Abstract
This article attempts to examine the negative impact of climate change on agricultural livelihood and human social life. Natural climatic variations have always been a challenge for human sustenance as they are predicated on a host of factors that include natural, human-made and unbalanced environmental conditions. India too, with its geographic zones such as mountains, small islands, wetlands, coastal areas, deserts, semi-arid lands and plains is exposed to challenges of climatic change. The impact of climate is particularly severe on the livelihoods of the rural poor. For instance, people living near coastal regions are constantly prone to severe floods. This study specifically focusses on coastal Odisha and the impact of floods which have been triggered by climate change. The study, looking at the effect on crop production and socio-economic conditions, has followed a two-pronged approach––conducting a field survey and collecting data from secondary sources.
Introduction
According to the United Nation’s Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), climate change is the change of climate attributed directly or indirectly to human activity that alters the composition of the global atmosphere. This is in addition to natural climate variability observed over comparable periods. 1 The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 2007 in its Fourth Assessment Report defines climate change as, ‘..a change in the state of the climate that can be identified (e.g. using statistical tests) by changes in the mean and/or the variability of its properties, and that persists for an extended period, typically decades or longer. It refers to any change in climate over time, whether due to natural variability or as a result of human activity’. According to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), climate is the statistically average behaviour of the weather of a region. Similarly, the earth’s climate is the average of the world’s regional climates. The change in average weather conditions of a region leads to climate change. Moreover, this could be a change in a region’s average annual precipitation or it could be a change in a region’s average temperature in a month or in a season. Natural climatic variability has always been a challenge for human livelihood. Evidence shows that natural climatic variability, compounded with climate change, will adversely affect the livelihood of millions in the world (IPCC, 2007). It is one of the most significant threats to the development of a nation and humankind.
The World Meteorological Organization (WMO) defines three major factors which accelerate the pace of climate change in the contemporary era: greenhouse gases (carbon dioxide—CO2, methane, nitrous oxide—CFCs; aerosols in the atmosphere (causing solar radiation); and land-use change (deforestation and change of land utilisation patterns). Apart from this, human induced factors also play a role in terms of climate change vulnerability that includes industrialisation, the use of various chemical fertilisers, transportation, biomass, and cutting down of trees. Natural factors, as well as human activities, have contributed substantially to escalating average global temperatures. This leads to an increase in ‘greenhouse’ gases especially CO2 and methane gases in the environment. The concentration of CO2 on the earth’s surface was under control before the Industrial Revolution, but since then it has been increasing rapidly.
Figure 1 represents a clear understanding of the constant trend of CO2 concentration till the 1950s when it was below 300 parts per million (PPM). But the intensity has increased rapidly from the 1950s onwards. It is the increase in CO2 in the atmosphere that is leading to various environmental catastrophes like global warming and climate change.
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The warming of the planet leads to changes in climatic conditions which affect all living creatures on the earth. Ultimately, it triggers variations in global air and ocean temperatures and changes in the snow or ice extent and the sea level. IPCC states that it is ‘unequivocal’ that the climate system has warmed up. Since the middle of the twentieth century, the temperature has been increasing (subjective probability of >90 per cent) due to human-induced factors of atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations (IPCC, 2007a). The visible negative impact of climate change can be seen in terms of natural calamities like heatwaves, droughts, cyclones and floods. Consequently, this hampers agricultural production, a prime livelihood source of a majority of the world’s population. Climate change and agriculture are interrelated, and over the next century the former might have a significant effect on crop production and food availability. Croplands, pastures and forests that occupy 60 per cent of the earth’s total surface area are all exposed to climatic variability (Interdepartmental Working Group on Climate Change, 2007, p. 1).
Climate variability and unpredictable monsoon patterns in coastal areas have led to flash floods each year and have impacted acres of agricultural land. Such occurrences particularly effect agrarian societies like India where more than half the country’s population is dependent on agriculture. Moreover, it plays a vital role in the development of the Indian economy. More than 50 per cent of India completely relies on this sector, and it is the only livelihood option for many rural people. 2 Though the contribution of agriculture in terms of a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has been declining over the years, the dependency on this sector remains high. It contributes nearly 12 per cent to the GDP at constant prices, provides about 58 per cent of the total workforce and constitutes 2.07 per cent of global exports (Economic Survey, 2012–2013). Farm employment and agriculture are both highly sensitive to climate change and it can be argued that climate change has led to a crisis of unemployment.
There are nine coastal states in India, that is, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Goa, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Odisha, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal which bear the brunt of climate variability due to their geographical positions. The present study has focussed on Odisha to understand one area’s flood vulnerability in relation to agriculture. Some core research questions that have been included in the study are: what is the effect of climate change on agricultural output? What is the impact of floods on the livelihood of rural people? What are the major coping strategies used by farmers during a flood situation? What are the government’s policies to combat flood severity?
The study has three objectives: to analyse the impact of climate change on crop production and cropping pattern in the study area; to examine the effects of climate change on the socio-economic and employment status of farmers; and to discuss various safety measures adopted by farmers to combat the impact. Both secondary and primary sources of data have been tapped to elicit relevant information. Primary data has been collected from 60 farm households in Jagatsinghpur district of Odisha adopting appropriate sampling techniques.
The paper consists of seven sections. Following the introduction, the second section engages in a theoretical discussion on climate change and adaptation. The third section discusses details of methodology adopted and a profile of the study area, and the fourth, provides an overview of rainfall and monsoon patterns in Odisha. The fifth and sixth sections deal with major findings of the study and elaborate upon the impact of climate change on agricultural livelihoods and the adaptive measures undertaken by farmers as well as government agencies. The seventh section concludes the paper by way of extending a few policy suggestions to deal with the impact of climate change.
Climate Change and Adaptation: A Theoretical Discourse
Over the last few decades, climate change has significantly influenced intellectual debates in social theory, and has necessitated a rethink of theories on social change and modernity. Beck (2010), while dealing with the question of social change in post-modern societies intensively highlights the issues of climate change and green modernity in terms of social vulnerability. In the intellectual discourse between climate change and green modernity, the participation of groups such as citizens, people, workers, voters and their interests, views and voices have been neglected. Sociology, he feels, can play a crucial role in mitigating climate change impact and build a green society. If ‘the environment’ only includes everything which is not human, not social, then the concept is sociologically meaningless. When the idea consists of human action and society, considering climate change as non-sociological is scientifically mistaken and politically suicidal. Climate change leads to disparity between the poor and the rich, between the centre and the periphery. Accountability, capabilities, rules, institution, responsibility for green society and climate change are most needed. Climate change politics and policies often concentrate on consequences after the fact, ignoring conditions and causes that produce and reproduce the climatic (and other) problems as unseen side effects. The political expansion of global risks is mostly a function of their representation in the mass media. Many global risks are causes by climate change, especially its impacts on the relations between economic development and environment.
Giddens (1991) has argued that the world is under a threat of an ecological disaster risk, with security being a prime concern in the context of adaptation. Security is a situation in which a specific set of dangers are minimised. The experience of security rests on a balance of trust and acceptable risk. This may include global security or individuals. This environment of risk is different in modernity where uncertainty and insecurity are heightened by being taken out of local contexts. The liquidity of the global into the local and the industrialisation process has changed the face of risk in the modern era. It is based on human induced environmental risks which have been accelerated by climate change.
It is important to highlight that uncertainty and insecurity are the ultimate results of modernity in the context of climate change, which always has a diverse impact on human society (Beck, 2009). In his book, World Risk Society, Beck has argued that a sociological analysis of environmental issues is not based on the surrounding world, but it deals with the problem as it arises in the inner world of society. He has considered the consequences of climate change as uncertainty, fabricated by human beings, that is, risk, insurability, catastrophes, side effects, globalisation, individualisation and so on. Therefore human made activities in the contemporary era mostly led to the risk of climate change. According to Giddens (2009), ‘People will never take any action against climate change until it is horrible and too late’. To address these critical issues Gidden’s highlights the essential role of international policies in the context of adaptation to climate change. This enables the government to claim a carbon tax from the industrial sector to stabilise the excessive use of carbon or the intensity of carbon emission. It is one of many practical steps to mitigate the climate change problem and to create a green world.
Study Area, Data and Methodology
The Study Location
Jagatsinghpur district is one of the coastal regions of Odisha located in the eastern part of the state. It is surrounded by the Bay of Bengal on the east, Kendrapara district on the northeast, Puri district to the south and Cuttack district to the west. The primary water resource of the region is the Mahanadi river and its tributaries Paika, Kathajori, Biluakhai and Devi. While these rivers provide a sufficient amount of water for agricultural purposes, they are also prone to flooding because of erratic rainfall patterns.
Data and Methodology
The study has used both primary and secondary data. The sources of secondary data are from the District Statistical Handbook, India water portal, Odisha agricultural statistics and newspaper articles. The collection of primary data is carried out by using a multi-stage sampling method, consisting of study of the district at the first level, a study of the block at the second level and a study of the village at the final stage. The rationale behind choosing Jagatsinghpur is that because it is one of India’s coastal districts which is the most vulnerable to floods over the years.
The statistics presented in Table 1 reveal that the district has witnessed a total of 71 floods from 1800 to 2013, the highest number among all the coastal districts of Odisha (Mishra & Mishra, 2010). These floods have negatively impacted people’s lives in terms of loss of human lives, property, livestock, land salinity and water logging. Keeping these factors in mind, the choice of Jagatsinghpur district becomes clear. After selecting the district, the study selected Kujang block of Jagatsinghpur district randomly out of the eight blocks that make up the district, all of which are located near the mouth of the Mahanadi river and its tributaries, making this area particularly prone to flooding during heavy rains. In the end, the study selected Teramanpur village of Kujang block to conduct a household-level survey by using a simple random sampling. The justifications of specifically selecting this village are as follows: it is one of the most flood-affected village; paddy is one of the dominant crops mostly affected by floods; and the village reflects an adequate representation of all farming groups. The study has used a survey schedule to collect primary data from farm households. A total of 60 farming households belonging to different farming groups, such as marginal farmers (less than 2.00 acres of land), small farmers (2.01–4.00 acres of land), medium farmers (4.01–7.00 acres of land) and large farmers (more than 7 acres of land) were interviewed. The interviews during the period of household survey have been aimed to capture the effects of flood vulnerability on the farm household and to various strategies employed by local farmers to deal with panic situations. For this analysis, the qualitative answers were coded into a set of defining variables and all variables have been cross-checked against each other.
The Occurrence of Flood in Jagatsinghpur District
Source: Mishra & Mishra (2010).
Overview of Rainfall and Monsoon Pattern in Odisha
A large section of people depend on agriculture in Odisha, a state known for various natural calamities including cyclones, floods and droughts. Natural hazards like floods are a regular feature in the state. Most coastal regions are affected by floods for almost the whole year,. The results of this can be observed post the disaster––a huge loss of life, environment, property and livelihood. Odisha is one of the poorest states in India in terms of growth and development. A majority of its population, almost 70 per cent is dependent on the agricultural sector. But unfortunately, this area is now even more vulnerable because of the negative impact of climate change. Agriculture is a climate-sensitive sector because of its dependence on a stable monsoon pattern. A variable monsoon pattern poses a major threat to agricultural output. According to a government report, the normal rainfall in the state is 1452 mm, of which about 80 per cent is received during the monsoon period (June–September). An unpredictable rainfall pattern in Odisha causes extreme floods in the coastal areas, as well as droughts in other hilly areas. The state has ten agro-climatic zones, based on soil structure, humidity, elevation, topography, vegetation, rainfall and other agro-climatic factors. Crops also vary from one climatic zone to another. Rabi and kharif crops are two important traditional crops in the state. The production of these crops is largely dependent on the monsoon and climate of the region. A crop’s response towards climatic conditions also varies. There are some crops, like wheat and soy beans, which can bear CO2 concentration during the mature stage of harvest, but this is not possible for all types of crops as different crops need different types of climatic conditions, changes in temperature and amount of CO2. Inconsistency in weather conditions, such as rainfall, temperature, solar variation, wind velocity, and variation in humidity during different periods of crop growth has always caused uncertainty in a farmer’s decision-making process.
Climate Change and its Impact on Traditional Rice Culture in Odisha
Rice is the staple food of Odisha, cultivated in different monsoon periods of the year. There are three types of rice (autumn rice, winter rice and summer rice) in Odisha popularly known as biali, sarad and dalua, respectively. Sarad rice is prominent among all the three types of rice cultivated. It is cultivated in three different winter periods, that is, early winter (laghu sarad), mid-winter (sarad) and late winter (bada sarad). There are different maturity periods for all the rice varieties. The traditional autumn rice (biali) takes nearly 80–100 days for maturity and is harvested in September, whereas the late winter rice (badasarad) takes the longest time of about 150 to 165 days to mature, and it is harvested in the months between November and December (Das, 2012). Most rice crops are exposed to various natural calamities almost all year round.
Rice Production in Jagatsinghpur District
According to the Economic Survey reports (1981–2004), winter rice is one of the principal crops among the three kinds of rice (winter, autumn and summer) in terms of area and production. The acreage share of winter rice has increased from 90.76 per cent in 1981–1982 to 96.66 per cent in 2010–2011. The acreage share of autumn rice in the total rice area shows a decline from 7.18 per cent in 1981–1982 to 2.30 per cent in 2010–2011. As far as the production of winter rice is concerned, it has increased from 91.2 per cent in 1981–1982 to 96.65 per cent in 2010–2011. It has been observed whenever there is crop failure during the summer season, the farmers generally give more attention to the winter rice.
Seasonal Rainfall Deviation and Uncertainty of Paddy Production in Jagatsinghpur
The impact of climate change on paddy production can be observed in terms of rainfall variation and the changing quantity of rainfall. Consequently, the paddy crop in Jagatsinghpur is vulnerable to seasonal rainfall impact. The following graphs represent a clear relation between rainfall and paddy production in Jagatsinghpur, corresponding to three seasonal impacts. It indicates the changing seasonal rainfall pattern and its impact on rice crop production. It examines 39 year time-series data (from 1981 to 2010) of both rainfall and rice production in the district. The rainfall and the production data in the graph are based on three major seasons in a year, that is, autumn (June–September), winter (July–December) and summer (January–June). The deviation of rainfall is determined through the difference from actual seasonal rainfall to normal rainfall and, finally, its variation from period to period.
As for autumn rice, the rainfall deviation follows a pattern of constant fluctuation from the year 1981–1999 which leads to a low but constant trend of paddy production. This part also shows how paddy production follows the fluctuation of rainfall deviation very closely. From 1999 to 2003, the rainfall deviation follows low fluctuation and hence a decline in paddy production. However, from 1999 to 2001 there has been little fluctuation leading to a surge in paddy production. But immediately it follows the flood years of 2003–2004 in which there is a high positive deviation indicating more heavy rainfall during that period. Again, the rainfall follows a high fluctuation from the year 2003–2010. Consequently, the paddy production goes down drastically ( Figure 2 ).
Source: Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Odisha.
Figure 3 represents a positive deviation of precipitation from 1981 to 1992 in contrast to the negative fluctuation of paddy production. The paddy production during this period is significantly lower because of extreme flooding. From 1992 to 1999, paddy production follows an increasing trend along with precipitation. But in 1999, the paddy production came down, and precipitation went up. This may have been due to the occurrence of the 1999 super cyclone. Most surprisingly, from the years 1999 to 2010, paddy production shows the highest production rate, whereas rainfall has declined during the period 2006–2009. This is indicative of an uncertain relation between paddy production and rainfall deviation.
Source: Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Odisha.
Figure 4 demonstrates the assumptions based on summer season rainfall deviation and paddy production. The paddy and precipitation together follow a constant trend since 1981–1985, while rainfall deviation from the year 1987 to 1988 follows a negative variation with increasing paddy production. From the year 1989 to1993, both rainfall and paddy production follow a constant trend. But from the years 1993 to 2010, rainfall follows a positive deviation whereas paddy follows a drastically decreasing trend. Thus it is evident that paddy crop grown in the summer season is exposed to heavy rainfall and flood vulnerability.
Source: Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Odisha.
Correlation Between Rainfall and Rice Production
The rice production in Jagatsinghpur district is mainly dependent on an ideal rainfall pattern. The variation in the rainfall pattern leads to an increase/decrease in rice production. From an analysis the 39 year time-series data (1981–1982 to 2010–2011) on rainfall and rice production, it is evident that the coefficient of the correlation between these two variables is significant at 0.51 (see Table 2 ).
Correlation Between Rice Production and Rainfall
Source: Authors’ calculation based on secondary data from the Economic Survey (1981–1982 to 2010–2011), Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Government of Odisha.
Note: *Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
Teramanpur, the Study Village
Flooding is one of the significant causes of an agricultural crisis in any village. It severely damages the physical structure of the village. The impact of severe floods can be observed in terms of the loss of precious lives, properties, cropped land as well as deteriorating socio-economic conditions in the study village.
Table 3 represents the distribution of farmers in the study area. Out of the 60 households, about 87 per cent of farmers are marginal with less than 2.00 acres of land. The small-farmer category consists of nearly 10 per cent of the total number of farmers, whereas the medium and large farmer categories are about 1.67 and 1.67 per cent of the total, respectively. It can be established then that most farmers fall in the marginal- and small-farmer categories as compared to the medium- and large-farmer categories with less land for cultivation. These categories, that is the marginal- and small-farmers, are prime victims of climate change in the study area. Climate change and unstable weather conditions in the study area have led to the failure of different crops during the harvest period. During the floods, it is found that while large farmers can resist the negative impact of climate change to some extent because of their access to available resources, this is not true for poor marginal and small farmers who suffer from the effects of floods more because of the non-availability of cultivable land and little access to resources.
Socio-economic Status of Sample Farm Households in the Study Area
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Table 4 represents the distribution of farmers according to gender, age and education in Teramanpur village. As far as the gender of farmers is concerned, out of 60 farmers, about 85 per cent are male and 15 per cent are female, respectively, showing clearly that the former dominate the agricultural sector in the study area. Different age-group categories, that is less than 30 years, 31–50 years and more than 50 years show that younger farmers are more involved in farming, as indicated by approximately 75 per cent of the total farmers. As far as as the educational levels of farmers is concerned, roughly 36 per cent of farmers have no schooling, and in this category 42 per cent are from marginal communities. Approximately 35 per cent of farmers have only primary education, of which 32 per cent are from the marginal farmer category. Only 18 per cent and 10 per cent of farmers have secondary and tertiary education, respectively, of which 19 per cent are marginal farmers (secondary), and only 5 per cent have tertiary education. The educational level of a majority of farmers in the concerned village is basic or elementary which means they are unable to use improved technology to increase agricultural productivity and formulate a proper strategy to cope with natural disasters induced by climate change.
Distribution of Farmers According to Gender, Age and Educational Level
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Note: Figures in the parentheses represent percentage.
Table 5 depicts the source-wise income distribution of farmers showing how farmers access different sources of income for their livelihood, such as agriculture, livestock, trade and business, labour and government services. Under the head, multiple sources of income, agriculture plays a dominant role in an area in which the total workforce is engaged. Almost all farming households depend on agriculture as a primary source of income. Other sources of revenues such as livestock, trade and business, labour and government service supplement agricultural income. The failure of agriculture in the village has forced poor farmers to find alternate income sources. Evidently, marginal and small farming households are more vulnerable to the severe impact of flooding as compared to medium and large farming households. This can be explained by the less adaptive capacity of the marginal and small farm households in terms of availability of wealth, access to technology, institutional help and infrastructure. Therefore, marginal farmers are the prime victims of floods and its grave consequences.
Income Source-wise Distribution of Farmers in the Study Area
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Note: Figures in parentheses represent percentage.
Table 6 represents the income of all the farm households in the study area. The majority of marginal and small farming households earn an annual income of less than ₹50,000 through different sources, whereas almost all medium and large farming households have an annual yearly income of more than ₹50,000, indicating an inequality in the distribution of income among different farm categories. Most people in the area, thus remain poor because of their excessive dependency on agriculture.
Income Group-wise Distribution of Farmers in the Study Village
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Note: Figures in parentheses represent percentage.
Table 7 gives a picture of the cropping pattern in the study area. The total agricultural land of the sample household is 69.6 acres, out of which marginal and small farm categories occupy about 34.9 acres and 16.5 acres of land, respectively whereas the medium and large farm categories possess nearly 4.7 acres and 13.5 acres of land in the study area, respectively. The cropping pattern is skewed towards paddy which constitutes the highest acreage (34 acres) in the village. As mentioned earlier, there are many varieties of rice production in the village, such as autumn rice (biali) in Odisha, winter rice in early winter (laghu sarad), mid-winter rice (sarad) late-winter rice (bada salad) and summer rice (dalua). Like paddy, green and black grams constitute the second highest crop (about 13.8 acres of land). Other vegetables such as potatoes, tomatoes, pumpkin, cauliflower, cabbage and brinjal collectively cover 21.8 acres of land in the village. Natural calamities, primarily floods, cause great damage to rice production with rice crops getting washed away in the strong floodwaters. To recover from this loss, farmers plant alternative crops in the rice fields, especially grams, groundnut and vegetables after the floods. The cropping patterns thus change because of severe flooding.
Cropping Pattern in Teramanapur Village
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Note: Figures in parentheses represent percentage.
Table 8 shows clearly the crop production patterns of different farm households before and after the occurrence of floods. The total crop production of the village before the occurrence of floods was 89.24 quintals which declined to 89.97 quintals after the floods affected over 69.6 acres of land ( Table 7 ). If we look at the crop-wise production, paddy is most vulnerable to floods. Paddy production in the village before the occurrence of floods was 63.05 quintals which later reduced to 14.32 quintals after the floods.
Distribution of Crop Produce According to Farm Size (in Q)
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Note: Q = Quintal. Figures in parentheses represent the value as quintal.
Interestingly, vegetable production in the area has increased drastically after the occurrence of floods from 21.54 quintals to 67.25 quintals. Of all farm groups, marginal farmers are the most defenseless. The total crop production by marginal farmers before the floods occurred was 42.66 quintals which declined to 26.54 quintals after the floods. In the large farm groups, the production before the floods was 19.73 quintals, which declined to 13.3 quintals after the floods. Refer to Figures 5 and 6 to see the difference between marginal and large farmers. The production gap of the large farm groups is low as compared to the marginal farm group. Moreover, the large farm group has many alternative ways to compensate for its loss which are simply not there for marginal and small farmer groups who are left with no option except to borrow money at exorbitant rates of interest for their basic survival.
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Table 9 represents different sources of indebtedness among different farm categories in the study area. Credit is one of the significant coping mechanisms adopted by the majority of marginal and small farming households; farmers have to resort to borrowing to fulfil their basic needs. The study finds that approximately 67 per cent of marginal farmers depend on moneylenders for credit; nearly 23 per cent are dependent on agricultural mini-banks and about 9 per cent are dependent on friends and co-operative societies. Only one farmer in the medium household group and one from the large-farm household group are dependent on an agricultural mini-bank to stave off hunger during the floods. As far as the comparison between large farmer and marginal farmers is concerned, approximately 86 per cent of the latter show different sources of indebtedness, whereas only 1.66 per cent of the former have used the agricultural mini-bank for credit. Again, the data shows that due to the floods, a large section of marginal farmers has been severely affected and ended up in a state of indebtedness. A respondent, Adikanda Beherea, in his interview said that because of extreme indebtedness, poor marginal farmers sometimes take a drastic step and commit suicide. But the misery does not end there. The debt burden shifts to the family of the deceased. Again it is the marginal and small farmers who are caught in a vicious cycle of borrowing from moneylenders at a high rate of interest as compared to other sources of credit that are not accessible.
Sources of Indebtedness Among Different Farm Categories
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Note: Figures in parentheses represent percentage.
Climate Change Adaptation Strategies
Farm groups in the studied village have adopted multiple safety measures to guard against deprivation––distress sales, rearing livestock, adjusting food habits, migration, diversification of income sources, shifts in cropping patterns, using chemical fertilisers, certified seeds and pesticides. Table 10 indicates multiple coping strategies adopted by different farm households.
Coping Strategies Adopted by Flood-affected Farmers
Source: Field Survey, Teramanapur village.
Table 10 reveals that a large number of households have resorted to rearing livestock to cope with a loss of income due to the floods. Approximately 75 per cent of farm households, including marginal, small, medium and large farmer categories have adopted this strategy, out of which about 81 per cent are from the marginal category. The livelihood of marginal farmer groups is not confined to agriculture; they are also dependent on various livestock such as cow, ox, poultry, goat and sheep. Apart from this, distress sales have become an important backup safety measure adopted by 65 per cent of farmers, with 67 per cent of them belonging to the marginal category. According to this strategy, poor farmers sell their assets, such as gold jewellery, land and domestic animals to cope with the floods. During the field survey, Nilakantha Behera, a 56 year-old marginal farmer had outlined how he dealt with the floods. He said, he sold his only cow and two goats to protect his family from hunger and provide for their basic needs as his entire cropland had been completely damaged. In order to address the immediate needs of his family he resorted to a distress sale.
Faced with such a situation, a round of the sample farmers shows that they have opted for migration as a coping strategy. According to the data, around 10–15 marginal farm groups have been forced to migrate to towns and cities to look for jobs. During the field study, some farmers from marginal and small category households who migrated during the floods shared their experiences. According to them, they have been mostly engaged in construction work and employed in brick kilns, earning less than ₹9,000 per month in urban cities like Bengaluru, Hyderabad and Surat. They have been either residing in slums or have made some rudimentary arrangements near their workplace. A few sample households have adopted other coping strategies such as the diversification of income sources (about 3 per cent); shifts in cropping pattern (around 3 per cent) and use of chemical fertilisers; and certified seeds and pesticides (approximately 5 per cent) to cope with the flood vulnerability. These marginal farmers have been unable to use improved technology, such as the use of chemical fertiliser, certified seeds and pesticides, suddenly shifting their cropping patterns or diversify their income sources because of their poor economic conditions.
Apart from these strategies, district government officials have also been working to minimise the impact of the agricultural crisis. An interaction with the District Agricultural Officer (DAO) has highlighted the measures adopted by officials to reduce the flood impact on agriculture. The few questions posed to ascertain the government’s role included: what is the status of agriculture in Jagatsinghpur district? How far is climate change responsible for the area’s agricultural distress? What strategies are people and the government following to minimise the negative impact of floods in the area? What are the strategies that have been adopted by government officials to reduce crop failure during the floods? Are training or awareness programmes being put into place to stabilise vulnerability caused by floods?
According to the DAO, the agricultural sector in the region has been facing the challenge of floods for years. Recurring natural disasters, like floods and cyclones, are the main cause of the agrarian crisis, which ultimately leads to a shortage of labour, high labour cost and higher cost of inputs and fertilisers. The most vulnerable groups in the region are small and marginal farmers because of their higher dependency on the agricultural sector. When the flood occurs their standing crops are washed away. Training programmes have been put in place to deal with the challenges.
Government’s Strategy to Cope with Climate Change-induced Natural Hazards
The role of the government is very crucial in mitigating vulnerability. There are various training programmes that have been put in place to directly deal with issues related to climate change and agriculture. The programmes work at the grassroots level to make farmers aware of their problems and find possible solutions. The government also provides alternative income sources, such as food-for-work programmes, animal husbandry, vocational education and facilitating market systems for the sale and transport of crops. The government also provides agricultural loans at a low rate of interest to all farmers, especially marginal and small farmers, because of their higher degree of vulnerability to climate change. Sometimes when poor, marginal and small farmers have been unable to repay their loans in time, a certain amount of relaxation has been provided. The role of the government is crucial for providing improved agricultural technology in the form of use of fertilisers, usage of High Yielding Variety (HYV) seeds, adoption of temperature-resistant crops and easy access of water resources through irrigation facilities. It has also provided easy access to the application of pesticide and insecticide in the croplands as a pre-emptive measure. The role of local self-government is equally important for providing the latest information from the agricultural extension offices regarding sustainable agriculture.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Conclusion
Although flood conditions in coastal Odisha is a major problem for everyone located there, the most vulnerable communities remain the landless, and marginal and small farmers. Clearly, people with less accessibility to and availability of resources always have a higher degree of vulnerability. Thus the landless, marginal and small farm groups are victims of flood vulnerability due to their higher dependency on agriculture, while farmers with large landholdings still have an alternative livelihood option during the floods. Sudden flood conditions in the area force poor farmers to sell their assets, such as livestock, jewellery and other valuable assets to survive.
To provide sustenance for their families, people are forced to migrate to the nearest cities or towns in search of livelihood. Most are usually engaged in construction work and work in brick kilns, earning measly incomes and residing in unhealthy slums. Keeping in mind the extreme vulnerability of small farmers, the government needs to prioritise agricultural loans and crop insurance to marginal and small farmers with the distribution of high-yielding variety of seeds at subsidised rates and proper uses of agricultural technology. In terms of agriculture, rice is the dominant crop, cultivated by most marginal and small farm groups. But the floods have always been a threat to rice production in the region. Therefore, there should be a renewed emphasis on the production of high-value cash crops, such as jute, sugarcane and vegetables.
Recommendations
More encouragement needs to be given by the state to the cottage industry and non-farm sector to empower the rural youth during any agricultural crisis. Since the marginal and small farmers depend on non-institutional credit sources, especially on private moneylenders who lend money at exorbitant rates of interest, institutional credit should be provided with lower interest rates. Such measures will facilitate accessibility of institutional, agricultural loans to marginal and small farmers. The government should also prioritise training and awareness programmes for farmers to strengthen coping measures adopted by marginal and small farmers at the grassroots level. Finally, the government, with the help of farmers, should focus more on sustainable agricultural growth in rural areas.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.