Abstract
A fair amount has been written about the unique initiative of the Women’s Development Programme (WDP), Government of Rajasthan since its inception in August 1984 and more since the beginning of its collapse in 1992. Yet, Sumi Madhok’s book provides an interesting insight into the project embedded as it is in the theoretical framework of developmentalism, agency and rights. The book takes the reader through not only a journey of the various stages of the programme since inception but also the role of the various players: the sathins (change agents), the WDP bureaucracy, the non-governmental organisation (NGO)/academic community and feminist trainers.
Madhok uses the term ‘developmentalism’ to refer to the changed meaning and impetus of development rather than simply employing the term ‘development’ or ‘developmental’. Moving away from the standard accounts of development that tend to minimise in favour of an excessive economic analysis of development, she strongly argues for modifications in our conventional thinking on agency and empowerment within development programmes. She asserts that this is essential for any serious thought about agentival practices in oppressive contexts.
In the crisply written and well-researched 200-plus pages, Madhok draws the linkages between development, agency and rights and between agency and oppression. She explores the conceptual problem of conceiving agency of persons in severely oppressive and subordinated contexts, and thereby builds on the existing feminist thinking on agency which pays serious attention to oppressive contexts and their impact on agency. She examines the impact of individual rights and developmentalism on the subjectivities and self-representation of sathins (chapters 1 and 2). She then moves on to describe the structure, processes and ideology of the WDP of the Government of Rajasthan and locates the sathins within this. In tracing the entry of developmentalist ideas in a social context such as Rajasthan marked by stringent gender subordination, Madhok highlights that such contexts of subordination are manifested both in the visibly coercive practices of the state as well as those of the communities within which the agents of change or sathins live and are a part of. Madhok notes that the developmentalism of WDP directed its energies towards changing subjectivities and creating new values and patterns of behaviour. The gamut of this developmentalism included individual rights, self-empowerment, self-improvement and the performance of individual agency. She however critiques the development vision of both—the state to create committed development workers and feminist organisations/individuals that were responsible for conducting the experiential training of sathins through feminist consciousness-raising methods. The latter led to processes of greater articulation and self-reflection/improvement. According to her, this opened up spaces of both agency as reflected in the sathins’ transformed selves and in their actions as well as coercion by state and non-state actors who resisted this transformation and actions (chapter 3). She then highlights a distinct pattern in the sathins’ thinking on the issue of rights, plots their political rights participation post the 73rd Amendment into three distinct stages and draws attention to the impact of this political discourse on developmentalism (chapters 4 and 5).
Citing concrete examples of developmental and individual rights, Madhok provides illustrations with an analysis of the empirical life trajectories of sathins, all along emphasising that foregrounding women in development programmes like the WDP necessitates looking at the socio-political and economic contexts within which change agents are created. Ignoring the socially embedded contexts, she asserts, results in catastrophic consequences for both the women involved and the projects/programmes of change in which they are engaged. This is particularly problematic in oppressive contexts because they do not get the support of the state or the community. She cites examples of sathins as change agents by picking out a few in only two districts of the WDP: Jaipur and Ajmer. She chooses to emphasise voices of several sathins and specifically highlights the gang rape of Bhanwari Devi to demonstrate the lack of support from institutional structures including the family, state and community at critical junctures.
Madhok, however, fails to provide an answer to ‘how’ to bring about change in oppressive contexts. Besides, she seems to have overlooked two critical issues. Firstly, there is a dire need for development programmes with change agents in oppressive contexts, such as where stringent patriarchy is observed. Here, there is little support for processes that encourage women’s agency, precisely because they are so oppressive. Also, what cannot be ignored is the fact that today many of the sathins have emerged stronger and have continued to take cudgels with the dominant patriarchal practices, whether they are part of the WDP or outside it. They have also been able to negotiate spaces by garnering the support of their family or community to come out of the oppressive situations they were in. These include creating educational opportunities for girls in the village despite resistance (Munni), enabling girls in the family to study (Kailashi), putting up a fierce struggle for fair wages (Batto) and using creative means to talk about seemingly difficult issues (Mohini). They have on several occasions also stopped child marriages and supported women who are subjected to violence. Even Bhanwari Devi who herself was denied justice continues to live in Bhateri and work on women’s empowerment issues. She has refused to move out of her village boundaries despite the land allotted to her outside the village by the state government. Her struggle for gender justice goes on unabated, as does her determination to counter forces of women’s oppression and exploitation. She has regained her dignity and respect within the village, community and neighbouring villages and many women cutting across caste lines approach her when they need advice, especially over issues of domestic violence. Surely, this merits a mention.
Secondly, the learnings from the WDP and the gaps in programmatic structure and ideology (for example, the single change agent model and the lack of long-term training and support) have in fact gone into the making of other well designed and well thought of innovative programmes for women’s empowerment in the country, especially the Mahila Samakhaya programme in 10 states. Here too, women as change agents are operating in oppressive contexts but the state in partnership with the NGO and academic community and feminist trainers has ensured support through the formation of mahila sanghas (women’s collectives). This is an important fallout of the WDP which needs to be appreciated when considering its impact.
The book makes a valuable contribution to both feminist and development literature and to ongoing debates pertaining to the conceptualisation of gender, agency and development. It will also be of interest to those designing and implementing programmes and policies related to women’s empowerment.