Abstract
Adventure programming provides an exemplar for interventions through which adolescents may experience holistic development, interdependence, competence, and learn to model pro-social values. This study used a phenomenographic methodology to investigate the different ways in which a sample of 37 adolescents experienced a 27-day school-based wilderness adventure programme and identify aspects of the programme that were critical to variation in programme outcomes. The analysis revealed four conceptions of the programme: (a) long gruelling school hike, (b) school initiation/rite of passage programme, (c) once-in-a-lifetime group adventure, and (d) multifaceted learning and development opportunity. These categories of description are structured hierarchically, relate directly to programme outcomes, and evolve from different levels of awareness in six critical dimensions of variation, including: (a) programme characterisation, (b) the nature of group processes and interactions, (c) the nature and level of connection and interactions with adult group leaders, (d) the depth of engagement in various components of the programme, (e) the personal relevance that experiences had for participants, and (f) the type of growth and learning that was perceived to have accrued from these experiences. These findings and their implications for both adventure programming design and implementation, and for research on psychological interventions are discussed.
Keywords
The social context of modern youth has been described as ‘information-rich but experience-poor, where family unit-bonds are attenuated and stressed, where schooling further isolates children from meaningful challenges and direct participation in society, and where the media often model destructive, anti-social values’ (Kimball & Bacon, 1993, p. 19). To address these contextual risks, psychologists must make available health-promoting interventions fostering positive, holistic, individual, and community development (Mustakova-Possardt, Lyubansky, Basseches, & Oxenberg, 2014). One such approach is adventure programming (AP), defined as ‘the deliberate use of adventurous experiences to create learning in individuals or groups, that results in change for society and communities’ (Priest, 1999, p. xiii). Numerous synonymous titles and types of programmes are referred to in the literature, with the term adventure-based experiential learning (AEL) common in South Africa (Louw, Meyer, Strydom, Kotze, & Ellis, 2012). AP can be conducted in wilderness contexts, and follow camp or expedition models (Russell, 2001), or be staged in an artificial adventure environment, such as low- or high-rope courses (Gass, 1993). Combining modalities maximises on the strengths of each approach (Greffrath, Meyer, Strydom, & Ellis, 2013). There is an impressive range of models delineating the process of adventure programmes, from pre-affiliation to separation or forming to adjourning (McPhee & Gass, 1993; Priest & Chase, 1989). The most current meta-analysis of outcomes suggests an overall effect size 0.47 for adventure therapy treatments (Bowen & Neill, 2013). Taken together the literature suggests that the field is in a fairly mature stage in its scientific development (Bandoroff & Newes, 2004).
The potential of such programmes for addressing pressing South African issues spurred a flurry of activity in the late 1990s and early 2000s (Heunis & Vermeulen, 2004; Robertson, 2000). Unfortunately growth stagnated, and plans to implement a development and regulatory framework proposed by Robertson (2000) failed to materialise. Currently, voluntary accreditation and training are available for educational and developmental programmes through the Adventure Recreation Association, therapeutic programmes are completely unregulated, and the only law governing AEL provision or staff qualifications is the requirement in the Child Justice Bill that diversion programmes be accredited (Skelton, 2008). Lamentably, at-risk, economically disadvantaged, and marginalised youth are only likely to ever experience AEL as a diversion option. Following a 5-year research programme into US wilderness therapy programmes, Hendee (2000) concluded that the cost of high-quality programmes prevents access for disadvantaged adolescents who stand to gain the most from such programmes. South African outcome studies demonstrate moderate to significantly high levels of improvement on a number of outcomes including personal development (Weilbach, Meyer, & Monyeki, 2010), personal and social skills (Judkins & Mundy, 2016), leadership (Draper, Lund, & Flisher, 2011), personal effectiveness (Louw et al., 2012), group effectiveness (Greffrath et al., 2013), resilience (Bloemhoff, 2006), community empowerment (Naidoo & van Wyk, 2003), as an adjuvant to ongoing therapeutic interventions (Dreckmeier-Meiring, 2004), rehabilitation of former combatants (Robertson & De Kiewit, 1998), and as a diversion option (Steyn, 2010). A notable gap in the literature is research into how AEL theory and practice could collaborate with existing traditional rites of passage, such as Umemulo or Ulwaluko, for greater adoption of such rites and development of pro-social values and norms among South African youth. The existing research engages only the tip of the iceberg as most programmes lack a solid theoretical foundation and perform little or no systematic research into their process or outcomes (Leggett, 2005). One reason is that isolated programmes seldom have sufficient numbers to allow for robust quantitative analysis. One way to overcome this challenge is to pool data through a coordinated research programme (e.g., Russell, 2003). However, without mandatory accreditation and centralised regulation, this is not feasible in South Africa. Another alternative, qualitative methods, allow for collection of detailed data, particularly adapted to clinical questions relevant to the field, from a small number of AP clients providing insights into the experiences and meanings they found salient (Neill, 2003; Russell, 2006). Meanings are important because AEL success hinges on how effectively clients internalise meaning from adventure experiences, metaphors of growth, rituals, and natural consequences and apply these to real life (Pinnock & Douglas-Hamilton, 1998; Russell, Hendee, & Phillips-Miller, 2000). This study utilised phenomenography to describe the different ways in which a school-based wilderness AP could be experienced (outcomes) and identify the critical features of participants’ recollections responsible for variation in conceptions of the programme (processes).
Method
The particular design adopted for the purpose of this study was phenomenography. Phenomenography can be classified as a qualitative approach that focuses on individual lived experiences (Marshall & Rossman, 2011), is interpretive in approach (Merriam, 2009), aims at discerning patterns within conceptualisations (Tesch, 1990), and takes a second-order perspective to map the conceptions a group of people have formed of a mutual phenomenon that is abstract, academic, or reflected on understandings of directly experienced events (Marton, 1986; McKenzie, 2010). The outcomes of any phenomenographic study typically include an (a) elaboration of the categories of description, which is a form of expressing conceptions of the studied phenomenon as they are expressed by respondents in the context of the study, that may, or may not, describe the entire range of possible conceptions of a phenomenon; (b) detailed analysis of the relationships within and between categories, which are analysed by looking at the structure of awareness that constitutes each category, with an understanding that structure and meaning are symbiotic; and (c) outcome space, a diagrammatic or structural representation that synthesises the researcher’s understanding of the relationships within the complex of varying ways in which a phenomenon has been experienced (Åkerlind, Bowden, & Green, 2005; Marton, 2000).
Participants
A purposeful maximum variation sampling approach, favoured in phenomenography, was used to ensure that as many potential conceptions of the adventure programme as possible were included in the sample (Åkerlind, 2005). During the orientation sessions, all programme participants and their parents or caregivers were informed of the study and invited to participate. Approximately 60% of the informed consent forms were returned. Upon participants’ return from the AEL programme staff were requested to use their judgement to select 5 scholars for interviews from each of the programme groups, generally consisting of around 18 participants, choosing participants so that different attitudes, experiences, and ways of engaging in the programme within and between groups would be represented in the sample. Three participants did not arrive for their interviews leaving a final sample of 37 grade 9 high-school learners, 19 of which were male and 18 female. The respondents came from families occupying upper-middle to higher socio-economic levels, and 36 of the respondents were White.
Instruments
Data generation took the form of individual, semi-structured, digitally audio-recorded interviews held in a private room in the school library either 1 or 2 days after respondents returned from the programme. Interviews began with rapport building before starting with a general question of what the programme was for participants – how they would describe it to someone who had no knowledge of the programme. The same opening scenario was used for all respondents (Bowden, 2005). Questions were kept as open-ended as possible to allow respondents to choose dimensions to focus on, revealing each respondent’s relevance structure (Marton, 1986). Probes and situated questions exploring events, experiences, and activities participants found significant that defined their experience of the programme were used to develop an understanding of the respondents’ awareness of the phenomenon and explore underlying meanings (Åkerlind, 2005). Cognisant of the normative school discourse about the programme, and the tendency to generalise responses to ‘they’, ‘he’, ‘she’, or ‘them’, the researcher (first author) often clarified whether descriptions accurately reflected the respondent’s personal reflections, feelings, and awareness. At the end of each interview, respondents were asked if anything important had not been asked, or should be said, and this often elicited more discussion. Discussion continued until a sense of the interviewee’s intentions towards the programme coalesced without becoming repetitive or uncomfortable (Åkerlind, 2005). Participants were then thanked for their participation, reminded of their ethical rights, and where necessary discussed their feelings in a debrief. The interviews generally lasted around half-an-hour to 45 min and were transcribed for analysis using the first author’s idiosyncratic transcription conventions for capturing pauses, sequences, vocalism, or other important non-verbal information.
Procedure
Participants took part in a 27-day AEL programme conducted annually by the school through wilderness areas in the Western Cape as a rite of passage expedition for senior students. The students began their expedition at the school and then for almost a month covered approximately 360 km of mountainous and rural farmland on foot, bicycle, and canoe. They concluded their journey with a special symbolic ceremony to celebrate their achievement before returning by bus to the school where they were received by awaiting family and friends. The learners took part in the programme in small groups, with each group accompanied by two adult leaders (teachers or facilitators). They participated in activities aimed at building individual and group competencies such as raft building, food groups, group debriefs, journaling, prescribed reading, and a 30-hr solo.
Ethical considerations
Informed consent was obtained from the school’s principal, the head of experiential education, the programme director, parents, and respondents themselves. Stellenbosch University ethics review committee gave ethical clearance for the study. Steps to manage and process residual emotions or distress resulting from interviews, keep interviews as pleasant as possible by making the setting safe and comfortable, ensuring interactions were supportive and respectful, using pseudonyms and not transcribing sections of interviews that participants had explicitly requested not be shared with anyone, and encrypting and securely storing all raw data were applied.
Data analysis
Phenomenographic data collection and analysis are sequential activities and the mapping process used is differentiated from the cataloguing process common to most qualitative methods (Bowden, 2005; Tesch, 1990). Transcripts are analysed as a whole, because each transcript takes on meaning only in relation to the meanings contained in all other transcripts (Åkerlind, 2005). Phenomenographic analysis requires an understanding of the underlying intentional attitude of the respondent towards the phenomenon (Åkerlind et al., 2005). Initially, utterances that gave sufficient evidence of a particular overall meaning were grouped into themes, termed the referential aspect of meaning. Then, the structural aspect of meaning, the logical relationships between these categories, was investigated by identifying the specific aspects of the phenomenon that were focused on and the ways in which explicit variations in aspects discerned lead to critical variation in the meanings formed (Åkerlind, 2005; Åkerlind et al., 2005; Marton & Pong, 2005). Bracketing preconceptions and theoretical orientations to get underneath what participants were intending to say was important (Bowden & Walsh, 2000). The stability of initial conceptions was tested by iteratively adopting different interpretations while subsequently reading through the data and reconstituting or refining the categories until nothing new emerged (Bowden, 2005; Bowden & Walsh, 2000). In this study, RQDA (R Qualitative Data Analysis; Huang, 2009), a free computer-assisted qualitative data analysis (CAQDA) software package, was used to conduct the analysis. RQDA meets Booth’s (1993) requirements for CAQDA software used in phenomenography, including: (a) simplifies management of transcribed interviews while facilitating access to raw data; (b) allows for coding of quote fragments; (c) allows for detailed code names that are meaningful to researchers; (d) facilitates code and theme creation, management, and deletion; (e) allows for access to themes, transcript information, and memos associated with quote fragments; (f) facilitates access to the interview context for any selected quote; (g) contextualisation of quotes with the same or similar themes; (h) provides for capturing memos on the evolution of themes and other aspects of the analysis; (i) has functions for sorting, selecting, and reporting with variations for different stages of a study; and (j) is ergonomic and user-friendly.
Results and discussion
Analysis aimed at mapping the different ways in which respondents talked about their experience and analysing the aspects of these descriptions that are critical during processing of the experience (Bowden & Walsh, 2000). The analysis yielded a typology of four different conceptions of the programme related to different extents to which programme outcomes were achieved (outcome space), and the identification of six mechanisms, which when experienced or perceived in different ways, shape the overall outcome or conception of the programme (dimensions of variation). These are described below.
Categories of description were mapped into four, separate, hierarchically structured conceptions of the adventure programme and given labels to aid quick reference to the composite meanings attributed to each. These are (a) long gruelling school hike, (b) school initiation/rites of passage programme, (c) once-in-a-lifetime group adventure, and (d) multifaceted learning and development opportunity. The outcome space is represented graphically in Figure 1.

Outcome space.
Within the first conception of the programme, long gruelling school hike, focus was centred on physical aspects such as the distance, difficulty, or discomfort experienced during activities. Discussions of social challenges, growth, or even positive aspects of the experience were framed in discussions of what was physically experienced. Emotional responses were negative (e.g., loss or bitterness) when physical challenges were perceived as unfair, extreme, or unnecessary; or positive (e.g., perseverance and accomplishment) when physical challenges were seen as implicit and something to be endured. Focus on physical challenges led to group fragmentation due to physical ability and the transference of school social network patterns to the wilderness context preventing the formation of new social norms and values. Existing school social hierarchies were extended to accompanying adults, who were described as distant and holding positions of power and privilege. This subverted the ability of leaders to connect with participants and guide the development of group values and goals. Physical challenges and social fragmentation may have been endured more readily by males than females, who may find physically challenging activities intrinsically enjoyable – an opportunity to demonstrate machismo and develop status – while females are more likely to be deeply impacted by the loss of supportive relations and prefer outdoor activities that facilitate intimate connections (Bruyere, 2002). Perceived outcomes like physical strength, fitness, greater willingness to engage in sports, and appreciation for family, friends and comforts back at home characterised this conception. These are significant in their direct influence on physical health and body image (Scully, Kremer, Meade, Graham, & Dudgeon, 1998), and because changing attitudes towards sports and exercise among adolescents who are still sedentary by the ninth grade is very challenging (Tibbits, Caldwell, & Smith, 2008). An example of a transcript excerpt reflecting this conception is
[paging through journal] and I wanna quickly quote it here, today was a stupidly long day over a huge amount of contour lines and we kept on going up and then down and up again I couldn’t breathe [long pause] . . . I’m sorry but it’s all physical for me, [programme], I’d been told by a friend that [programme] is a mental journey disguised as a physical, no it was me expecting it to be mental and it coming out physical. (JP5BF)
Numerous examples of utterances demonstrating each of the conceptions can be found in Zygmont (2014).
The second conception of the programme, school initiation/rites of passage, is more complex and is associated with outcomes closer aligned to programme goals. Participants describe it as a school initiation rite that earns them a place as seniors and casts them into the role of conqueror – an identity that is empowering and fortifying for most youth (Kimball & Bacon, 1993). Greater awareness of the emotional challenges that form part of the programme was evident, and more emphasis was placed on respondents’ social experiences – particularly making new friends not previously in their social networks, which may improve school adjustment (Crisp & Hinch, 2004). Attaining a desired status in the school was an important incentive. Participants endured the demanding physical aspects, but the fun activities made the programme a tolerable experience at the least, or at best, an enjoyable break from school routine. Fun activities ensure greater intrinsic reward for participation, may motivate engagement, and engender positive subjective experiences of the programme. However, without good facilitation and processing, they are unlikely to result in sustained changes (Pace, 2003). Adults were perceived as fitting into traditional teacher, disciplinarian, or authoritarian roles. The perceived hierarchy and enforcement of arbitrary authority to ensure order or mete out discipline is likely to have created barriers between participants and adult leaders (Hill, 2007). For others, it may have resulted in routine conformation, but prevented opportunities for participants to question, consider, and develop their own pro-social values (Hoyer, 2004). Outcomes associated with this conception of the programme included appreciation, accomplishment, confidence, independence, an enlarged social network, and feeling a great sense of pride, belonging, and entitlement to be called a senior in the school. As illustrated by this quotation,
but I I do find that it’s almost like um the, the coming of age of our our school, which I think is really nice because you feel like you’ve earned a place in um the senior part of the school . . . it feels really it feels like you’ve accomplished something, like uhmm, it’s hard to explain um, like, in other schools they have initiation and whatever. (CA7DF)
The third category of description was once-in-a-lifetime adventure programme. Here focus shifted from having fun on a school trip, to emphasis on meaningful group interactions that were not merely enjoyable, but also unique, fostered growth, intimacy, development of social skills, and provided powerful experiences for greater self-awareness of one’s strengths and weaknesses. The programme was described as a gestalt of multiple, modest, yet powerful experiences and moments that all coalesced to provide a nexus of memories and feelings that were described as difficult to verbalise but deeply meaningful and empowering. Descriptions suggested a greater awareness of freedom to choose one’s own implicit and explicit norms without arbitrary repercussions enforced by authority figures. There was also an appreciation for natural consequences and the cause and effect patterns innate to social interactions, which is a cornerstone of AP (Gass, 1993). Group interactions took a central focus and were perceived as significantly different to those at school. Participants explained that spending all day and night together in strenuous activities meant participants did not have the energy needed to maintain the persona they would adopt at school. They were aware that they needed to collaborate as a group, which created numerous opportunities for authentic exchanges of support and encouragement in the midst of shared challenges and emotional trials. When adventure groups experience a strong sense of peer support, trust develops allowing for intimate feelings and thoughts to be shared, strengthening social bonds, which then scaffold as a support structure ensuring positive resolution of further difficulties and therapeutic growth in an iterative positively reinforcing cycle (Schoel & Maizell, 2002). This kind of group dynamic was often described by participants as a family. Activities, such as the debrief and camp-fire question-answer sessions, were seen as opportunities to meaningfully process shared emotional events, experience self and others in an authentic way, and allowed the group to became not only a vehicle for enjoying the programme but also a window on one’s own and others’ social behaviour. Adult leaders were fundamental to the facilitation of pro-social group dynamics and were described as engaged, approachable, part of the group, and easy to identify with. Most mundane decisions and problems were left to the group members to consider, but leaders actively discussed problems and penalties with the group when needed. An interview excerpt demonstrating this theme is
only me or the person who has been on [programme] will know what it felt like to um, to conquer that huge mountain or to, um, help someone to see them smiling or to get talked about at debrief and appreciated or to um, cook that food every night or to you know what I mean _ mmm _ so like you really altogether like, you had to, you kind of have to experience it all and put it together to really know. (SR1FF)
The most efficacious conception of the programme was one in which respondents perceived activities as opportunities for learning and growth along physical, intellectual, emotional, social, existential, and spiritual dimensions. Participants had individually front-loaded clear goals and expectations for growth before commencing the programme and were able to identify isomorphic metaphors of their lives in their programme experiences (Schoel & Maizell, 2002). Participants understood the programme to be an opportunity to work on themselves, a space in which they could establish their identity. The challenging physical, emotional, and social experiences were described as unpleasant, but valuable opportunities for personal, social, emotional, and spiritual growth. The value accrued was a gestalt from social interactions, environmental and physical hardships, and guidance from leaders that were mediated by the personal goal of learning and gaining value from the programme. These descriptions provide support for a theoretical model of APs that balances physical challenges, which include high levels of perceived risk and demand engaged collaboration for successful resolution, with high levels of perceived social support and appropriately modelled problem-based coping mechanisms (Davis-Berman & Berman, 2008; Newes & Bandoroff, 2004). This theme was differentiated from others by the intensity and described frequency of reflection about the programme, participants’ lives, relationships, future, and character – a key contributor to growth on such programmes (Gass, 1993). Debriefs (communal reflection) and solo (introspection) provided a space in which participants were able to give meaning to their experiences, take account of what they had achieved, and become more cognisant of their own growth – referred to as second-order change (Nicholls, 2004). Descriptions of existential and spiritual challenges gave evidence participants reached the most recondite level of psychological depth in reflection discussions (Ringer & Gillis, 1995). The programme leaders were respected for the value they added, both in terms of their outdoor-related and general life experience, and their ability to provide emotional and instrumental support and model adaptive coping. Descriptions gave evidence of a desire to apply learning through concrete plans and goals related to school, family, and general life. Overall, utterances here give evidence of a motivation for, and awareness of, growth that took place through engagement with programme experiences. These utterances demonstrated that participants were able to form isomorphic metaphors that gave meaning to their experiences and were facilitated by meaningful social exchanges and skilful guidance by adult leaders (Bacon, 1987). For example,
I’d say it’s it’s very hard it pushes you to your limits but in the end you do enjoy it and stuff. And your, without even realising, the little things you’ve never really thought about in life you can’t take for granted because you’ll be thinking about them so often and that um yeah you’ll learn, you really do learn like something every day whether it’s small or big whatever, and it just you basically learn also more about yourself and um you learn about people as well. (EA5BF)
Dimensions of variation are analogous to mechanisms of change; they are particular themes that are critical to distinguishing between emergent categories of description based on expanding levels of awareness across the categories of description (Åkerlind, 2005). Six dimensions of variation were identified that explained the hierarchical relationships between the four categories of description, namely: (a) programme characterisation, (b) group processes, (c) adult leader alliance, (d) depth of engagement, (e) personal relevance, and (f) perceived outcomes.
The overall characterisation of the programme represents a synthesis of the entirety of participants’ views of the programme, called the internal horizon of participants’ conceptions (Marton & Booth, 1997). At lower levels this was unidimensional, seeing the programme as simply a long hike or school programme, whereas at higher levels more of the critical aspects of the programme, such as changes in social dynamics, were brought into a thematised state (Marton, 1994). To develop more powerful experiences of a programme, participants must be given the opportunity to become aware of the variation in critical features of the programme, and different ways in which these could be experienced (Lo, 2012).
The nature and dynamics of peer interaction was the second dimension of variation. Those who failed to develop interdependence or engaged only superficially with their group were unlikely to derive any benefits compared to those who saw in their interactions new ways of experiencing themselves and the way they relate to others (Ringer & Gillis, 1995). This dimension highlights the need for adult leaders to facilitate group development processes that allow pro-social values to be adopted by the group, create a space for vulnerability and support, and nurture functional communication skills and social behaviours (Goldenberg & Soule, 2011; Russell, 2005).
The third dimension was adult leader alliance. Participants could experience leaders as distant, authoritarian, or separated from the group resulting in boundaries of influence between themselves, the leaders, and other positive influences in the group. At higher levels, participants associated with leaders because they were perceived as part of the group, shared the same experiences, and had wisdom to contribute. In adolescent therapeutic interventions, over half of the variance in outcomes is attributed to therapeutic alliance (Rosenfeld, 2009). In adventure programmes, leaders who possess both hard and soft skills, model adaptive and pro-social attitudes and behaviours, maintain egalitarian participation in activities, and who actively seek to develop trust, appropriate disclosure, and facilitate reflection are a necessary condition for effectiveness (Kimball & Bacon, 1993; Newes & Bandoroff, 2004).
The fourth dimension, depth of engagement, reflected variations in levels of engagement with the programme ranging from compulsory attendance to seeking and valuing the opportunity for community, growth, and learning. When participants are purposefully engaged in the programme, are willing to persevere through difficulty, and make use of the supportive group environment, they are more likely to experience activities as peak experiences and self-identify as heroes and conquerors (Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999).
The fifth dimension was personal relevance – the motivation participants have for change, the extent to which they are self-directed, have clear goals for the programme, and value they search for and ascribe to their experiences (Russell, 2000). The final dimension involves outcomes participants perceive as being accrued through their engagement. Higher level outcomes including social skills and integration, refinement of self-concept and identity, and cultivation of personal values are key outcomes in positive development among adolescents (Weisz & Hawley, 2002).
In summary, the findings of this study describe four different ways in which this programme was reflected on and six factors influencing participants’ experience. The factors that mediate the effectiveness of the programme are interdependent and most likely become salient at different stages of the programme. During the pre-affiliation stage, specific work on the characterisation of the programme, feeding into the personal relevance of the programme, is important as participants work through their anxieties, expectations, and establish clear goals (McPhee & Gass, 1993). From the power and control through to the differentiation stages, the outdoor leader alliance becomes critical and leaders should vary leadership styles as the programme progresses (Schoel & Maizell, 2002). Deeper levels of awareness in each of these dimensions are likely to lead to greater motivation and depths of engagement, increasing the relevance of the programme for participants, so that by the adjourning stage clients have identified growth and learning and formed strategies to transfer this learning to their home and community contexts (Nadler, 1993). These findings are in line with current understanding of AP processes. Based on these findings, and the existing literature, it is suggested that AEL activities should be carefully chosen and sequentially presented to meet the needs of the client population, adapted to the skills and knowledge of the programme leaders, and synchronous with the natural and social context on the day (Bisson, 1999; Newes & Bandoroff, 2004). As part of the process of facilitating effective programme delivery leaders should assess and facilitate greater levels of awareness of key programme components (Lo, 2012).
Limitations of this study included that the primary researcher, a phenomenographic novice, worked independently and would have benefited from collaborating with a team of experienced analysts. Second, variation in weather conditions, trails followed, group dynamics, group leaders, and various other factors from group to group could mean each group was experiencing a different AEL. This could result in variation in programme conceptions stemming from actual differences in programme delivery, and not merely variations in discernment of critical features among programme participants. However, this limitation has more theoretical relevance than practical import. Third, programme leaders’ familiarity with participants was leveraged to select a maximum variation sample, but objective assessment approaches could also be used. Finally, the sample was severely biased as a function of continued racial socio-economic disparities in South Africa. While serving as an exemplar of AEL design, the programme beneficiaries were almost exclusively White learners. Extended wilderness expedition-based programmes serving a greater diversity of youth, particularly those with limited exposure to positive youth development interventions, must be established and researched.
Conclusion
This study has demonstrated an alternative methodology for evaluating the perceived outcomes and processes impacting on psychological interventions. This approach is based on the assumption that the effectiveness of interventions is determined to a large extent by the meanings and conceptions that clients form of critical aspects of the intervention. This study found that a sample of 37 adolescents experienced a school-based adventure programme in four distinct ways, based on the variation in meanings of six aspects of the programme which were critical in differentiating between different conceptions of the programme experience. These findings have important implications for programme delivery. For adventure programmes to have optimum efficacy, leaders should be aware of participants’ conceptions of critical aspects of the programme, and structure activities and discussions that allow participants to experience as many dimensions of variation as possible in positive and empowering ways. This study has demonstrated how phenomenography can be used to delineate these critical aspects of participants’ experience and thereby facilitate programme design and implementation.
Future research should assess the utility of phenomenography to other psychological interventions, seek to identify dimensions of variation in other APs, and seek to establish the generalisability of the mechanisms of change identified in this study to other populations and APs. Furthermore, the industry would do well to follow the developmental pathway of AP in other countries that opted for credentialing and organisation of the field (Priest, 1999; Robertson, 2000), and increase access to marginalised and economically disadvantaged youth, who Hendee (2000) concludes ‘may exhibit the greatest benefits from wilderness experience programs’ (p. 12).
Footnotes
Funding
The author(s) wish to thank the Southern Africa-Indian Ocean Division of Seventh-day Adventists and Helderberg College for financial support of this research.
