Understanding Latino Grandparents Raising Grandchildren Through a Bioecological Lens

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to provide a summary of the published research addressing the challenges and strengths of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren in the United States. Using the bioecological framework as a guide to organize and understand the published literature addressing Latino grandparent caregivers, we examined refereed articles published over the past 19 years. This framework provides a lens for understanding and situating research on Latino grandparents raising grandchildren to discover Latino grandparents’ strengths and challenges. The areas of foci include financial challenges, intergenerational relationships, reasons for caregiving, health status, language barriers, and culture. This article concludes with future research opportunities and a call to action for more research on Latino grandparents raising grandchildren.

Keywords

custodial grandparent Hispanic Latino grandparent caregivers kinship care custodial care

While grandparent caregiving continues to occur across all racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic groups and geographic regions, some scholars argue that there are distinct racial and ethnic differences in its prevalence (Goodman & Silverstein, 2006; Hayslip, 2009; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004). In 2011, it was estimated that 7.7 million children were living with grandparents (Livingston, 2013). Among children being primarily cared for by a grandparent, 39% were White, 26% Black, 25% Hispanic, and 3% were Asian. Of particular interest for this article is that one in four grandparents caring for their grandchildren has been identified as Hispanic (Livingston, 2013).

Rationale and Purpose of the Article

It is likely that the number of Hispanic grandparents raising grandchildren will increase, as the number of Hispanics in the U.S. population also intensifies. Persons of Latino or Hispanic origin are the fastest and largest growing population in the United States (Ennis, Rios-Vargas, & Albert, 2011), and it is estimated that by 2050, Hispanics will account for 30% of the United States’ population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). The U.S. Census Bureau’s definition of Hispanic or Latino origin is “a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto-Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture of origin regardless of race” (Ennis et al., 2011, p. 2). Furthermore, Latino and Hispanic populations include persons with ancestral origins from over 20 different countries (Harper-Dorton & Lantz, 2007; Motel & Patten, 2012). Thus, significant heterogeneity exists among and between Latino groups which have yet to be clearly understood. On the basis of these definitions, for the purposes of this article, we will use “Hispanic” and “Latino” interchangeably. Additionally, the terms grandparent caregiver and grandparent raising grandchildren will be used interchangeably throughout this article and will refer to a custodial grandparent. A custodial grandparent is a grandparent who has full responsibility for one or more grandchildren (Fuller-Thomson, Hayslip, & Patrick, 2005; Goodman & Silverstein, 2002, 2006).

As the Latino population increases, it is likely that the number of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren will also increase, as will the need for appropriate resources, programs, and interventions for this population. To support Latino grandparents raising grandchildren, services provided to and for them must be appropriate. For this to occur, the strengths and challenges of Latino grandparent caregivers must be further understood. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to utilize a bioecological lens (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) to understand the current literature, as it relates to both positive and negative factors impacting Latino grandparents who are primary caregivers of their grandchildren. As a result, the research question guiding this article is, “What are the factors that influence the experiences of Latino grandparent caregivers in the context of strengths and challenges?”

Theoretical Perspective

Both Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) and Bronfenbrenner’s original ecology of human development (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) posit that human development is the result of the interaction of the individual and context in which development takes place (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). The original ecology of human development theory emphasizes the influence context (also referred to as the ecological system) has on development (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). This ecological system is best described as a set of Russian “nested” dolls, as one system fits inside the next (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998) with a total of four systems: (a) microsystem, (b) mesosystem, (c) exosystem, and (d) macrosystem (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998; Rosa & Tudge, 2013; Tudge, Mokrova, Hatfield, & Karnik, 2009).

Later, it was acknowledged that the ecological theory focused too heavily on context and discounted the role that the person and time have in the developmental process (Tudge et al., 2009). This lead to revisions of the ecology of human development theory into the bioecological theory used to guide this article. The bioecological theory outlines human development as a phenomenon in which an individual’s biopsychological characteristics may endure or change based on the individual’s interactions with his or her environment (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). The theory includes both individuals and groups in its definition of development and acknowledges that the process of development extends over the life course, across generations, and through historical time (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). The bioecological theory incorporates four components: (a) process, (b) person, (c) context, and (d) time (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).

The first component, process, is the progression of development and includes the relation between the individual and the context in which development occurs (Bronfenbrenner, 2005). More specifically, proximal processes, the driving force of development, take place throughout the life course and encompass the types of activities and interactions the individual has with objects, symbols, and other persons (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). In order for the process to be effective, the interaction must occur regularly and for an extended period of time (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Rosa & Tudge, 2013).

The second component of the theory focuses on the “person” by taking into account how an individual’s biological, cognitive, emotional, and behavioral characteristics influence his or her development (Bronfenbrenner, 2005). The context in which development is taking place is the third component of this theory and is based on Bronfenbrenner’s original concept of nested levels or systems (i.e., microsystem, mesosystem, ecosystem, and macrosystem; Bronfenbrenner, 2005). This component considers the context in which development is occurring and its influence on the individual (Bronfenbrenner, 2005). For example, grandparent caregivers are not only influenced by their own personal characteristics but also influenced by family relationships, work roles, community life, and their environments in which they live (Mendoza & Weil, 2014).

The last component in the bioecological theory is the concept of time. Time can influence development in a number of ways. For example, time might be considered when interactions occur, how often they occur, and in what historical context these experiences occur (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Rosa & Tudge, 2013). For instance, for some grandparents raising grandchildren, the school system their grandchildren are attending may be dramatically different from when they raised their children. Teachers may use new and innovative approaches to teaching students that are unfamiliar to some grandparents. These changes may make it difficult for grandparent caregivers to understand how to best support their grandchildren’s educational attainment and success.

As previously noted, proximal processes are at the core of Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory, but the theory specifies that the power of proximal processes is dependent on the characteristics of the person, context, and time in which the proximal processes are taking place (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Tudge et al., 2009). This holistic view of development is what makes Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory appropriate for reviewing and understanding the major concepts identified in the Latino grandparents raising grandchildren literature. This theory is also fitting because it focuses on what drives and impedes human development while taking into consideration the importance of family on an individual’s development (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). Additionally, this theory is important to advancing our understanding of human development (Tudge et al., 2009) and in examining grandfamilies.

Method

This literature review includes refereed articles of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren published over the past 19 years and excludes unpublished theses and dissertations. Although theses and dissertations were not included in this review of the literature, it should be noted that there were a number of theses and dissertations addressing Latino grandparents raising grandchildren published in the past 10 years. Using search terms such as Hispanic, Latino, grandparent, and grandchild, a preliminary search was conducted utilizing Google Scholar, a university library database, and EBSCO databases. Then, the first author met with a university librarian to conduct another search using the Colorado State University databases, including PsycINFO, Social Services Abstracts, and Web of Science. Then, to further expand the literature review, the reference sections of the published works from the preliminary searches were reviewed in an effort to identify other published manuscripts that would be applicable to our research focus. A preliminary review yielded 36 research publications from 1998 to 2016. In order for an article to be included in this review, it must have met the following criteria: (a) an empirical research study focusing on Latino grandparents raising grandchildren (not including coparenting or coresidence), (b) include research identifying strengths and issues related to Latino grandparents raising grandchildren, and (c) published in a refereed academic journal.

Of the 36 publications initially identified, 16 empirical research studies met the inclusion criteria previously described. Four of the 16 publications utilized the same data set (Burnette 1999a; 1999b; 1999c; 2000). Research methods used in the studies consisted of 11 quantitative, 2 mixed-methods, and 3 qualitative research projects (see Table 1). Five studies included small nonrandom samples of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren (e.g., <20 respondents); six studies included medium size nonrandom samples (e.g., 50–75 respondents); three studies included large nonrandom samples (e.g., 350 respondents), and two studies included representative community-based samples. Twelve of the reviewed articles included only Latino grandparents raising grandchildren and four included Latino grandparents and grandparents of other racial and ethnic identities (see Table 1 for additional information on country of origin). All manuscripts included custodial grandparents and some research studies included grandparents who were helping care for a grandchild but were not providing primary care as a comparison group.

Table 1.

Research Participant Demographics.

Study	Sample (N)	Sex (M/F)	Origin	Language
Bullock (2005)	50	F	Mostly Mexican	Language barriers to service access
Bullock and Thomas (2007)	26; 12% Latino GF	M	Unspecified	English or Spanish
Burnette (1999a, 1999b, 1999c)	74	69 F; 4 M	Puerto Rican and Dominican	1 in 5 proficient in English
Burnette (2000)	74	69 F; 4 M	Puerto Rican and Dominican	40 Spanish speaking
Burnette (2009)	59	54 F;5 M	Puerto Rican and Dominican	Fewer than 20% spoke English
Caliandro and Hughes (1998)	8; Latina GM	F	Unspecified	All spoke Spanish & English
Cox (2000)	25 GM; 11 Latina GM	F	Unspecified	All Spanish speaking
Fuller-Thomson and Minkler (2007a)	2,468; 99 GRG	Unclear	Central American	Language barriers to service access
Fuller-Thomson and Minkler (2007b)	15,718; 755 GRG	42.4% M57.6% F	Unspecified	66.2% speak English
Goodman and Silverstein (2002)	1,05; 354 Latina GM	F	Unspecified	N.R.
Goodman and Silverstein (2005)	357	F	78% Mexican	168 preferred Spanish, 91 spoke English and Spanish
Goodman and Silverstein (2006)	1,051; 350 Latina GM	F	Unspecified	N.R.
Goodman and Rao (2007)	11; 6 GRG, 5 GC	N.R.	Unspecified	N.R.
Kopera-Frye (2009)	24, 7 Latino GRG	N.R.	Mexican	85% retain Spanish

Note. N.R. = None reported; GP = Grandparent; GM = Grandmother(s); GF = Grandfather(s); GC = Grandchild, GRG = grandparents raising grandchildren; M = mean.

Content analysis was used to identify emerging themes in the literature. Articles were first analyzed by the third author who began with the identification of general themes derived from reading the literature, followed by a closer examination of the data (i.e., articles) resulting in additional themes (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003). The third author was directed by D’Andrade’s (1991) guide looking for the identification of “repetition of associative linkages” (p. 294) and the “same network of ideas” (p. 287) as she read the manuscripts and developed themes. Further, she incorporated a modified unit-by-variable matrix (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003), whereby the unit in this case was the research article and variables were the themes represented in each article. As a result of this process, the following themes were identified: (a) financial challenges, (b) intergenerational relationships, (c) reasons for caregiving, (d) health of grandparents, and (e) culture.

The first author then followed the same procedures previously discussed and conducted a thematic analysis resulting in the additional theme of language barriers. When the first and third authors disagreed (e.g., how to define or represent the culture of Latino grandparent caregivers), they presented their conflict to the other authors and consulted the literature on Latino families. Thus, we utilized both peer examination (i.e., asking colleagues to comment on the data) and triangulation (i.e., using multiple investigators, data, and literature) to strengthen the trustworthiness of this research (Merriam, 1998). The bioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) was then used to guide our understanding of the themes (see Figure 1) as it relates to both challenges and strengths of Latino grandparent caregivers.

Figure 1.

Bioecological factors influencing the experience of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren.

Salient Findings From the Empirical Literature Addressing Latino Grandparents Raising Grandchildren

After thematic data analysis, several issues relating to the strengths and challenges of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren emerged from the body of literature. The themes include (a) reasons for caregiving, (b) health of grandparents, (c) language barriers, (d) financial challenges, (e) intergenerational relationships, and (f) culture. Finally, in this section, we discuss the themes using Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Theory as our guiding framework (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; see Figure 1).

Process

Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory views proximal processes as the leading mechanism of human development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998; Rosa & Tudge, 2013; Tudge et al., 2009). Proximal processes are key to development because it is through these activities and interactions that individuals understand their world (Tudge et al., 2009). Throughout an individual’s life course, development occurs through progressively more complex interactions (Rosa & Tudge, 2013), and these interactions must occur on a regular basis for extended periods of time for proximal processes to be effective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Rosa & Tudge, 2013).

Although Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Theory emphasizes proximal processes as a driving force of development, it is also evident that all four components of the theory (proximal processes, person, context, and time) are interdependent and constantly working as a constellation (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). Therefore, it is important to note that proximal processes are continuously influenced by and influencing other components of the theory. For example, a Latino grandparent caregiver’s cultural view that family comes first, which can be defined as a contextual factor, may influence the interactions (proximal processes) she or he has with family members. For this reason, this review has not designated a specific section to proximal process factors, instead proximal processes have been integrated into the discussion related to person characteristics and context.

Person

Bioecological theory suggests a person’s individual attributes influence his or her development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). For example, the bioecological theory identifies three types of person characteristics that are influential in shaping development: demand, resource, and force characteristics (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Rosa & Tudge, 2013; Tudge et al., 2009). Demand characteristics are referred to as “personal stimulus” and include characteristics such as gender, skin color, physical appearance, and age (Tudge et al., 2009). Resource characteristics refer to mental, emotional, social, and material resources (Tudge et al., 2009). Force characteristics are the individual differences of temperament, motivation, and determination (Rosa & Tudge, 2013; Tudge et al., 2009).

An individual’s characteristics have the capacity to affect the direction and power of proximal processes, singularly and in combination with each other (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998; Rosa & Tudge, 2013). The influence of person characteristics on proximal processes is demonstrated in the literature addressing Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. For example, a Latino grandparent caregiver who speaks only Spanish does not have the resource characteristic of speaking English. This, in turn, may keep Latino grandparents raising grandchildren from accessing resources that are available to them and their grandchildren. In the next section, the literature addressing person characteristics of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren related to reasons for caregiving, physical and mental health status, and grandparents’ language barriers will be discussed.

Reasons for caregiving

Latino grandparents often take on the caregiving role for similar reasons grandparents of other ethnicities choose to provide care, including parental substance abuse, incarceration, teenage pregnancies, divorce, suicide, parental abuse, and neglect, or to keep the grandchildren out of the foster care system (Caputo, 2001; Bullock, 2005; Burnette, 1999b; Goodman & Silverstein, 2002; M. R. Goodman & Rao, 2007). Additional reasons included economic challenges (Goodman & Silverstein, 2006), child maltreatment (Goodman & Rao, 2007), and parental illness (Goodman & Rao, 2007). Another reason, noted in the literature that is unique to Latino grandparents raising grandchildren in the United States, for becoming primary caregivers to their grandchildren is because parents (i.e., middle generation) are residing in a different country (Burnette, 2009).

Health status

The physical and mental health status of grandparents raising grandchildren are of concern to Latino grandparents. Some of the common health issues reported by grandparents raising grandchildren of all races and ethnicities are insomnia, hypertension, pain, headaches, and hearing problems (Emick & Hayslip, 1999). However, similar to all grandparents raising grandchildren, regardless of race or ethnicity, researchers have found that Latino grandparent caregivers tend to report fair to poor health, citing chronic health issues such as arthritis, hypertension, asthma, or allergies (Bullock, 2005; Burnette,1999b). Further, the prevalence of poor health and depression among Latino grandparents raising grandchildren has been found to be twice that of the general population (Burnette, 1999b). Current research on Latino grandparents raising grandchildren provides some information regarding factors that may influence the psychological well-being of grandparents raising grandchildren. For example, experiencing intergenerational conflict around biological parent problems (Burnette, 2009) or raising a grandchild with special needs has been associated with psychological distress (Emick & Hayslip, 1999) and lower levels of well-being in grandparent caregivers (Burnette, 2009; Goodman & Silverstein, 2002).

Findings related to Latino grandparents raising grandchildren health status are important but have become even more significant when one considers the cumulative disadvantage of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren experience. Latinos, as a group, are more likely to have certain chronic or disabling health conditions (e.g., obesity, diabetes, and high blood pressure), are less likely to seek medical help, and have less access to health services compared with other groups (Burnette, 1999b, 1999c; Farone, Tran, Fitzpatrick, & Phan, 2007). Taking this into consideration, along with the additional stresses of raising grandchildren, it is not surprising that Latino grandparents raising grandchildren report poor health and lower levels of psychological well-being.

Language barriers

In addition to health status, language barriers, especially when communicating with service providers, are commonly cited as a struggle many Latino grandparent caregivers experience (Burnette, 1999a; Bullock, 2005; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004). Yet, little research exists about this important topic. Researchers who have inquired about language barriers have found that a majority of participants have unmet service needs related to language barriers (Burnette, 1999a; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b). Such barriers may keep grandparents from being able to interact with teachers and health providers and often result in an inability to access necessary information, resources, and services (Bullock, 2005; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004). Furthermore, grandparent caregivers who did not speak English often rely on other family members, especially the grandchildren they were raising, for assistance with English (Bullock, 2005; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004). Language barriers are often reported as one of the primary reasons Latino grandparents raising grandchildren do not obtain or seek services (Bullock, 2005; Burnette, 1999a; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004). This provides further support to better understand the context in which Latino grandparent caregivers experience raising grandchildren.

Context

As previously suggested, it is important to consider the context in which development is occurring and the influence it may have on the proximal processes. The bioecological theory describes context as involving four interrelated systems: (a) microsystem, (b) mesosystem, (c) exosystem, and (d) macrosystem (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998; Rosa & Tudge, 2013; Tudge et al., 2009). (For a comprehensive review of these four systems, see Bronfenbrenner, 1977 & 1986; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998.) Human development can occur in any of the four ecological systems (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). Development may occur within one level or across levels; however, the context in which the development occurs can affect the developmental process in a positive or negative manner (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). For example, well-being may be influenced by specific cultural expectations related to the role of a grandparent. To address the role of context, the literature addressing contexts within the Latino grandparents raising grandchildren population such as financial challenges, intergenerational relationships, cultural characteristics, and acculturation will be discussed.

Financial challenges

Latino grandparent caregivers may experience cumulative disadvantage when it comes to financial challenges. Cumulative disadvantage is the idea that the resources a person starts life with will impact that individual’s future resources (Keene, Prokos, & Held, 2012). In other words, those who start life with greater resources will have more opportunities to increase their resources, whereas individuals who start off with less resources will have fewer opportunities to increase their resources and instead will fall further behind.

According to the Pew Research Center, grandchildren who are being raised by their grandparents are more likely to live below the poverty line than those children who are not being cared for by a grandparent (Livingston, 2013). To accumulate to this increase in risk of poverty, Latinos are at a higher risk of living in poverty and represent every 3 out of 10 persons living in poverty in the United States (Livingston, 2013). About 28.6% of Latinos are classified as poor by official poverty measures and another 28.7% are poor according to the supplemental poverty measure in the United States (Lopez & Cohn, 2011). Often, first- and second-generation Latino immigrants are “concentrated in low-wage jobs” (Roberts, Povich, & Mathers, 2013, p. 5), resulting in an ongoing cumulative disadvantage characterized by job scarcity, substandard housing, and unaffordable health care (Garcia-Preto, 2005). The high incidence of poverty among the Latino population may be influenced by low education attainment, lack of immigration status, and poor access to higher status employment and limited upward mobility (Goodman & Silverstein, 2005; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004).

Poverty among Latino grandparent caregivers is more prevalent than among African American and White grandparents (Burnette, 1999c; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004). When compared with African American and White grandmothers raising grandchildren, Latinos had the lowest per capita income and the highest poverty rates (Goodman & Silverstein, 2006). Further, in a study with grandfathers raising grandchildren, Latino grandfathers reported having less income than White grandfathers (Bullock & Thomas, 2007). In addition, Spanish-speaking grandmothers who preferred Spanish over English had lower incomes than those who preferred English (Goodman & Silverstein, 2005). In a study on Latino grandparent caregivers, Burnette (1999b) found that the poverty rate of the sample was three times that of the general population. Furthermore, in a study by Fuller-Thomson and Minkler (2007b), Mexican-American grandparents born in the United States and living below poverty level were twice as likely to become caregivers of their grandchildren. Similarly, in another study researchers found that the “poorest individuals were disproportionally providing care” to grandchildren (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a, p. 10).

Research on poverty has been conducted in the context of other important factors impacting Latino grandparents. For example, poverty was connected to inadequate housing and overcrowding (Bullock, 2005; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007), lack of medical care and resources for grandchildren (Kopera-Frye, 2009), increase in role overload (Burnette, 1999a), grandchild’s length of time with grandparent (Burnette, 2009), and the family’s struggle to meet basic needs (Bullock, 2005).

Other researchers have found similar results regarding financial struggles among Latino grandparent caregivers (Bullock, 2005; Cox, 2000; Goodman & Silverstein, 2002). In Bullock’s study (2005), grandparents reported experiencing the most stress about financial issues related to struggles in meeting food and medical expenses for both children and parents. For example, Bullock (2005) described the case of one participant who explained that the situation was difficult because of not having a lot of money and not receiving any money from Social Security or other governmental agencies. Further, Caliandro and Hughes (1998) found that most grandmothers in their study did not own a vehicle and had to depend on other people or public transportation. The prevalence of financial issues, including poverty, in Latino grandparent households greatly impacts grandparents’ ability to meet basic needs.

Intergenerational relationships

In addition to poverty, Latino grandfamily households often include multiple generations (Burnette, 1999a; Goodman & Silverstein, 2005; Fuller-Thompson & Minkler, 2007a; Kopera-Frye, 2009). There are a larger proportion of Hispanic grandparent-headed households that are multigenerational than African American or White grandparent-headed households (Luo, LaPierre, Hughes, & Waite, 2012). These multigenerational households often include an adult child (usually a daughter), who is not the parent of the grandchild raised by the grandparents (Fuller-Thompson & Minkler, 2007a; Goodman & Silverstein, 2005). Oftentimes, these adult children are involved in the care of grandchildren and serve as grandparents’ confidant and primary source of support. This occurrence can be a cultural norm or one that occurs out of economic necessity (Fuller-Thompson & Minkler, 2007a; Goodman & Silverstein, 2005).

Cultural characteristics

Culture has been identified as “the set of attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors shared by a group of people that are communicated from one generation to the next” (Kopera-Frye, 2009, p. 401). Cultural characteristics among the Latino population and especially among grandparents raising grandchildren are important to explore as culture may have a profound impact on individuals’ and families’ lives. In particular, researchers examining Latino grandparents raising grandchildren identified the role of older adults as important to the Latino culture (Burnette, 1999b, 2009; Caliandro & Hughes, 1998; Cox, 2000; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Goodman & Silverstein, 2006; Hayslip, 2009; Patrick & Hayslip, 2006), including the concept of familismo (or family centeredness; Bullock, 2005; Burnette, 2009; Cox, 2000; Farone et al., 2007; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Goodman & Silverstein, 2002, 2006; Kopera-Frye, 2009; Organista, 2007), and acculturation (Goodman & Silverstein, 2002, 2005).

The role of older adults in the Latino culture

Within the Latino culture, “family” indicates the inclusion of extended family members, which in many respects is the “nuclear” family (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a). Therefore, Latino grandparents are often an integral part of the family and have historically provided caregiving for their grandchildren (Burnette, 2009). Grandparents, in general, are often viewed as key figures in passing on cultural traditions, common values, customs, language, family history, and ethnic heritage (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b). They may also serve as religious advocates, provide support to their family members in times of crisis, and play an essential role in family decisions (Cox, 2000).

Older Latinos identify strongly with their grandparent role, and typically report receiving great satisfaction from this family role (Burnette, 2009; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Hayslip, 2009). Researchers find Latino grandparent caregivers are happy to provide for their grandchildren (Burnette, 1999a; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007). As grandparents, Latinos are normatively expected to be involved in the upbringing of their grandchildren and provide an extensive amount of caregiving. Often Latina grandmothers view custodial caregiving as a normal part of their role within the family (Patrick & Hayslip, 2006). In a study by Caliandro and Hughes (1998), the majority of grandmothers were strongly committed to caregiving and noted their grandmothers had been involved in raising them. In times of crisis, such as migration, grandparents provide stability for their grandchildren (Burnette, 1999a; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a). When Latino family members experience hardship, it is a cultural norm that family members, especially grandparents will help address ensuing problems (Burnette, 1999b, 2009; Cox, 2000; Goodman & Silverstein, 2006).

Familismo

Researchers who have focused on Latino grandparents raising grandchildren stress the importance of understanding the unique cultural differences and identities among Latinos. The role of familismo is discussed extensively in the literature as a unifying value among Latino subgroups (Burnette, 2009; Cox, 2000; Farone et al., 2007; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Goodman & Silverstein, 2006; Kopera-Frye, 2009; Organista, 2007). Familismo relates to the importance of la familia, including the nuclear and extended family as a unit, and is a suggested central feature of the Latino culture (Cox, 2000). Family members identify strongly with one another and have a profound sense of family loyalty, reciprocity, and unity. Interdependence is valued, the collective needs of the family take priority over the individual’s needs, and reciprocal exchange of support is expected (Cox, 2000). Within the framework of familismo, individuals have a moral obligation to help family members, especially those who are struggling (Burnette, 2009; Cox, 2000; Farone et al., 2007; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Organista, 2007).

Familismo includes the desire to have high levels of contact with family (Burnette, 2009; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007b) and when compared with other ethnicities, Latinos tend to have more frequent and more intimate communication with family (Goodman & Silverstein, 2006; Goodman & Rao, 2007). Latinos also tend to have a stronger preference for living near other family members (Burnette, 2009; Kopera-Frye, 2009). It is not uncommon, especially among immigrant families, for three generations to live in the same residence (Bullock, 2005; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007). This living situation may lead to inadequate housing and overcrowding (Bullock, 2005; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2007a, 2007b; Goodman & Rao, 2007). However, “families rarely acknowledged the lack of privacy as a problem” (Goodman & Rao, 2007, p. 1129). Researchers have speculated that attitudes of privacy and space may be based on cultural perceptions (Goodman & Rao, 2007). Multigenerational living is thought to be common among immigrant families because it allows for children to be cared for by the grandparents and older adults to be provided for (Goodman & Silverstein, 2002). This living arrangement fits well with the culture’s focus on familismo because it allows for reciprocity from all family members.

In addition to familismo, la familia is a critical source of support among Latino families. High levels of family support that result from familismo are often viewed as a strength of Latino families. For example, the strong identification, commitment, and attachment among extended family members is thought to promote emotional well-being among grandparent caregivers (Farone et al., 2007; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Kopera-Frye, 2009). It has been assumed that this familial support serves as a buffer to the stress Latino grandparents experience while caregiving for their grandchildren (Hayslip, 2009). Interestingly, literature regarding the Latino culture suggests that many of these aspects of familismo seem to withstand the effects of acculturation (Burnette, 2009; Goodman & Silverstein, 2005; 2006; Goodman & Rao, 2007). Which could mean that the level of acculturation will not affect the benefit familismo has on providing support for Latino grandparents raising grandchildren.

Acculturation

Acculturation is the psychological, social, and behavioral changes that individuals experience when they enter a new and different cultural context (Cabassa, 2003; Lechuga, 2008; Padilla et al., 2011; Stephens, Stein, & Landrine, 2010). It is a continuous process occurring through an individual’s lifetime (Acculturation, 2008; Lopez & Cohn, 2011). Acculturation contains two components: the extent to which the original culture is retained and the extent to which the new culture is integrated (Smokowski, Rose, & Bacallao, 2008).

In the Latino grandparents raising grandchildren literature, acculturation has been proposed as a barrier to services for Latino grandparent caregivers, especially for those families whose members may be undocumented immigrants (Goodman & Silverstein, 2002). For example, acculturation barriers may keep Latino grandparent caregivers from using the services available to them (Goodman & Silverstein, 2002). Further, Goodman and Silverstein (2005) explored the degree to which Latino grandparents were acculturated within mainstream society using language as an indicator. They found evidence that Spanish-speaking grandmothers experienced a better quality of life when compared with Latino grandparents who spoke English or who were bilingual. On the other hand, the use of English appeared to be associated with a grandparent’s involvement in the child’s welfare system and the need to converse with service providers (Goodman & Silverstein, 2005).

Time

Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory asserts that time has a crucial role in human development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). Time was not examined in this review of the Latino grandparents raising grandchildren literature, as researchers did not directly use this construct in their work and there were no salient differences among the studies over the past 19 years. As a result, it is vital that future studies incorporate time in research regarding Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. Perhaps, these grandparents are raising grandchildren in a “time” very different from when they were raising their own children and this, in turn, may impact their understanding, success, and relationship with their grandchildren. For example, in today’s society, utilizing technology has become nearly commonplace for educational pursuits. This may be problematic for some Latino grandparent caregivers as they may come from an era or culture that did not have easy access to technology and, therefore, may be unfamiliar with computers and tablets or how to protect grandchildren from cyber bullying (Lee & Blitz, 2016). Furthermore, based on the previous discussion related to poverty (Bullock, 2005; Cox, 2000; Goodman & Silverstein, 2002, 2005; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004; Livingston, 2013), Latino grandparents raising grandchildren may not be able to afford such technology or internet access. Regardless of the technological or social issues represented by time, this component of the bioecological theory is important to understanding Latino grandparents raising grandchildren.

Discussion

Using Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) as a guiding theoretical lens to answer the following research question, “What are the factors that influence the experiences of Latino grandparent caregivers in the context of strengths and challenges?” we examined the published empirical research from the past 19 years and identified six themes represented in the manuscripts. The themes that emerged from the Latino grandparents raising grandchildren literature are reasons for caregiving, health status, language barriers, financial challenges, intergenerational relationships, and cultural characteristics.

Findings from this study provide evidence that in many ways, Latino grandparents raising grandchildren experience cumulative disadvantages. As grandparent caregivers, Latino grandparents share a set of challenges with caregivers of all ethnicities. In addition, as Latino grandparents are raising grandchildren, they are also faced with higher poverty rates (Lopez & Cohn, 2011), poorer health (Burnette, 2009), and higher rates of depression (Burnette, 2009; Goodman & Silverstein, 2002). This may further be complicated by their experiences with acculturation (Goodman & Silverstein, 2005), role expectations as part of a Latino family (Burnette, 2009; Cox, 2000), and possible linguistic barriers to services (Goodman & Silverstein, 2005; Kropf & Kolomer, 2004). Despite these challenges, findings from the literature also suggest that Latino cultural norms can provide positive experiences and serve as a strength among Latino grandparents raising grandchildren (Farone et al., 2007; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Kopera-Frye, 2009). For example, as discussed earlier, familismo may provide a buffer to the stress of caregiving (Hayslip, 2009) and may promote emotional well-being (Farone et al., 2007; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Kopera-Frye, 2009) among Latino grandparent caregivers.

Implications for Theory and Future Research

Despite the increase in the prevalence of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren, there continues to be a gap in the literature addressing this population. Over the past 19 years, there have been few studies published utilizing samples of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren, and even fewer studies have been published exclusively with Latino grandparent caregivers. This demonstrates the need for further research on Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. Therefore, the purpose of this review was not only to understand the strengths and challenges of Latino grandparent caregivers but also to generate new ideas for future research addressing the experiences of Latino grandparents who raise grandchildren. Our recommendations for future research are organized using person and context of the bioecological theory and include (a) the prevalence and characteristics of Latino grandparent caregiving, (b) additional, unique reasons for caregiving among Latino grandparents, (c) experiences of poverty, (d) the influence of religion or spirituality in the lives of Latino grandparent caregivers, and (e) how familismo and acculturation play a role in the lives of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren.

Person

Prevalence

Despite the U.S. Census’ attempts to measure the prevalence of the number of Latino grandparents who parent grandchildren, the current statistics presented in the literature may not be representative of the entire Latino grandparents raising grandchildren population. This may be especially true among Latino grandparent caregivers, who view caregiving as part of their role as a grandparent and, therefore, do not fill out the Census reports accordingly. Given our review of the literature, it is suggested that Latino grandparents raising grandchildren may live with multiple family members. There may also be situations where the grandparent is not the head of the household but is the primary caregiver for his or her grandchildren and therefore missed during this official count. This potentially could be a relatively large underrepresentation of the Latino grandparents raising grandchildren population and, as a result, demographers should consider further attention to the prevalence of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren in the United States.

Unique reasons for caregiving

In addition to a better understanding of the number of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren, there is also a need to understand reasons for caregiving that may be unique (or more common) to Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. For example, there has recently been an increase in the number of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) worksite raids across the country impacting a specific subgroup of Latino individuals and families. In 2006, ICE carried out one of its biggest workplace raids known as “Operation Wagon Train.” Federal agents raided six meat plants in Utah, Colorado, Nebraska, Texas, Iowa, and Minnesota, and 1,282 individuals were arrested (Homeland Security, Office of the Press Secretary, 2006). Over 500 children were directly affected by these raids (Capps, Castañeda, Chaudry, & Santos, 2007), with many school-aged children coming home from school to find that one or both of their parents had been deported (Lofholm, 2013). Children were left in the care of a single-parent, relatives (including grandparents), or sometimes friends. Even after the release of the parents, many families were faced with the decision whether their children would remain in the United States with the other parent or a relative, or if the children would leave the country with the deported parent(s) (Chaudry, Capps, Pedroza, Castañeda, Santos, & Scott, 2010). In 2006, the number of arrests and deportations increased more than sevenfold to approximately 3,600 arrests (Capps et al., 2007).

ICE raids continue to occur in the United States, and it is estimated that in 2012, close to 150,000 U.S.-born children experienced the deportation of at least one parent (Srour, 2013). This is concerning given that an estimated 5.5 million children in the United States have a parent that is an undocumented immigrant (Chaudry et al., 2010). As undocumented immigrants continue to be deported, children may continue to be left in the care of others and it is likely that some of these caregivers will be grandparents, thus increasing the number of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. Furthermore, there is currently very limited research addressing grandparent caregivers after deportation; therefore, additional studies are needed in order to understand the prevalence, implications, experiences, and challenges experienced by families postdeportation.

Context

Influence of poverty

The negative influences and prevalence of poverty among Latino grandparents raising grandchildren is addressed in the literature; yet, the extent to which grandparenting challenges can be alleviated with additional financial assistance is not clearly expressed in the current research. Researchers might consider examining middle class Latino grandparent caregivers to understand the struggles and opportunities they experience. It would also be beneficial to investigate if Latino grandparents raising grandchildren experience a decrease in financial challenges after receiving some type of government financial assistance. Other opportunities for future research may include examining factors that may influence poverty. For example, researchers should explore the influence immigration and migration status, grandparent health-related issues, and reasons for caregiving have on poverty among Latino grandparent caregivers. Whether it is examining ways to alleviate poverty or factors influencing poverty, there is a need for more research that explicitly addresses poverty in a cultural context.

Influence of familismo and acculturation

Further research is needed to acquire a better understanding of the cultural norms within each Latino subgroup of grandparents raising grandchildren. As noted at the beginning of this article, the term Hispanic or Latino encompasses individuals with origins from various countries (Ennis et al., 2011). As researchers, it is important to keep in mind that each group has its own culture and history. Thus, researchers must be careful as to not overgeneralize research findings to all Latino groups.

The Latino culture has been noted in many studies as an asset for Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. Nonetheless, little is known about how Latino grandparents raising grandchildren cope with stress and what strategies are found useful when raising grandchildren (Lumpkin, 2008). Further, there has not been much research addressing the possible challenges the Latino culture may place on grandparents. Therefore, more research is needed to explore the consequences of familismo on Latino grandparent caregivers’ experiences. Familismo may provide support and helping networks for grandparent caregivers, but as well intentioned as these networks may be, they are likely not able to fulfill the various needs of grandparent caregivers. Therefore, Latino grandparent caregivers may need to complement their familial support with formal support services (Burnette, 1999b). Further exploration about how cultural norms may influence Latino grandparents’ raising grandchildren willingness to seek and accept support services would be beneficial and additional research on how these cultural-specific factors influence well-being is also necessary.

Acculturation is important and useful in learning how social and cultural phenomena influence the trajectory of lives (Cabassa, 2003). Findings from this literature review demonstrate that there may be negative and positive consequences to acculturation that require further examination. Future research that takes into account other variables related to acculturation and acculturation stress (Perez, 2011) is required to understand the needs of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. There is also a gap in the literature in regard to time as it relates to acculturation. Acculturation can be influenced by time in numerous ways. For example, research addressing the influence of generational time on acculturation may aid in understanding the relationships within multigenerational families like those headed by Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. Varying levels of acculturation among generations may have implications on grandparent caregiving and the quality of the child–grandparent relationship. Researchers must continue their efforts to understand and measure acculturation.

Gaining a better understanding of the strengths and challenges Latino grandparents raising grandchildren experience within the Latino cultural context will allow for more appropriate interventions, resources, and services to be created for Latino grandparents raising grandchildren. It is only by understanding the acculturation process that scholars and practitioners can begin to develop support programs, resources, and prevention programs that are beneficial to Latino grandparent caregivers in the United States.

Limitations of the Study

Although this comprehensive review of the published articles addressing aspects of Latino grandparents raising grandchildren is valuable to the understanding of the strengths and challenges grandparents’ experience, there are a few limitations worth noting. First, as part of our inclusion criteria, we did not include thesis and dissertations that addressed this topic. As a result, there might have been important findings that advance our understanding of the experiences of Latino grandparents raising grandchildrens in these scholarly works. Second, we did not include literature on Latino grandparents who coparent, as this was not the focus of this article. A review of the coparenting literature may result in additional insights into the influence of the Latino culture and may lead to new discoveries. Finally, comparing this body of literature to what we know about other racial or ethnic populations might provide additional avenues to examine Latino grandparent caregivers; yet, it was not this purpose of the current study.

Conclusion

Research on Latino grandparents raising grandchildren is slowly gaining momentum. The summary of findings in this literature review is intended to provide a springboard for future research addressing the needs of Latino grandparent caregivers. There is also a growing urgency to cultivate future research and practices that are culturally sensitive (Ojeda, Flores, Meza, & Morales, 2011). To do so, community-based participatory research practices recommend researchers build respect and rapport with the community (e.g., Latino grandparents raising grandchildren), actively engage the community in the study, and take the additional time necessary to respect their traditional practices (Henderson, Dinh, Morgan, & Lewis, 2015). As rapport and respect builds between researchers and Latino grandparents raising grandchildren, so will the understanding about the experiences of these Latino grandparent caregivers. Finally, as the Latino older adult population within in the United States continues to increase, so will the number of Latino grandparent caregivers. As a result, it is vital that both researchers and practitioners have an understanding of how cultural norms, traditions, values, and ideals impact the experiences and practices of Latino grandparent caregivers. To create culturally appropriate services, it is imperative that additional research is conducted examining the diverse needs, concerns, networks, and experiences of Latino grandparents who are raising their grandchildren.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Angela Nancy Mendoza is a PhD candidate in the Applied Developmental Science program at Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado. She completed a BS in Psychology at Colorado State University in 2006, and a MA in Gerontology at the University of Northern Colorado, Greeley in 2009. Nancy's research interests are in aging, with a specific interest in grandparents raising grandchildren, end of life care, and resilience.

Christine A. Fruhauf is an associate professor in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at Colorado State University. She also serves the University as the director of Extension Programs in her department and as the coordinator of the Gerontology Interdisciplinary Minor. Her primary research interests include the self-care practices of grandparents raising grandchildren, the risks and rewards of young caregivers, and gerontological pedagogy.

Kimberly Bundy-Fazioli, PhD, LCSW is a former associate professor from School of Social Work, Colorado State University. Her research focuses on grandparents raising grandchildren, professional power, and issues related to privilege and oppression. Kim is now the founder and director of Mindfulness Matters Institute, LLC located in Breckenridge, CO.

Joyce Weil, PhD, MPH, CPG, is an assistant professor of Gerontology at the University of Northern Colorado. Her current research focuses on aging-in-place through the use of formal supports, such as senior centers and rural aging networks; social demography of aging; and inequalities across the lifecourse. She is the author of The New Neighborhood Senior Center: Redefining Social and Service Roles for the Baby Boom Generation (Rutgers University Press) and co-editor of Race and the Lifecourse: Readings from the Intersection of Ethnicity and Age (Palgrave Macmillan). Her book, Research Design in Aging and Social Gerontology: Quantitative, Qualitative, and Mixed Methods (Routledge), has just been published as part of the Textbooks in Aging series (Blieszner and Roberto, Eds.).

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