general practice is that a piece of land with or without a house is purchased or taken on rent by the migrant from another encroacher. So, the ownership of land and house is not yet legalised. However, some women have received legal land ownership as they were living in a resettlement colony provided by the government.
I have all the gadgets at home but the land is not mine. I will feel like a queen once the land is in my name. In the village, the house belongs to my in-laws and brothers-in-law. My husband is no more so my children have a share but I am more keen to have a house here.
Land ownership at Bhubaneswar by women migrants (landless) is not admissible under the norms of government schemes meant for land distribution for the landless. Women need to be registered as a joint title holder in their domicile village for land received through land distribution schemes of the government. Generally, a joint ownership in the name of both husband and wife for government land distribution schemes is followed. The practice of allotting land in favour of a single woman according to provisions of government circulars is implemented in home districts. There are some cases where migrant women have got land under a joint title as compensation in case of an eviction in Bhubaneswar itself. Presently, an enumeration is going on in various settlements in Bhubaneswar municipality under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY) or the Housing for All (Urban) Scheme, and migrant women are hopeful that they will get a house soon.
Nirman Shramika Pucca Ghara Yojana (NSPGY) is a scheme of the Welfare Board under which the registered construction workers will be provided with house-building assistance, but the field interactions reveal that very few knew about it nor had they received any assistance.
Access to Welfare Schemes
Welfare measures under the Welfare Board for the registered construction workers can be divided into the following four categories: meant only for women workers––for example, maternity assistance; meant for both men and women workers––for example, bicycle, working tools, safety equipment; meant for girl child of both men and women workers––for example, educational assistance and marriage assistance for the girl child; and meant for the children of the workers––for example, educational assistance. But these entitlements were available only in the district of registration. Thus, many migrant women who have been registered under the Welfare Board in their source district have not yet received any benefits. The main reason is that they have not been able to go the District Labour Office to pursue their case. Similarly, a widow’s pension is also available only in the block offices of their home districts. The job card under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) for the family is also available only back in the village.
But for those who have got their land in Bhubaneswar, they avail their entitlements at the Bhubaneswar Block Office. The services of Anganwadi centres and the maternity benefit scheme like MAMATA 16 are available in the Anganwadi centre where women register their pregnancies. A total of 5 kg of rice at the rate of ₹1 per kg per adult is availed of by women migrants in settlements at Bhubaneswar.
Overall, the non-availability of welfare schemes at the migrant's destination is a major challenge for their well-being in general and women in particular. The portability of welfare schemes specifically related to food security is not available. Registration gives women migrant workers, who are registered under the Welfare Board, an identity. But the non-availability of welfare measures at Bhubaneswar, for those registered in other districts of the state, poses a serious deterrent for the protection and safety of women workers.
Safety and Security
I feel a little unsafe for my daughter here in the basti (slum settlement). Even though the neighbourhood is well known and most people are from my area, it is still unsafe. I think the village is safer. My daughter goes for tuition in the evening and somehow I don’t feel safe. The young boys who loiter around at the corner shop are a nuisance. They are not from this area. I don’t know why they come to this shop.
The sense of insecurity prevails particularly for the young and adolescent girls. Their mobility is restricted, especially in the evenings and nights. Alcoholism by men has increased tremendously in the destination (Bhubaneswar). The absence of social pressure and elder family members give the men a leeway in consuming alcohol without any limit. Wife beating by such men who drink heavily is also on the rise. These instances are more commonplace than those occurring in the village. Drug consumption by the adolescent boys is on the rise and rampant in the settlements which causes additional insecurity for girls and women.
Changing Gender Relations and Women’s Agency
The migrant women construction workers at Bhubaneswar are trying to fulfil their dreams and aspirations. The non-portability of welfare schemes, lack of land ownership of women, threat of being evicted, insecure environment and no scope of any upward movement in skill and work are, however, some of the barriers and challenges.
In the midst of their daily struggles, migrant women have tapped their own potential to put forward their demands. They have become members of collectives to improve their bargaining powers, they have initiated trade unions and registered themselves in them and in the Welfare Board and also been able to get benefits due to the intervention of the Union. Women have formed self-help groups, initiated thrift savings and lending among themselves. There have been instances when they have collectively met the local Counsellor 17 for water supply and toilets. Consequently, women have gained their self-esteem and confidence. The Welfare Board membership is in the name of the women themselves and not subsumed within the household as in the case of MGNREGS. This labour card (the card given by the Board to the registered women construction workers) has the potential to generate a sense of pride and individuality.
I know how to use an ATM card. I go the big hospital for treatment. My daughter is even smarter. If we lived in the village, this would not have been possible.
I have a card in my name. I have a bank account. The cycle money from the Board came to my account. I know how much cash I have at hand as well as in the bank.
Social practices have also changed among migrant women. They believe in the education of their daughters, and early marriage of girls is avoided. The availability of toilet facilities in the house or settlements has created a sense of pride as in the village back home toilets were only in the houses of landed upper-caste people. Now everyone has a toilet. Migration settlements are a great equaliser. There is no strict caste divide in the Bhubaneswar settlements, as revealed in the interactions. The SCs and OBCs live among the general caste and all others. The inter-caste feelings of discrimination are slowly being reduced. Women migrants have also been able to cross some social barriers of mobility restrictions generally found in villages and are able to go into the public domain for working. The men in the family, particularly their husbands, are supportive of the work that women do. They no longer have to abide or adhere to restrictive social practices like covering their heads or entering the house through the back door. Gender roles are also slowly but surely changing. The husbands do help the women in some of the household chores like cooking and washing clothes. An autonomy in decision-making by women is evident in some instances seen in their carrying out financial transactions such as household expenditures, savings or purchasing of gold (as investment).
Conclusion
As a result of climate change, specifically repeated floods and cyclones and reduced agricultural work opportunities, women have been migrating, mostly as part of a family network, from the state’s most vulnerable coastal districts to the urban city of Bhubaneswar. We observe that the landless, illiterate and semi-literate women belonging to the SCs and OBCs communities migrate. Mostly married women and, in some rare cases, widows are accompanied with their children. The sector in which the women work is usually unorganised like that of construction. When these women register as construction workers, they are entitled to some benefits.
The decision to migrate is not only done on an individual basis but also in groups. The cost of migration and benefits to the family are overarching concerns. It is not a singular cause which triggers migration, rather a combination of multiple factors such as the threshold of coping low wages and the presence of irregular work in the village, climate change issues, networking at destination, ease of moving, age concern and children. However, the decision of migration is taken by the male head, and the women are associated migrants. Overall, the determinants of migration are the lack of employment opportunities and employable skills, repeated natural hazards like floods, extreme events like cyclones and related agricultural production depletion and non-availability of work as agricultural labour.
Migration of women has both a positive and negative impact on human development. Some positive results of female migration are remittances for the families left behind, an improved standard of education for their children particularly the girl child, better access to health facilities, greater autonomy through increased incomes, better living conditions, improved savings and enhanced confidence. The migration of women has a tremendous potential and an empowering effect, positively influencing gender equality by opening new opportunities and a chance for greater independence and self-confidence. A reconfiguration of gendered relations is possible as women now have more opportunities to enter the labour market. Female migration has helped to alleviate poverty by raising income levels, education and health of females and their families, all key to reducing inequality and poverty in homes. For many migrant women, migration has strengthened their agency. Thus, support for women to strengthen their ability to bargain and negotiate their rights is essential and to understand women not just as victims (Rao, Lawson, Raditloaneng, Solomon, & Angula, 2017).
However, the challenges at the destination still remain. They include fear of evictions due to encroachment, a non-transferability of welfare scheme entitlements and safety and security of young girls. Land ownership continues to elude women. Women workers do not have any scope to upgrade their skills or employment to levels beyond that of unskilled labour.
In conclusion, inter-district migration does give an opportunity to improve livelihoods, reduce poverty and raise women’s voice and agency. In the context of climate change, climatic shocks and extreme events in the coastal region of Odisha, migration is a response which is a way for people to cope with environmental changes. How each area copes with climate change, and whether migration will be a leading response to climate change, will depend on both vulnerability and adaptive capacity. 18 For women, migration as a coping mechanism to climate change does offer its basket of gains and losses, considering that women migrants belong to a specific social group, have low educational attainments and work in low-paying unskilled jobs at the destination. The context of migration and the situation at the destination of the women migrants thus has to be viewed from the perspective of climate change as well as the social setting. It is important to augment the opportunities that empower women migrants as well as address barriers that they face.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The study was supported by the Odisha State Commission for Women and conducted in December 2016 -May 2017. Jasmine Giri was funded as a researcher under the DECCMA project.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
This work is carried out under the Deltas, Vulnerability and Climate Change: Migration and Adaptation (DECCMA) project (IDRC 107642) under the Collaborative Adaptation Research Initiative in Africa and Asia (CARIAA) programme with financial support from the UK Government’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), Canada. The views expressed in this work are those of its authors and do not necessarily represent those of DFID and IDRC or its Boards of Governors. The authors are thankful to Prof. Asha Hans and Prof. Nitya Rao for their invaluable suggestions while writing this article.