Book review: David N. Gellner and Sondra L. Hausner,eds. 2018. Global Nepalis: Religion,Culture,and Community in a New and Old Diaspora

The edited volume Global Nepalis: Religion, Culture, and Community in a New and Old Diaspora by David N. Gellner and Sondra L. Hausner configures the Nepali diaspora as a significant global and transnational category. By classifying the Nepali diaspora as old and new, the book encapsulates the history of out-migration from Nepal starting from the 17th century to contemporary times. ‘Nepali’ is used to describe migrants from Nepal and its diaspora with attention to terms such as ‘Nepalese’ or ‘Gorkhali’ outlining their differences, similarities, and association with national and ethnic identities and linguistic diversities. While all four parts of the book analyse different aspects of the Nepali diaspora with links to host nation-states, the basis of division demands elaboration. The predominant themes in the book are patterns of religious and ritualistic traditions, labour migration, and organisational strategies among the Nepali diaspora. By leaving out Europe, Australia, Africa, South Korea, Japan, and even countries within South Asia such as Bhutan with a thriving Nepali diaspora, the volume signals opportunities for further research.

Part I begins with a discussion of the lives of Nepali labouring populations in Indian cities by Sharma (chapter 2). He locates different migrant organisations in New Delhi as representatives of political parties in Nepal. They offer a platform for participating in Nepal’s political activities rather than campaigning for the rights of Nepali migrants in India. Moving to Sikkim in North East India, Vandenhelsken (chapter 3) studies the religious lives of Gurungs who reposition themselves as indigenous, discarding their links to a Hindu past and adopting rituals more Buddhist or primitive in nature. These efforts are aimed at gaining Scheduled Tribe status from the Indian state and differentiation from high-caste Nepalis. In Myanmar, Nepalis who refer to themselves as ‘Gorkhali’, as noted by Joshi (chapter 4), are largely Hindus and newly converted Theravada Buddhists. The conflict between them shows the divide between established sanghas of Gorkhali Hindus and Gorkhali Theravadins who see themselves opposing the domination of Hindus. While Nepalis in Thailand who are significant in number as studied by Sakya (chapter 5), show a strong attachment to Nepal they have taken up local identities and see themselves as settled in the kingdom. In Fiji, as demonstrated by Adhikari and Sapkota (chapter 6), the Nepali population arrived on the island with Indians as indentured labourers and are placed in the same category but over generations have found their connections to Nepal.

In part II of the book, Low (chapter 7) contextualises the politics of belonging by elaborating on the experiences of return migration of Nepali Gurkha families who served in Singapore. His case studies demonstrate how Nepalis adjust and bring memories of Singaporean food cultures back to Nepal. Meanwhile, Stirr (chapter 8) registers the creation of Nepali publics through performances of lok dhori and adhunik songs, a genre in folk music sung in question-answer format and modern Nepali songs, in the nightclubs of Bahrain. The singers, the dancers, and the audience are connected via musical narratives based on struggles at home, family, identity, and migration. Bruslé (chapter 9) further elaborates on the meanings of migration for Nepali workers in Qatar who take up the journey to the Gulf out of societal expectations, based on obligations and constraints back home. The meanings they ascribe to their situation reflect both narratives of suffering and a desire for exploring the novelties of foreign lands. Crossing over to the Unites States, Hangen (chapter 10) focuses on the Nepali community in New York and their organisations, which are reflective of identity politics between high-caste Hindu leaders and marginalised ethnicities back in Nepal. Sijapati (chapter 11) researching the same terrain, tracks the socialisation of youth in the United States and their adjustments to Nepal’s transition from a Hindu kingdom to a secular state. Craig and Gurung (chapter 12) also find out how people from Mustang district in Nepal settle and practise their religion in New York.

Part III of the book, dedicated to the Nepali diaspora in the United Kingdom (UK), begins with descriptions of the ambitious survey of Nepalis in the UK with minimum resources by the Centre for Nepal Studies UK (CNSUK) and the Non-Resident Nepali Association UK (NRNAUK) by Adhikari and Laksamba (chapter 13). Then Gellner and Shrestha (chapter 14) observe the ways in which Limbus from Eastern Nepal adapt and change their religious traditions in the UK. Similarly, Gurung (chapter 15) specifies changes in the death rites of Gurungs in the UK through various adaptation strategies. Adhikari (chapter 16) studies the patterns of media usage by Nepali nurses in the UK to create and maintain transnational family identities. The internet allows nurses to continue virtual socialisation with their families in Nepal. Pariyar (chapter 17) exposes caste discrimination among Nepalis in the UK by showing how caste hierarchy is even maintained by practitioners of different religious faiths.

Finally, part IV ends with three chapters. Adhikari and Gellner (chapter 18) trace the growth of the NRN (Non-Resident Nepali) movement with the emergence of the Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) and its contribution to providing legitimacy to Nepali diaspora all over the world. March (chapter 19) investigates Tamang women’s experiences of migration informed by gendered subjectivities and Hausner (chapter 20) projects future directions for the Nepali diaspora.

Although religion is a repetitive subject in the book with regard to the three-year project ‘Vernacular Religion: Varieties of Religiosity in the Nepali Diaspora’ (2009–12) from which it emerges, its strength lies in defining the Nepali diaspora and giving a voice to Nepali migrants. The Nepali diaspora is diverse, made of labour migrants, middle-class cosmopolitans, mobile health care workers, transnational performers, military service members, and their families, brought together and divided by languages, caste, ethnicities, and ancestry. Nepalis spread around the globe continue to negotiate their identities with the awareness that ‘Nepal is a land of ancestry, but is neither a home nor a homeland’ (p. 508).