Gendered experiences of African male learners in child- and youth-headed households: implications for the role of psychologists

Abstract

The aim of this study was to describe the gendered experiences of African male learners living in child- and youth-headed households. The participants included seven male learners, identified through a non-profit organisation in the Soweto area. Data were collected through individual interviews, collages, and essays and analysed using qualitative content and thematic analysis. The theoretical framework included the works of Erikson and Nsamenang. The findings indicated that cultural practices and gender roles of boys were important aspects for the participants. Also, the presence of an older male figure in their lives was crucial. The social support from family and friends made a significant difference for them. Their resilience was seen in their desire to be educated so that they could have a better future, as well as in their ability to not engage in community violence. Based on the findings, relevant recommendations are provided with emphasis on the role of psychologists.

Keywords

Africa child- and youth-headed households gendered experiences male learners psychologists

Challenges pertaining to political turmoil, economic constraints, health, and death often contribute to parents being unable to take care of their children making child- and youth-headed households (CYHHs) more prevalent, particularly in Africa (Van Breda, 2010). Generally, CYHHs are defined by the absence of an adult as carer, and this role is assumed by one of the children (Human & Van Rensburg, 2011). The development of children in such households raises concerns in terms of coping in the absence of parental guidance and socialisation (Francis-Chizororo, 2010). In South Africa and Swaziland, children in CYHHs have had to leave school as they cannot cope with the stigmatisation and financial responsibilities (Maqoko & Dreyer, 2007; Pillay & Nesengani, 2006; Poulsen, 2006; The United Nations Children’s Fund, 2003). Consequently, these children experience fear, isolation, abuse, increased risk of HIV infection, malnutrition, illnesses, and loss of inheritance.

Despite statistics which indicate that child-headed households (CHHs) largely consist of boys (Statistics South Africa, 2012), few studies have focused on male children in CYHHs. In some contexts, boys may experience more material deprivation, a heavier burden of household duties, and receive less adult and teacher support (LeRoux-Rutledge et al., 2015). Therefore, investigation of their experiences proves beneficial. Furthermore, in African cultures, boys tend to hold a more dominant social status and may be in a better position to take care of their families (Evans, 2011; Francis-Chizororo, 2010).

Poulsen (2006) found that in CYHHs in South Africa and Swaziland, the girls generally assumed the responsibility of caring, while boys undertook the responsibility of earning an income. In Tanzania, it was found that 55% of boys in CHHs were engaging in casual work to fund their schooling (Bendera, as cited in Evans, 2011). Income-generating activities included washing clothes and cars, running taxis, hair-braiding, fetching water and firewood, and selling loose cigarettes (Dalen, Nakitende, & Musisi, 2009; Donald & Clacherty, 2005). In Tanzania, it has been reported that boys have had to assume domestic worker positions to earn money and have subsequently been harassed and exploited for this (Evans, 2010). However, child and youth heads have also reported receiving money or food from relatives and neighbours (Dalen et al., 2009).

These findings highlight the vulnerability of boys, especially, to the world of work. Adult behaviours and responsibilities threaten the well-being of children as they are forced to mature before their time (Becker, 2007; Burton, 2007). Educational attainment and participation in their communities and society may also be hindered (Becker, 2007). In Swaziland, boys in CHHs tended to be less interested in school and preferred to work instead (Poulsen, 2006).

Children in CYHHs are also more vulnerable to various forms of abuse and exploitation (Maqoko & Dreyer, 2007). Research in South Africa suggests that sexual abuse is more prevalent among children whose primary caregiver is absent (Mullen & Flemming, as cited in Mabala, 2006). In Pillay’s (2012) study, one of the participants emphasised that he felt responsible for ensuring the safety of his siblings. This highlights the protective role of boys in CYHHs.

The provision of support for orphans in Africa is especially difficult (Becker, 2007; Maqoko & Dreyer, 2007). According to Human and Van Rensburg (2011), current governmental intervention strategies and programmes do not sufficiently address the needs of CYHHs in South Africa. Part of the difficulties encountered by these programmes is the limited clarification of the definition of CYHHs, which makes it problematic to identify them. In addition, accurate statistics of CYHHs are not available, and this makes it difficult to determine the extent of the problem (Human & Van Rensburg, 2011). Another major challenge is the contradiction between the stipulations and implementations of policies. The shortage of human resources further exacerbates this. Official programmes and recommendations have also not appropriately acknowledged the cognitive, physical, psychological, and emotional differences of orphaned children and youths (UNAIDS/UNICEF/USAID, 2004).

Despite these challenges, many studies have shown that these children can be resilient (e.g., Ciganda, Gagnon, & Tenkorang, 2012; Germann, 2006) and are not necessarily more vulnerable than children in other settings (Richter & Desmond, 2008). Richter and Desmond (2008) found that individuals in CYHHs, in South Africa, were less economically vulnerable and also reported less hunger than children living in households with working-age adults. This may be because CYHHs receive support from non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and extended families (Ciganda et al., 2012). Also, when youths and children opt to stay together, they are better able to support each other emotionally, maintain connections with each other and their communities, and avoid maltreatment by relatives (Evans, 2012; Ruiz-Casares, 2009).

Theoretical framework in this study

Erikson’s (1963) developmental stage of identity versus role confusion was applied because of the age of the participants. Erikson (1963) postulates that during this stage, adolescents undergo rapid bodily changes and genital maturity. As such, adolescents must face these physical changes and the adult tasks that they are expected to undertake. The main crisis during this stage is forging an identity versus confusion over the roles that one must play. It has been acknowledged that this theory represents a predominantly Western perspective disregarding many developmental variations and issues in the African context (Pillay, 2014). However, there are useful elements which can still be drawn on. To address this, Nsamenang’s (1992, 2005) ideas are used to integrate an African perspective regarding the development of the participants.

Considering the collective nature of African cultures, Nsamenang’s (1992) bioecological theory of human development is important to understand as it clarifies the participants’ context of development. This theory posits that development is influenced by genetic predispositions and cultural influences which interact with one another and affect how individuals flourish in their environments. Furthermore, Nsamenang (2005) maintained that three periods characterise the human cycle in Africa – a social, ancestral, and spiritual selfhood – which emphasise development within a social context.

Method

The aims of this study were to explore and describe the gendered experiences of 12- to 14-year-old African male learners living in CYHHs and make recommendations based on the findings. A qualitative approach was used to allow for in-depth analysis of the data, and importance was given to the life worlds of the participants (Joubish, Khurram, Ahmed, Fatima, & Haider, 2011). A multiple case study design was used as this further supported in-depth investigation (Lindegger, 2006). Considering the gender-related issues highlighted, a social constructionist paradigm was applied.

Participants

Purposive sampling methods were used as the participants were required to be between the ages of 12 and 14 years old, male, living in a CYHHs, and able to converse in English. They were accessed through a non-profit organisation (NPO) operating in the Soweto area, which had a relationship with surrounding schools. The sample comprised seven participants who were attending schools in Soweto. The social workers at the NPO assisted in identifying the participants as they interacted with them on a daily basis and provided them with food and other social services. They were also familiar with the learners’ home circumstances.

Although it was required that the participants be conversant in English, a preliminary check revealed that they were either able to speak or understand IsiZulu or Sotho. A colleague, proficient in Sotho (mother tongue) and IsiZulu, was asked to be available to translate words and phrases, if required. Her involvement was minimal as the majority of interviews and conversations were conducted in English. The participants did not experience difficulty in expressing themselves in English and easily understood the questions.

Instruments

Data were collected through semi-structured individual interviews. Questions were derived based on the literature reviewed and prior informal conversations held with the social workers and the participants. The following questions provided a guideline: (1) What is expected of a young man in your culture? (2) What duties/chores/roles do you currently fulfil in your household? (3) What are your experiences as a boy in a CHH? (4) What challenges do you experience as a boy? and (5) Are you treated differently to the girls in your family or other girls?

The participants were also asked to write short essays, in English, and create collages depicting their experiences as young males in CYHHs. These collages were interpreted with the participants.

Procedure

The interviews were recorded and transcribed. The participants were asked to underline key words and phrases in their essays which they deemed important. They were also provided with magazines and stationery to compile collages. The magazines used were South African and represented a variety of audiences, for example, Bona, Joburg Style, Huisgenoot, YOU, among others. It was ensured that the pictures in the magazines represented diverse, cross-cultural pictures of families, ethnicities, interests, beliefs, and lifestyles. However, future research should consider the use of more appropriate magazines.

Ethical considerations

Approval was obtained from The University of Johannesburg’s Ethics Committee. Informed consent was sought from the family heads and obtained from the social workers at the NPO. To the knowledge of the researchers, the participants did not have legally appointed guardians and court applications for this may take considerable time. According to the Children’s Act (South African Government, 2005) and The Department of Social Development’s (2010) National Guidelines for Statutory Services, the social workers would be responsible for identification and care of CHHs. Furthermore, assent was obtained from the learners, and the process was explained to them. Pseudonyms were used, and recorded material was treated confidentially.

Data analysis

Both thematic and qualitative content analyses were used. Thematic analysis was used to identify themes by their repetitive nature. Content analysis was then used to evaluate the content in the themes identified. Content analysis allows for consideration of entire cases and appreciation of social realities in a personal but scientific way (Schreier, 2012). Zhang and Wildemuth’s (2009) steps for conducting content analysis were followed.

Results and discussions

The five dominant themes which emerged from the data are presented below. Where appropriate, quotes have been included from the interviews, essays, and discussions around the collages. The words of the participants were copied verbatim, disregarding any language errors.

Cultural practices and gender roles

Expectations of being a male in an African context

Generally, as young boys, they were expected to show ‘respect and have fun with other children’ (Mbongi, interview). They were also told to ‘listen to what they say to you’ (Neo, interview). The participants seemed to embrace these teachings and expectations as evidenced by Simon’s response in his essay: ‘the way I respect them I always respect the outsider’. Sipho also spoke of respect in his essay: ‘I like to respect old people and other people’. This can be linked to a study conducted by Greely, Maharaj, Letsoale, and Miti (2013) which found that the ideal man was characterised as being respectful, dignified, and altruistic. Uncivil behaviours are often viewed as being animalistic in the African context (Nsamenang, 1992). Therefore, children are guided in terms of this as they develop. The social system in many African communities places elders in authoritative positions, and this may also explain the respect displayed by the participants towards others, especially older people.

The African notion of Ubuntu also emerged as an important aspect in the participants’ lives. Ubuntu refers to being human, valuing the good of one’s community, and striving to help others (Outwater, Abrahams, & Campbell, 2005). This notion also emphasises being human through others (Mkhize, 2008). It further postulates that humanity is affirmed when the humanity of others is acknowledged. The importance of these beliefs was clear in what Mbongi wrote in his essay: ‘to be a good person have a good heart give charity (. . .) and people can remember you’. Neo further explained that in ‘my culture, I have to do something that is right to another person’ (interview). Sipho expressed that he ‘likes to share advantages’ (essay).

Nsamenang (1992) explains that a person can only attain a sense of self through reference to a community. This means that altruistic characteristics ensure an individual’s integration into a community and, in turn, will promote healthy social and personal development. In African communities, it is also believed that the good of the community should come before the benefit of the individual. These ideals reflect the essence of Ubuntu.

In total, three of the boys mentioned that they would be expected to take care of their families one day. Sipho explained that ‘my challenges at home is to take care of my sister and brothers when they are old, show them the respect that I have and that they have bring to me’ (interview). This also emphasises the traditional gender role of men in African communities. In many cultures around the world, particularly patriarchal ones, masculinity is ascertained by involvement in activities outside of the home (Silberschmidt, 2001). Attaining financial independence also asserts authority and position as head of the household.

This is significant as none of the participants were the heads, but they had ambitions to become providers for their families in the future. Again, this can be linked to the influence of gender roles in many African cultures – it is expected that a man be able to support his family (Greely et al., 2013). This finding also resonates with other studies conducted in Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe which indicate that in future, there will be an increase in male heads in CYHHs because of the cultural and social expectations of men in African cultures (Dalen et al., 2009; Evans, 2011; Francis-Chizororo, 2010).

Circumcision

The ritual associated with circumcision is an important rite of passage in many African cultures which prepares boys for manhood. Therefore, many of the boys had either participated or were going to participate in this ritual. All of the participants knew and had been spoken to about it – usually by a male. The sensitivity of the issue was highlighted by the participants’ hesitancy to speak about the topic in depth. This may be because it is not considered culturally appropriate to discuss what happens during the process (Vincent, 2008). However, it could be deduced that it was difficult as explained by Peter: ‘I did circumcise because when you circumcise you don’t play a lot because you get hurt . . . it was very hard’ (interview). Simon also maintained that ‘it was exciting but at the same time painful’ (interview).

Erikson’s (1963) ideas of the conflicts experienced in adolescence can be applied here. Developmentally, this is a significant time as the participants are reaching the end of childhood and learning about the roles expected of them as adults, which include taking care of their families and participating meaningfully in their communities. The readiness of children for adulthood is determined by how well they fulfil their social roles (Nsamenang, 2005). At the same time, adolescents are also experiencing biological maturation which may exacerbate the conflict of this stage. Furthermore, in African cultures, the timing of circumcision is important as it emphasises these physical changes. Nsamenang (1992, 2006) stressed the importance of culture, context, and community as they interact with biology to greatly impact on development.

Chores

The most common household chores performed by the boys were washing dishes, clothes, and cleaning outside. Only one boy said that he cooked but only because his sister was pregnant. Cooking was still viewed as a female activity as shown by Simon’s response ‘because girls cook and I don’t know how to cook’ (interview). Nkosi also expressed a similar notion that it is ‘the girls’ jobs . . . to cook’ (interview).

Generally, the boys did not express negative attitudes regarding the chores they did. In Francis-Chizororo’s (2010) study, it was found that boys in CHHs performing domestic roles, such as washing and cleaning, were embarrassed by this. This suggests that within the participants’ homes, there is a redefinition of gender roles and expectations. Nsamenang (1992) recognised that youth are more aware of contemporary life and maintained that urbanisation has influenced changes in the traditional constructions of manhood (Barker & Ricardo, 2005). Furthermore, the majority of the African population consists of young people (Diouf, 2003). This means that they may play a major role in changing traditional gender norms and expectations. The willingness of the participants to contribute to their households in this way may also be because they have positive male role models in the community, including male social workers.

Identification with an older male figure

Many of the boys mentioned a significant male figure in their lives who taught them, or was going to teach them, what was expected of them in their culture as boys, including circumcision. Sipho clarified that ‘they expect me to go to the mountain and take the role to be a man . . . my brothers and my uncles . . . they’ve just been telling me that it is very important in our culture to go there’ (interview).

African traditions value education as part of culture (Nsamenang, 2005). This ensures that knowledge is transmitted from one generation to the next. It is, therefore, not uncommon for elders to teach the youth about their cultural heritages and expectations. This socialisation also ensures the successful integration of young people into the social sphere. Erikson (1963, 1968) emphasised that it is imperative that youth have positive older persons in their lives who can offer them support and guidance as it is an age of exploration.

Interestingly, Nelson Mandela emerged as a prominent figure for them. In total, three of the boys used pictures of Nelson Mandela in their collages. They expressed respect for him and appreciation for what he did for the people of South Africa. Simon admired him for having ‘brought freedom to all of us in South Africa’ (collage). Sipho would ‘like to be like Nelson Mandela, the way he is’ (collage). The participants’ identification with an older male figure may be appropriate within an ecological environment as Nsamenang (1992) maintained that individuality is not encouraged in African communities.

The importance of education

Education emerged as an important aspect for the participants. One of the participants explained that education was important ‘to grow up’ (Sam, collage). All of the participants attended school and intended to continue with their education. This finding contradicts other studies (e.g., Evans, 2011; Masondo, 2006; Pillay & Nesengani, 2006; Poulsen, 2006) which have reported high drop-out rates of children in CYHHs, especially boys. This suggests that these households, with adequate support, may be able to provide for their basic needs. Generally, they enjoyed attending school and learning new things as indicated by what Simon wrote, ‘I love school because it gives me the education and education is a key of life (. . .) I encourage the all those who don’t have parents don’t drop out of school learning is exciting’ (essay). Sipho also maintained that ‘all I like to be in my life is to work hard in my studies because they are very important to me and they are my key of my life’ (essay).

Their ambitions to continue with their schooling may also be linked to the expectation that one day they must look after their families. Having these ambitions also suggests that they are willing to work hard to realise their goals. This contradicts Poulsen’s (2006) finding that pressures to generate an income influenced boys to leave school. The participants would rather stay in school to obtain a good qualification and enter the working world as professionals. Erikson (1963, 1968) linked the identification of career objectives and goals to healthy development. Occupational ideals influence identity formation.

Avoiding violence and aggression in community

It was evident from the collages, interviews, and essays that violence and aggression are prominent in the participants’ communities. However, they reported that they preferred to avoid hostility. Some of the boys were taught by an older male figure, with whom they identified, to stay away from the fighting and violence. Mbongi explained that ‘he spoke to me about not beating other children’ (interview). Neo also maintained that he must ‘not let other people fight and do not go where other big people fight because you will get hurt. You don’t know what they are fighting for and you don’t know what does he have in his pocket’ (interview). Sipho expressed the futility of it and that ‘people are just fighting for just a little thing and they make it big’ (collage).

These attitudes contradict common perceptions of masculinity in African cultures which portray men as being dominant and aggressive (Barker & Ricardo, 2005). They also challenge the idea that boys are not encouraged to display much emotion, apart from anger (Wallace, 2007). Developmentally, it would be expected that these boys would emulate the behaviours they are exposed to; however, they are displaying resilience. The teachings of Ubuntu were also reflected here in the attitudes of the participants and the value of education in African cultures (Nsamenang, 1992).

Family and friends

Expectedly, the participants missed having parents in their lives. Mbongi expressed this by saying, ‘because you can’t . . . when you hear other people saying “mom” and you can’t say “mom”’ (interview). Pictures of happy families were used frequently in the participants’ collages. Despite the feeling of missing their parents, the majority of the participants were happy living within their current family structures, and they acknowledged that they were fortunate to have had this support system. This was illustrated by Mbongi’s response: ‘because the people that I am staying with, they help me with everything I need to do’ (collage). Simon also expressed that ‘I’m protected my family always tell me that they love me when I wake up in the morning and when I sleep at night’ (essay). They were also aware that had they not had older siblings to take care of them, their circumstances might have been much worse. Peter explained that he

feel so happy because when my mother passed, I was told that I will be a street kid but my sister was helping me with things and making me to believe don’t be a stealer or a drug dealer or something like that. (Interview)

Extended families were still very much involved in assisting these households, whether it be the provision of school uniforms, food, or emotional support, as evidenced by Nkosi: ‘people help me out, it’s my aunty, (with) things like uniform’ (interview). Peter also explained how his family contributed: ‘yes I have cousin . . . three cousin . . . and my granny and my two aunty . . . my oupa . . . ya (they help everyday)’ (interview). Although there is evidence that extended families are unable to absorb CYHHs (Becker, 2007; Maqoko & Dreyer, 2007), they were still a vital source of support for the participants and their families, as shown by this and other studies (e.g., Evans, 2012). Therefore, the notion that a child can never be an orphan in the African context (Ciganda et al., 2012) may be appropriate through the principles of Ubuntu.

Ciganda et al. (2012) maintain that it is often better for orphans to remain together in CYHHs than it is for them to separate. This way they are able to safeguard their assets and support one another. Furthermore, youth and children benefit from a sense of belonging to their communities and families (Ruiz-Casares, 2009). According to Nsamenang (1992), in the African context, parents are not the only ones who play a role in child rearing; extended family, siblings, neighbours, and friends are also involved. This has possibly allowed for the children in these CYHHs to continue to live together.

In terms of other social relationships, many of the participants preferred to have one or two close friends. Mbongi explained that ‘I only have two friends . . . because I don’t like chilling with too many people’ (interview). Similarly, Neo asserted that

I don’t have friends, I have a friend . . . because when I am doing something he tells me that’s not right or that is good and I can tell him what I like and he is interested in my life. (Interview)

Simon also did not ‘have many friends I have just three friends one friend at school and where I live I have two friends because the other people smoke drugs’ (essay).

Their close friends were aware of their orphan status and that they did not have parents at home. The friends offered support and encouragement, as Sipho explained, ‘they ask me to learn hard and take care of myself and my family’ (interview). Thurman et al. (2006) confirm that youth and children in CYHH value peer relationships and maintained close relationships with at least one friend.

Erikson (1963, 1968) stressed the importance of peer relationships during the identity versus role confusion period. This is also relevant in the African context as the social environment impacts on the development of the self (Nsamenang, 1992). In African communities, it is common for the peer group to provide care and mentorship. Therefore, the presence of these good friends is an important support system.

The study may have encountered limitations including the language barrier and the limited depth of the data which may have resulted thereof. Nonetheless, meaningful information regarding the experiences of boys in CYHHs was obtained. These findings are significant as they highlight the resilience of children in CYHHs. They also indicate that boys in CYHHs can be socialised to become valuable members in their households and communities and need not succumb to their difficult circumstances. Previous research studies have emphasised the problems which have hindered children in CYHHs; however, the findings of this study show that boys in these households can be resilient. It is also suggested that appropriate support and interventions can aid the plight of these households.

While resilience was displayed by the participants, psychologists may play a role in further supporting boys in CYHHs and their communities. The Department of Social Development (2010) maintains that programmes implemented to assist CHHs often focus on material and basic needs, and this may neglect psychosocial aspects. Therefore, psychologists could contribute to these programmes by advising on the incorporation of interventions for psychosocial support.

Although cultural expectations and gender norms are socially constructed and regulated, interventions can be useful in steering the socialisation of boys in a positive direction, as was being done with the participants in this study. This may include school-based programmes to address gender norms that foster inequality and interventions within communities that include both men and women as advocates for gender equality. Positive role models, such as the social workers, in communities and schools would be beneficial in providing the youth with guidance. The role of psychologists could involve assisting with the development of community intervention programmes to address gender inequality. The notion of Ubuntu should also be embraced, as done by the participants, and used positively to address these issues.

The services provided by the social workers should be replicated in other communities where it is needed. Similar NPOs should be established in more communities, and psychologists can collaborate with social workers to develop programmes and interventions that address psychosocial issues. It is important to educate these families and provide them with information about the support services they can access.

The participants’ value for education indicates that schools can play an important role in empowering boys. The role of psychologists in schools can be pertinent in assisting with career development by providing qualitative and quantitative career assessments, counselling, and workshops. Career development can also be included in the Life Orientation curriculum where learners are introduced to and guided in terms of choosing a career and what their available options are. Psychologists can act as consultants in this regard. Funding options should also be explored and discussed at an early stage so that they can plan appropriately. Higher education institutions should collaborate with schools and NGOs/NPOs to identify and empower these learners. Perhaps, special funding schemes can also be established to assist them. Psychologists may also collaborate with other stakeholders such as schools, government, and the private sector.

Community interventions can further educate community members about the existence of these households and how they can play a role in supporting them with the means available to them. This way the peer group can also be educated about how to best support their friends in CYHHs. Extended families should also be educated about the needs of these households and their supportive roles. The research draws attention to the ways in which psychologists can further assist children in CYHHs.

Conclusion

The aim of this study was to explore the experiences of boys in CYHHs with the intention of providing recommendations to support such individuals. The adversities encountered by CYHHs have been highlighted previously, and it is evident from this article that such households may cope given the appropriate support. This article has also emphasised the role psychologists can play in these contexts and the support they can provide to help empower and educate vulnerable children in CYHHs.

Footnotes

Funding

This work is based on research supported by the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the Department of Science and Technology and National Research Foundation of South Africa. South African Research Chair: Education and Care in Childhood, Faculty of Education: University of Johannesburg, South Africa (grant no. 87300).

References

Barker

Ricardo

(2005). Young men and the construction of masculinity in Sub-Saharan Africa: Implications for HIV/AIDS, conflict, and violence. Washington, DC: World Bank.

Becker

(2007). Global perspectives on children’s unpaid caregiving in the family: Research and policy on ‘young carers’ in the UK, Australia, the USA and Sub-Saharan Africa. Global Social Policy, 7, 23–50.

Burton

(2007). Childhood adultification in economically disadvantaged families: A conceptual model. Family Relations, 56, 329–345.

Ciganda

Gagnon

Tenkorang

E. Y.

(2012). Child and young adult households in the context of AIDS epidemic in Zimbabwe, 1988–2006. AIDS Care, 24, 1211–1218.

Dalen

Nakitende

A. J.

Musisi

(2009). ‘They don’t care what happens to us’. The situation of double orphans heading households in Rakai District, Uganda. BMC Public Health, 9, Article 321.

Department of Social Development. (2010). National guidelines for statutory services to child-headed households. Retrieved from http://www.dsd.gov.za/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=63&Itemid=39

Diouf

(2003). Engaging postcolonial cultures: African youth and public space. African Studies Review, 46, 1–12.

Donald

Clacherty

(2005). Developmental vulnerabilities and strengths of children living in childheaded households: A comparison with children in adult headed households in equivalent impoverished communities. African Journal of AIDS Research, 4, 21–25.

Erikson

E. H.

(1963). Childhood and society. New York: W.W. Norton.

10.

Erikson

E. H.

(1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. London, UK: Faber & Faber.

11.

Evans

(2010). Poverty, HIV, and barriers to education: Street children’s experiences in Tanzania. Gender & Development, 10(3), 51–62.

12.

Evans

(2011). ‘We are managing our own lives . . .’: Life transitions and care in sibling-headed households affected by AIDS in Tanzania and Uganda. Royal Geographical Society, 43, 384–396.

13.

Evans

(2012). Safeguarding inheritance and enhancing resilience of orphaned and young people living in child-and youth-headed households in Tanzania and Uganda. African Journal of AIDS Research, 11, 177–189.

14.

Francis-Chizororo

(2010). Growing up without parents: Socialisation and gender relations in orphaned-child-headed households in Rural Zimbabwe. Journal of Southern African Studies, 36, 711–727.

15.

Germann

S. E.

(2006). An exploratory study of quality of life and coping strategies of orphans living in child-headed households in an urban high HIV-prevalent community in Zimbabwe, Southern Africa. Vulnerable Children and Youth Studies, 1, 149–158.

16.

Greely

Maharaj

Letsoale

Miti

(2013). Traditional male circumcision for reducing the risk of HIV infection: Perspective of young people in South Africa. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 15, 178–159.

17.

Human

S. P.

Van Rensburg

G. H.

(2011). Challenges in the management of support and care programmes for child-headed households in South Africa. Journal of Nursing Management, 19, 959–966.

18.

Joubish

M. F.

Khurram

M. A.

Ahmed

Fatima

S. T.

Haider

(2011). Paradigms and characteristics of a good qualitative research. World Applied Sciences Journal, 12, 2082–2087.

19.

LeRoux-Rutledge

Guerlain

M. A.

Andersen

L. B.

Madanhire

Mutsikiwa

Nyamukapa

. . . Campbell

(2015). It’s harder for boys? Children’s representations of their HIV/AIDS-affected peers in Zimbabwe. AIDS Care, 27, 1367–1374.

20.

Lindegger

(2006). Research methods in clinical research. In Terre Blanche

Durrheim

Painter

(Eds.), Research in practice (2nd ed., pp. 455–475). Cape Town, South Africa: UCT Press.

21.

Mabala

(2006). From HIV prevention to HIV protection: Addressing the vulnerability of girls and young women in urban areas. Environment & Urbanization, 18, 407–432.

22.

Maqoko

Dreyer

(2007). Child-headed households because of the trauma surrounding HIV/AIDS. HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies, 63, 717–731.

23.

Masondo

(2006). The lived-experiences of orphans in child-headed households in the Bornkhorstspruit area: A psycho-educational approach (Unpublished master’s thesis). University of Johannesburg, South Africa.

24.

Mkhize

(2008). Ubuntu and harmony: An African approach to morality and ethics. In Nicolson

(Ed.), Persons in community: African ethics in a global culture (pp. 35–44). Scottsville, South Africa: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press.

25.

Nsamenang

A. B.

(1992). Human development in cultural context: A third world perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

26.

Nsamenang

A. B.

(2005). The intersection of traditional African education with school learning. In Swartz

Rey

Duncan

(Eds.), Psychology: An introduction (pp. 327–337). Cape Town, South Africa: Oxford University Press.

27.

Nsamenang

A. B.

(2006). Human ontogenesis: An indigenous African view on development and intelligence. International Journal of Psychology, 41, 293–297.

28.

Outwater

Abrahams

Campbell

J. C.

(2005). Women in South Africa intentional violence and HIV/AIDS: Intersections and prevention. Journal of Black Studies, 35, 135–154.

29.

Pillay

(2012). Experiences of learners from child-headed households in a vulnerable school that makes a difference: Lessons for school psychologists. School Psychology International, 33, 3–21.

30.

Pillay

(2014). Challenges educational psychologists face working with vulnerable children in Africa. In Corcoran

(Ed.), Psychology in education: Critical theory~practice (pp. 95–111).

31.

Pillay

Nesengani

R. I.

(2006). The educational challenges facing early adolescents who head families in rural Limpopo Province. Education as Change, 10, 131–147.

32.

Poulsen

(2006). The gendered impact of HIV/AIDS on education in South Africa and Swaziland: Save the children’s experiences. Gender & Development, 14, 47–56.

33.

Richter

L. M.

Desmond

(2008). Targeting AIDS orphans and child-headed households? A perspective from national surveys in South Africa, 1995–2005. AIDS Care, 9, 1019–1028.

34.

Ruiz-Casares

(2009). Between adversity and agency: Child and youth-headed households in Namibia. Vulnerable Children and Youth Studies, 4, 238–248.

35.

Schreier

(2012). Qualitative content analysis in practice. London, UK: SAGE.

36.

Silberschmidt

(2001). Changing gender roles and male disempowerment in rural and urban East Africa: A neglected dimension in the study of sexual and reproductive behavior in East Africa. Paper prepared for the XXIV IUSSP General Population Conference, Salvador, Brazil. 18-24 August 2001.

37.

South African Government. (2005). Children’s Act, No. 38. Retrieved from http://www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=67892

38.

Statistics South Africa. (2012). Social profile of vulnerable groups in South Africa – 2002-2011. Retrieved from http://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/Report-03-19-00/Report-03-19-002012.pdf

39.

Thurman

T. R.

Snider

Boris

Kalisa

Mugarira

E. N.

Ntaganira

Brown

(2006). Psychosocial support and marginalization of youth-headed households in Rwanda. AIDS Care, 18, 220–229.

40.

UNAIDS/UNICEF/USAID. (2004). Children on the brink: A joint report of New Orphans estimates and a framework for action. Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/publications/index_22212.html

41.

The United Nations Children’s Fund. (2003). Orphans and other children affected by HIV/AIDS. New York: Author.

42.

Van Breda

A. D.

(2010). The phenomenon and concerns of child-headed households in Africa. In Liebel

Lutz

(Eds.), Sozialarbeit des Südens, Band III: Kindheiten und Kinderrechte (pp. 259–280). Oldenburg: Paolo Freire Verlag.

43.

Vincent

(2008). ‘Boys will be boys’: Traditional Xhosa male circumcision, HIV and sexual socialisation in contemporary South Africa. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 10, 431–446.

44.

Wallace

D. M.

(2007). ‘It’s a M-A-N thang’: Black male gender role socialization and the performance of masculinity in love relationships. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 1(7), 11–22.

45.

Zhang

Wildemuth

B. M.

(2009). Qualitative analysis of content. In Wildemuth

(Ed.), Applications of social research methods questions in information and library science (pp. 308–319). Westport, CT: Libraries Unlimited.