The pre-independence psychological experiences of the Namibian children of the liberation struggle: a qualitative study

Abstract

The Independence of Namibia in 1990 witnessed the voluntary repatriation of exiled Namibian people back home. Children of the liberation struggle is the term used to refer to the grown-up children of veterans who were under the age of 18 years before Namibian Independence. Since 2008, demonstrations and demands for jobs from government by the children of the liberation struggle have taken place regularly, drawing harsh criticism about the behaviour and demands of the children of the liberation struggle from the general private and public Namibian domain. This study aims to explore the pre-Independence psychological experiences of the Namibian children of the liberation struggle in an attempt to understand their conduct. A qualitative approach was employed where in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 employed children of the liberation struggle in the Khomas region. The collected data were categorised by means of thematic analysis. The results revealed themes which demonstrate that most children of the liberation struggle experienced adversities like growing up separated from their parents, in unstable conditions, having experienced maltreatment, constantly afraid of the enemy and having endured traumatic war-related situations. The study recommends sensitisation of the broad Namibian public on the lived experiences of the children of the liberation struggle. Psycho-education programmes and psychological interventions in the form of therapeutic group sessions and individual sessions with children of the liberation struggle can assist with reflection on the past, making sense of it and find healing to move on with their lives. Government and the private sector should cooperate in rendering training and job opportunities for the children of the liberation struggle.

Keywords

Children of the liberation struggle family mental health Namibian Independence stress trauma war well-being

Politics of memory remain important in Namibia (Metsola, 2015). The protest demonstrations of the Namibian children of the liberation struggle (CLS) seeking employment from the Namibian government have been observed since 2008 (Haidula, 2014; Pinehas, 2017). The Namibian CLS have been displaying anger and frustration as a result of many years of waiting for employment from the government. This frustration boiled over and demonstrating CLS camped at the Ndilimani Farm at Brakwater intentionally trespassing and damaging property of the residents of Brakwater near Windhoek in an attempt to get government to react faster to their demands (Pinehas, 2017). Violence has been reported to be perpetrated by the CLS (Haidula, 2016). In August 2014, violence between the Namibian police and the CLS resulted in the death of a member of the CLS (Tjihenuna, 2014). The behaviour of the camping CLS seems to have led to the current negative perception of the CLS by the public and the media, and has become a national concern (Cloete & Van Wyk, 2018; Miyanicwe, 2020).

During the late 18th century, Namibia was colonised by Germany (Dierks, 2002). In the early 19th century, Namibia came under South African rule, after Germany lost the First World War. In 1921, Namibia became a League of Nations trust territory administered by South Africa (Dierks, 2002; Sturges, 2004). South Africa continued to colonise Namibia and applied the apartheid system, which was a system of social engineering that included such aspects as the pass laws and the migrant labour system (Sturges, 2004). Unhappy with the state of affairs, the Namibian people’s struggle against South African rule commenced formally in 1957 with the launch of the Owamboland People’s Congress (OPC) (Dierks, 2002). OPC soon became the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) which was Namibia’s anti-apartheid and anti-colonialism movement. Between 1960 and 1989 many Namibians, including women, children, and the elderly, went into exile either to participate in the armed liberation struggle or to escape the harsh realities of apartheid. With the permission of respective neighbouring countries such as Angola and Zambia, SWAPO set up refugee camps for civilians, as well as military bases for their military wing, the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) (Krause & Kaplan, 2017). These camps were also referred to as SWAPO camps (R. V. Nghiwete, 2010; Williams, 2009).

The Independence of Namibia on 21 March 1990 signified the end of the struggle against colonialism from Germany and South Africa. A voluntary repatriation of approximately 45,000 exiled Namibian people, including children born and/or raised in exile, back to Namibia happened from 1989 (Preston, 1997; Wallace & Kinahan, 2011). These children who were born and/or raised in exile are referred to as the CLS, even though they are now of mature age. The CLS are also commonly known as the ‘struggle children’, ‘exile kids’, ‘returnees children’, or ‘SWAPO kids’ (Iipumbu, 2009; V. N. Nghiwete, 2009).

Child development literature has shown that children who are raised in protected and stable environments show better short- and long-term adjustment than children who grow up in harmful circumstances (Harden, 2004). Optimal conditions are, among others, intact primary caregiver mental health, stable relationships among caregivers, and healthy child-raising techniques (Dickstein et al., 1998). Warm home environments where members are emotionally available for each other with healthy stimulation and a sense of a strong family cohesion also form the basis for positive developmental outcomes in children (Bradley et al., 2003). Stable living environments combined with consistent and positive relationships with primary caregivers contribute to lower levels of physical illness (Gottman & Katz, 1989), better academic achievement (Rezaei-Dehaghani et al., 2018), positive relationships with peers, more pro-social skills, less behavioural problems and better overall mental health (Campbell, 1995). The absence of such conditions is associated with a variety of developmental difficulties such as cognitive, language, and academic delays, poor interpersonal relationships, increased anxiety and depression and higher levels of aggression and impulsivity (Bolger & Patterson, 2001). Parental emotional unavailability can lead to physical growth delays and psychological difficulties in children (Hildyard & Wolfe, 2002).

The perceived demanding behaviour of a group of CLS in Namibia prompts one to consider other perspectives than the mere downplay of their behaviour as demanding and deviant (Iipumbu, 2009). The negative impact of unstable living conditions, neglect, and adverse child-rearing conditions on healthy psychosocial development should not be overlooked. Many of the CLS were confronted with a war situation while being refugees (Iipumbu, 2009). Unresolved trauma and negative consequences of a refugee experience may be observed in the young person’s identity formation, attachment, self-esteem, future aspirations, distress tolerance, and the formation of one’s worldview (Dawson & Rahman, 2016). The prevalence of poor mental health among refugee children has been found to be significantly higher than in the general population (Betancourt et al., 2012; Cederblad & Höök, 1986; Fazel & Stein, 2002; Müller et al., 2019). It will thus be fair to postulate that the absence of early interventions with the CLS could lead to chronic mental health problems. Kirby (2005) compared the late identification of mental health issues to dealing with late-stage cancer. Compromised mental health may negatively influence the ability to be economically productive or to benefit from educational opportunities, leading to challenged circumstances such as substance abuse and dysfunctional family life (Onyut et al., 2009). Shiningayamwe et al. (2014) found that the protesting Namibian CLS faced social and economic challenges following Independence which negatively affect their current life situation. An investigation into how the Namibian CLS experienced life in the refugee camps, and which possible traumatic memories they hold, may provide insight into their behaviour, their difficulties adapting to life in Namibia, as well as their psychological intervention needs.

Method

Participants

The Namibian Exile Kids Association (NEKA) classifies the Namibian CLS in three generations (B. Nakaambo, personal communication, March 11, 2016). The first generation of CLS were born between 1972 and 1978, the second generation between 1979 and 1986 and the third generation between 1987 and 1989/90. The CLS are geographically located in all 14 regions of Namibia. The population of CLS in Namibia is estimated at approximately 20,000 (R. V. Nghiwete, 2010). CLS who were employed and could speak English, from the Khomas region, were recruited to participate in this study. Only employed CLS were interviewed due to safety concerns amid ongoing protest demonstrations of the unemployed CLS. The researcher selected research participants from the first and second generation of the CLS as they were old enough in exile to have a recollection of events and experiences (Table 1).

Table 1.

The gender, generation, refugee camp and country raised in, and country of birth of participants.

Participant no.	Gender	Generation	Refugee camp and country raised	Country of birth	Age of arrival in Namibia	Current age of participants
1	Male	First	Kwanza–Sul (Angola) and Nyango (Zambia)	Angola	13	39
2	Female	Second	Kwanza–Sul (Angola)	Angola	10	38
3	Female	Second	Kwanza–Sul (Angola)	Angola	8	36
4	Male	Second	Kwanza–Sul (Angola)	Angola	8	36
5	Female	First	Kwanza–Sul (Angola) and Nyango (Zambia)	Namibia	12	40
6	Female	Second	Kwanza–Sul (Angola)	Angola	7	35
7	Female	Second	Nyango (Zambia)	Zambia	5	33
8	Female	First	Kwanza–Sul (Angola) and Nyango (Zambia)	Zambia	13	40
9	Female	First	Kwanza–Sul (Angola) and Nyango (Zambia)	Zambia	14	40
10	Male	First	Kwanza–Sul (Angola) and Nyango (Zambia)	Tanzania	13	41

Instrument

An interview guide was developed by the researchers and used as the main instrument of data collection. Questions like ‘What was it like growing up in exile?’, ‘What difficulties do you remember facing as a child in exile?’ and ‘With whom did you stay during your time in exile?’ were posed to the participants.

Procedure

The sampling process commenced via NEKA with the design of a register of potential participants. NEKA linked the researchers to the potential participants by informing the potential participants of the research study and enquiring about their interest in participating. After potential participants granted permission to NEKA, they were contacted telephonically by the researchers. The researchers introduced themselves, provided information on the nature of the study and informed participants what would be required of them. Consenting participants were scheduled for an individual interview of about 45 min. The interviews were digitally recorded. The interviews were conducted at the People’s Education, Assistance and Counselling for Empowerment (PEACE) Centre in Windhoek. The PEACE Centre was established ‘to develop and provide appropriate psycho-social services for victims of trauma, including the victims of organised violence, such as war’ (PEACE Centre, 2005, p. 1).

Ethical considerations

Ethical clearance for the study was obtained from the University of Namibia (FHSS/252/2017). Research participants were assured of confidentiality and anonymity. The participation was voluntary. Participants had the right to withdraw from the study at any time without negative consequences. The researchers were aware that participation in this study might re-traumatise participants. All the participants were therefore debriefed by the researchers, who are clinical psychologists. Arrangements were made for two participants who experienced re-traumatisation to receive psychotherapy at the Windhoek Central Hospital Mental Health Unit. The Windhoek Central Hospital is a public hospital. No costs were thus involved for these two participants.

Data analysis

The recorded data were transcribed by the researchers based on the steps described by Braun and Clarke (2006). The data were coded with the aid of the qualitative data analysis instrument ATLAS.ti, 7th version (Scientific Software Development GmbH, 2013). After the initial coding, the data were sorted into potential themes by creating mind-maps. The relationship between codes and between different levels of themes was considered and sub-themes were also identified. The discovered themes and sub-themes were then defined and named to derive the final themes and sub-themes for the analysis.

Results and discussion

Four main themes with some sub-themes were formulated regarding pre-Independence experiences as depicted in Table 2.

Table 2.

Pre-Independence themes and sub-themes.

Main themes	Sub-themes
Separation	Separated from biological parent(s) Unstable living arrangements
Child maltreatment	Child abuse Self-comforting
Safety concerns	Cautious of the enemy Fleeing from the enemy Felt safe and/or unsafe in exile
Traumatic incidents	Witnessed horrific sights Experienced an attack Hearing bomb explosions Attempted rape

Separation

The majority of the participants from both generations reported being separated from their biological parents in exile at a young age and left with caregivers who were related or unrelated to them.

My mom left me when I was 3 years old and my dad left I think even before that. My dad went to war. My mom went to study in Zambia. So I didn’t know them. I didn’t know my parents. I had foster parents taking care of me. (Female, 36 years old, participant 3)

The absence of biological parents in the camps resulted in participants being cared for by caregivers related or unrelated to them in individual family homes, or by who they referred to as ‘mothers’ at a kindergarten. A kindergarten had a large number of children and the appointed ‘mothers’ were responsible for a group of children. More specifically, those cared for by caregivers moved from one family to another, which caused instability in living arrangements for the children.

. . . there were some [foster parents] that were related to my parents and there were some that weren’t. They were just friends. So I would move from one house to the other, in between. (Female, 36 years old, participant 3)

Hjern et al. (1998) found that traumatic separations between parents and children with poor family support is associated with poor mental health outcomes. Freud and Burlingham (1943) established that the negative effects of war-related separations between parents and children are greater than exposure to war atrocities. In addition, Parrenas (2005) found that children whose mothers (rather than fathers) migrated, experienced more emotional problems due to traditional gender norms related to child care. Bowlby (1988) also found that being forcefully separated from biological parents and loved ones, can lead to negative developmental consequences including mental illness.

Child maltreatment

Child maltreatment was recounted by participants who were reported to have been raised by caregivers. The forms of child abuse that the participants experienced included physical, emotional and verbal abuse, and abusive work assignments.

(. . .) She [mother] came a few months before Independence, she came to get us and we came to Windhoek. Ja [yes], when she saw us she started crying (laugh) and the thing that made her cry is like I told you staying with someone that is not your mother the person will beat you up. So me and my sister ended up having marks, you know when the person has beaten you up, like this one here. (Female, 35 years old, participant 6)

Negative experiences in childhood (abuse, general household dysfunction, and neglect) are associated with poor behavioural, mental, and physical health later in life (Crouch et al., 2017; McGuinness & Waldrop, 2015). Also, when people are exposed to long-term interpersonal and attachment trauma, like some of the CLS in the camps, they can experience a lack of control over their emotional responding (Frewen & Lanius, 2006). Mazzucato and Schans (2011) indicate that caregivers who take the place of the parents are important to the well-being of the children. Children may believe spontaneously that adults who are replacing the caregiving role of parents will be fair, nurturing, and caring and if that is not the case a range of attachment problems can ensue (Bowlby, 1988). Participants revealed that they comforted themselves with thoughts that their parents would eventually return to shower them with gifts in the same way that other parents did when they returned from the battlefield or tertiary studies.

I guess just the hope of meeting my mom or my mom coming back so I could also feel that love. I think it’s really what kept me going. (Female, 33 years old, participant 7)

Children have an innate need to have contact with birth parents for many reasons such as identity formation and for the sake of complete autobiographical information (Howe & Feast, 2000). Adopted children often nurture a birthparent romance fantasy (Rosenberg & Horner, 1991). The phenomenon of the birthparent romance fantasy is evident in the conversations with the participating CLS.

Safety concerns

Safety measures were taught to and practised by children and adults in the camps. All the participants recounted that they were aware of who the enemy was and of what they needed to do to be safe during security threats. The enemies were the South African Defence Force, whom they referred to as the ‘Boers’, and UNITA whom they referred to as ‘Kaxuxua’. The CLS recounted that they were always reminded to be cautious.

. . . it was kind of like you should be careful wherever you are, be careful of your surroundings and who you are talking too. . . . because UNITA’s fight was no longer now just against the Angolan government, the Angolan people authority, it was also against us, SWAPO. Because I remember sometimes when we used to go to Luanda for holiday, you will be accompanied by a military convoy in case UNITA attacks us at least we have some protection. (Male, 41 years old, participant 10)

Although refugee camps were meant to be safe for refugees, safety from the enemy was not guaranteed. Sometimes, it was required to flee from the enemy.

[In Nyango] . . . I remember once we were just told that all the women and children should vacate the place and we were taken somewhere in the bush. It was very late at night. I remember that that time I was still being carried at the back. Not that I couldn’t walk, but it’s just that it was late and people were leaving in a hurry. And then we were actually kept under some make shift tents like with shrubs. I think for almost a week we were kept in the bush, and at night you could hear the guns and the bombs going off and the elders would be talking, ‘yes, they are busy fighting and bombing’ . . . It just comes back as a flash but not in so much detail. (Female, 33 years old, participant 7)

Some participants felt safe growing up in exile because of the protection they had from the PLAN fighters and their parents/caregivers. However, some participants found exile unsafe because of the continuous threat of the enemy.

. . . it was safer in exile because there, there were always soldiers, your parent’s were more over protective. (Female, 38 years old, participant 2)

. . . it was fine except when things got heated up . . . I didn’t know anything else, for me my childhood was like it’s okay until that time when there is war, when they are warning you the enemy is closer, that’s when you get frightened but sooner or later it gets back to normal then you will be a child again. (Female, 40 years old, participant 8)

When people are continuously exposed to traumatic incidents, they can develope post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms and chronic feelings of stress (Freh, 2015) over the long term. Continual exposure to death and destruction at a young age may cause the absence of fright and potentially feeling indifferent to the sufferings of others (Freh, 2015). Traumatised individuals can become emotionally detached from their thoughts, behaviours, and memories (Litz & Gray, 2002) in an attempt to avoid trauma reminders and reactions (Keane et al., 1985). Traumatised individuals who experience emotional numbness may appear to be less severely affected by trauma (Malta et al., 2009). Some of the CLS reported that they are not sure whether circumstances in refugee camps were safe or not, which could be the result of emotional numbing due to trauma.

Traumatic incidents

Most of the participants, especially from the first generation, witnessed or experienced a traumatic incident in exile, like witnessing horrific sights, experiencing an enemy attack, hearing artillery or experiencing an unwanted sexual advance. Flashbacks of these traumatic experiences remain part of the difficult memories that they have of life in exile.

I think now my brain is trying to kick those memories, I don’t want to think about it . . . I think I remember seeing bodies in a place called ‘matrenga’ (the trenches), but I was very, very young. So my memory is really trying to work it so I don’t see those. Because I cannot handle blood or seeing somebody being beaten or hurt, I get very scared and nervous, because I’ve seen dead bodies. (Female, 40 years old, participant 5)

You can see that this thing maybe it just happened recently, the way you see them [PLAN fighters]. And there were those whom you see that when they left you they were all okay . . . After they end up in the battle front there, I don’t know. They are there screaming. There was a certain section also where they put those people, those who were, what do you call it? Traumatized . . . (Male, 39 years old, participant 1)

The participants in this study concurred that they always expected an attack from the enemy. In this way, the participants were often living in fear.

[Driving in a convoy] . . . that fateful day, I remember we lost I think a few soldiers who were shot . . . out of shock, as kids we started screaming and our parents tried to calm us down not to make noise but we could hear the gunshots all over . . . And that attack it’s like UNITA bombed, he was using like this bazookas. I remember one of our trucks, I think it was somewhere in the back (. . .) we just saw smoke (. . .) and the truck lost control, it overturned. And that road, the bad part of it; it’s a very terrible road. It’s very small, very squeezy, and it’s mountainous, it’s on the hills, very dangerous hills . . . So we were attacked and (. . .) we survived . . . Luckily, there were only a few soldiers, most of them survived, it’s only the things that were loaded in the car, the luggage and food and stuff like that, some got spoiled . . . (Male, 41 years old, participant 10)

. . . the bombs when people are fighting you hear that and once you hear that it’s a sleepless night for you, you know already, because it’s outside the camp but you can hear that is war. Gun shots, bombs, so probably in the ears and the mind it really did bother because you are not supposed to sleep you are just waiting to be told that it has come and then you start to be ready already, you know already when a situation comes, everybody knows. (Female, 40 years old, participant 8)

One participant recalled how she was sexually molested in an exile camp and how it still affects her.

There was an older guy . . . Then he said I have to be naked . . . and I must show him my private parts . . . he was kind of like forcing and so forth. I don’t remember really what happened but before he got too physical, I think the mom came and then I left . . . And then recently, was it this year? I saw this guy and he said hi. I just kind of went out and cried. I felt like he really like did something because I don’t remember that he slept with me but there’s a part of me that he saw as a child. I don’t remember the whole details. But I don’t think he raped me . . . But that memory when it came back I just started crying . . . I do not know, maybe he raped me, but I don’t think so . . . but I don’t know why I was so angry. But as I remembered he just saw a part of me uncovered . . . I think I was about seven. (Female, 40 years old, participant 5)

Participants indicated that they have not been able to forget some of these traumatic memories. Traumatic experiences during war conditions were found to lead to high levels of traumatisation long after the war ended (Hasanović, 2012; Rubonis & Bickman, 1991). One of the participants reported to still experience nightmares and negative emotional reactions when traumatic memories are triggered:

. . . Even now I still have dreams running away from those planes in exile, running away like there’s war. (Female, 40 years old, participant 5)

Conclusion

CLS started protesting, sometimes violently, against the Namibian government with certain demands, earning themselves a negative reputation in the country. This study attempted to understand the CLS and their responses better by exploring and describing their life experiences before Independence.

Separation from biological parents from an early age and subsequent unstable living arrangements for many CLS could cause long-term negative effects such as emotional problems and even mental health problems. Child maltreatment, which many CLS experienced, can also lead to behaviour problems as well as compromised physical and mental health. Children trust caregivers. If the caregivers abuse the children, it can create significant trust problems and compromised attachment patterns with longer-term negative consequences. Some of the CLS could often only comfort themselves with the hope that they will be able to live together with their parents again sometime in future. Although the refugee camps were meant to be safe havens, the CLS were well aware of the presence and threat of the enemy. They were constantly reminded that they should be cautious. Some of the CLS indeed had to flee the camps due to attacks from the enemy. The camps provided the CLS with mixed feelings of safety and danger. They would feel safe in the presence of parents/guardians and PLAN-fighters. However, they were always aware that the enemy posed danger to them. Some of the CLS still experience painful memories of the past. The memories are rooted in the various traumatic experiences, enemy attacks, artillery fire, and even unwanted sexual advances.

This study suggests that the current dismay of the unemployed CLS could be motivated by, among others, feelings of disillusionment, hurt, anger and fear. Their current behaviour should be viewed in the context of the unresolved traumatic experiences emanating from their time in exile during the liberation struggle.

The plight and behaviour of the CLS is a Namibian problem that cannot be wished away or ignored. Sensitization of the Namibian public on the lived experiences of the Namibian CLS in exile as well as back in Namibia might facilitate an understanding of their issues. Psychological therapy and psycho-education programmes with the CLS can help them cope with their traumatic histories and enable them to re-integrate meaningfully into current Namibian society. The Namibian government and the private sector need to assist in developing training and employment opportunities for the unemployed CLS.

The study had limitations. The inclusion and exclusion criteria of the sample limited the potential wealth of the collected data. As only English-speaking, employed CLS, within the Khomas region were selected, many of the untold stories are yet to be explored.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Manfred Janik

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