Innovation in Later Life: A Study of Grandmothers and Facebook

Abstract

Relying on the Innovation theory of successful aging, this study aims at exploring how grandmothers around the world perceive and use Facebook. Twenty-seven focus groups were set up in seven countries: Canada, Colombia, Israel, Italy, Peru, Romania, and Spain. Participants consisted of 184 grandmothers aged 65 and over who use information and communication technology to some extent. Data were analyzed according to hybrid thematic analysis principles and findings pointed to substantial ambivalence regarding Facebook. Grandmothers who used it reported rather restrained use that was typically triggered externally and characterized by reactive use patterns. Nevertheless, Facebook appeared to promote users’ well-being by supporting preservation of their relationships, roots, and sense of relevance. These findings suggest a new theoretical tenet to innovation theory according to which even “restrained innovation” in later life may be beneficial.

Keywords

grandmothers later life technology well-being

Introduction

As the world increasingly depends on Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for knowledge, social involvement, and performance of daily tasks, older adults’ innovation through adoption of new online activities has become rather widespread (Anderson & Perrin, 2017; Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD], 2017). Research indicates that ICT use contributes significantly to older adults’ well-being (Damant et al., 2017). Several studies have also attempted to explain this phenomenon, clarifying that the nature and extent of the contribution depend on the type and purpose of use (Lifshitz et al., 2018; Szabo et al., 2019). Only a few studies, however, have employed a clear theoretical framework for this purpose.

Grandmothers are typically responsible for preserving relationships among family members (Burke et al., 2013). As older women are the most challenged group of ICT users (Kim et al., 2017; Siren & Knudsen, 2017), however, their traditional role in the family is threatened in an era in which interpersonal communication is often of a digital nature. The present study aims at exploring how grandmothers around the world perceive and use Facebook to maintain their traditional responsibility for family relations. Although it focuses on a specific audience and technological platform, it relies on a clear and comprehensive theoretical framework. Accordingly, it may deepen understanding of how technology promotes well-being in later life.

Literature Review

The Innovation Theory of Successful Aging (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007) emphasizes the motives and rewards of adopting new activities in later life. According to the theory, there are two types of innovation: Self-preservation innovation (SPI) that enables some continuation of earlier roles, interests, capacities, and/or relationships and may thus preserve a sense of internal continuity; and Self-reinvention innovation (SRI) that has little in common with the individual’s personal history and may lead to changes in self-perception. Both types, the theory argues, may promote growth, productivity, independence, and a greater sense of meaning in life.

Scholars have suggested that innovation theory complements rather than contradicts existing theories of aging (Liechty et al., 2012; Nimrod & Hutchinson, 2010; Nimrod & Rotem, 2012), such as continuity theory (Atchley, 1999) and the selection and optimization with compensation (SOC) model (Baltes & Carstensen, 1996). Continuity theory assumes that older adults tend to preserve internal continuity by maintaining the external type. In innovation theory, the same outcome results from SPI. The SOC model describes strategies older people apply to ensure maintenance of functionality and minimization of losses, such as selection of functional domains on which to focus one’s resources. Adoption of new activities may be considered a specific type of selection, especially in cases of loss-based selection, which may include the development of new goals (Freund & Baltes, 2002).

Older adults’ motivation toward innovation, their involvement therein, and the benefits they derive from it depend on personal, contextual, and cultural factors (Campbell & Yang, 2011; Cuenca et al., 2014; Liechty & Genoe, 2013; Nimrod, 2016). For example, one study showed that the positive influence of innovation on the wellbeing of retirees was either enhanced or inhibited by family and social dynamics (Cuenca et al., 2014). Similarly, while women in China were involved in both SPI and SRI (Campbell & Yang, 2011), Canadian older men reported a clear inclination toward SPI. They often used activity innovation to preserve a sense of identity (generally related to work), but rarely mentioned its use to reinvent or establish a new sense of identity (Liechty & Genoe, 2013).

From the time innovation theory was first introduced, many studies supported its basic typology and provided several significant insights regarding its nature (Nimrod, 2016). Very few studies, however, described seniors’ ICT use in the perspective of innovation theory. These studies demonstrated that the internet affords older users many opportunities for innovation by allowing them to develop new professional or leisure interests, as well as new relationships (Khvorostianov et al., 2012). Thus, incorporation of new technology use into everyday life may compensate somewhat for losses associated with old age by reducing social disparities, increasing mobility, and boosting social involvement, eventually bringing about more happiness (Levy & Simonovsky, 2015, 2016) and raising one’s sense of self-worth (Wilson, 2014).

Without derogating from the value of these studies, it should be noted that they applied a macro-level approach to ICT use, treating it as though it was a single activity. This may result in a misleading generalization, as ICT use is in fact a cluster of activities performed in different ways, derived from various motives and yielding compound benefits. Seeking to improve our understanding of technological innovation in later life, this study maintains a micro-level approach by focusing on a specific online activity—Facebook use—that is gaining popularity among seniors all over the world (Anderson & Perrin, 2017; Ofcom, 2017).

Research described a variety of perceived risks and rewards reported by older adults concerning the use of social networking services (SNSs) such as Facebook. Many perceive SNSs as highly risky because of data privacy concerns, for example, fear of personal data misuse and possible exposure to harmful information (Charness & Boot, 2009; Leist, 2013; Xie et al., 2012). Seniors are also reluctant to use SNSs because they believe that social norms online differ from those prevalent in offline social contact: While offline behavior is rather formal except among friends, family, and close acquaintances, in the online context most users manifest informal behavior in communicating with others (Xie et al., 2012). Furthermore, modesty is expected in offline behavior, but in SNSs it is highly acceptable to upload one’s own pictures, brag about achievements, and generally present oneself in a favorable manner. Consequently, materials posted in SNSs are perceived as self-centered and embarrassing; older users often attest that they experience a lack of personal relevance in SNSs (Lehtinen et al., 2009; Xie et al., 2012).

Despite the various risks, older adults were found relatively resilient to the potential negative effects of Facebook use, such as low self-esteem, poor body image, and depression (Hayes et al., 2015). Perhaps older adults have less trouble controlling SNS use since “older age is associated with greater self-regulation and less impulsivity” (Hayes et al., 2015, p. 511) and more moderate use of immediate socially interactive features, such as Facebook Chat (Hayes et al., 2015). Moreover, studies demonstrated a variety of physical, social, and emotional benefits resulting from SNSs use in later life. From the older adults’ perspective, SNS may promote physical health, as they can be used to advance health-related knowledge regarding prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of specific conditions and disorders (Leist, 2013; Morris et al., 2014). A study examining a group of healthy older adults even provided preliminary evidence for actual cognitive benefits resulting from SNS use, namely improvement in speed of information processing as well as in the ability to monitor and refresh information in the working memory (Myhre et al., 2017).

The social benefits of SNS use are naturally far more dominant among the target population. Just like their younger counterparts, older adults can gain social connectedness online and obtain social capital in a rapidly aging and increasingly technological world (Sinclair & Grieve, 2017). Older adults confirm that SNSs augment traditional modes of communication (Hutto et al., 2015) and that adopting such media helps them maintain relationships and receive up-to-date information on family members and acquaintances (Cornejo et al., 2010; Fausset et al., 2013). SNSs may also serve as a potential alternative means for constrained older adults to remain socially connected (Morris et al., 2014; Nimrod, 2014) and receive social support when confronted with difficult life situations, regardless of geographical location or time of day (Leist, 2013; Nimrod, 2010).

The emotional benefits associated with SNS use in later life are also rather diverse, reflecting their likely contribution to seniors’ well-being (Nimrod, 2010). If the appropriate social benefits are in place, emotional advantages help older users gain increased social satisfaction and confidence, as well as greater contentment with real-life social roles (Bell et al., 2013; Hutto et al., 2015; Steinfield et al., 2008), leading them to identify technology as a potential means of reducing and overcoming loneliness, relieving stress, and intensifying feelings of control and self-efficacy (Ballantyne et al., 2010; Hutto et al., 2015; Laver et al., 2012; Leist, 2013).

Using SNSs may be a powerful means for grandparents, whose role in maintaining intergenerational bonds has gained a new form and intensity because of the increase in life expectancy and decrease in birth rates (Bengtson, 2001), as well as the numerous challenges facing modern families, such as increased divorce rates, single-parent families, and double career parents (Herlofson & Hagestad, 2012). Grandparents perceive this role as significant for various reasons, including postmortem continuity of family genetics and lineage ties. Furthermore, they thoroughly enjoy the opportunity to provide a new kind of caregiving for children, appreciating the role their grandchildren play in mediating between their parents and grandparents and the familial meaning and value they thus instill (Friedman et al., 2008; Hawkes, 2004).

Gender differences cannot be ignored when examining the role of grandparents in the family. Women spend more time as grandmothers because they live longer than men and are expected to fulfill the “granny” role (Hasmanová Marhánková, 2015; Tarrant, 2010). They make themselves particularly accessible to their grandchildren (Eisenberg, 1988) and actively maintain relationships with them (Breheny et al., 2013). Furthermore, they tend to assume primary responsibility for family conservation, keeping in touch with family members and organizing family gatherings (Burke et al., 2013; Herlofson & Hagestad, 2012; Reitzes & Mutran, 2004; Tarrant, 2010). Being a grandmother thus plays a greater role in the women’s identity than being a grandfather does for the men (Breheny et al., 2013; Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). Furthermore, grandmothers tend to maintain closer relationships with their grandchildren than grandfathers do (Ando, 2005).

Taking the above observations into account, this study focuses on grandmothers, whose central role in grandparenting accords them primary responsibility for communicating with their children and grandchildren (Quadrello et al., 2005). The desire for such connection often suffices to explain grandmothers’ adoption of ICT (Breheny et al., 2013; Tarrant, 2010). It constitutes their key motivation to stay abreast of technology-related practices, even those with which they are not entirely comfortable (Sawchuk & Crow, 2012; Yuan et al., 2016).

Ivan and Hebblethwaite (2016) revealed three characteristics of Facebook use for communication with distant family members among Romanian and Canadian grandmothers. First, there is a tendency to maneuver among technologies, using various software platforms for family communication. Second, Facebook use is relatively passive, focusing on reading and sharing information rather than posting original items. Finally, the women’s social norms affect their perception of social media: Canadian grandmothers find posting ridiculous and are concerned about the instantaneous nature of social media, while their Romanian counterparts consider posting indecent and are embarrassed by what people may think of them.

From an innovation theory perspective, Facebook may contribute to self-preservation by sustaining grandmothers’ relationships with family and friends and the significant roles they play in their families. At the same time, it may provide an opportunity for self-discovery and growth. To increase our understanding of later-life innovation in the form of technology use, this study aims at exploring how grandmothers around the world perceive and use Facebook. Specifically, the study was designed to answer the following questions:

RQ1: What factors encourage and/or restrict grandmothers’ innovation in the form of adoption and use of Facebook?

RQ2: What role does Facebook play in the lives of grandmothers who use Facebook: self-preservation innovation, self-reinvention innovation, or both?

RQ3: Does the use of Facebook as an innovative activity promote grandmothers’ well-being?

Research Design and Methods

Data Collection

Data for this study were collected as part of a research venture entitled Grannies on the Internet, funded by the ACT (Aging + Communication + Technology) Project, which focuses on transformation of aging experiences effected through media communication innovations. Involving researchers from seven countries (Canada, Colombia, Israel, Italy, Peru, Romania, and Spain), 27 focus groups were conducted, with three to five such groups in each country. Participants were recruited by posting information at local community centers and/or snowball sampling. Ethics approval was granted for each team by the respective Institutional Review Boards.

Each participant signed a consent form and filled in a short background questionnaire after being informed about the project’s aim. Then, a group discussion revealed participants’ experiences with ICT, including probing the process by which they learned to use various ICTs; use of different devices, software, and applications; and examining the difficulties faced and the benefits derived. Focus group discussions were audiotaped and then transcribed verbatim and translated into English by the teams, including clarification of local references (e.g., places, events, and traditions).

Sample

The research population consisted of 184 grandmothers who use ICT to some extent. Participants’ ages ranged between 65 and 88, and the average age was 71.2; 47% were married or in a relationship, 35.3% widowed, and the remainder divorced, separated, or single; most (88.9%) were retired, 6.1% were unemployed, and 5% were still working to some degree; 28% had academic education, 39.6% postsecondary education, and the rest secondary education or lower; 51% had above average incomes and 48.2% average or lower; 95% had internet at home. There were several noticeable differences among participants from different countries: Israelis were somewhat older, and relatively few Israelis and Romanians were married or in a relationship; Colombia had a relatively low rate of retirees; Israel had the highest rate of participants with academic education and Italy had the most participants with secondary education or lower. Additional information concerning sample characteristics is presented in the Appendix.

Data Analysis

The data were analyzed by drawing on the principles of the hybrid approach that involves both inductive and deductive thematic analyses (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006) and integrates data-driven codes with those driven by theory based on the tenets of social phenomenology. As a first step, all transcripts were read carefully for initial familiarity. Next, codes and categories were formulated according to the theoretical frame of this research—innovation theory.

Data were grouped into the following initial categories: triggers, motivations, type of innovation (SPI/SRI/both), consistency, contribution to well-being, and selective innovation. These theory-generated codes provided the basis for the coding process, which also allowed for the emergence of additional codes, thus enabling identification of variations within the data and revealing further insights concerning the grandmothers’ Facebook use. For example, the additional codes referred to usage routine and patterns, attitudes toward technology, online and offline activities, and relationships. Once the codes were reviewed, the data were reduced to categories by identifying shared elements and collecting and analyzing examples thereof. The next step called for combining the coded data with the proposed themes and analyzing relationships among codes, categories, and themes (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996). The coding was conducted by the first author and then reviewed by the second author. In the rare cases of disagreements between the authors, differences were discussed and adjudicated. Analysis was supported by application of Atlas.ti8 software. Considering the large number of participants, no pseudonyms or descriptive information—other than age and country—were attached to the quotes provided in the Findings section.

Findings

Ambivalence Toward Facebook

Study participants did not support Facebook unequivocally but rather displayed considerable ambivalence. Most of those who stressed the advantages of this platform also expressed numerous reservations, irrespective of their backgrounds, nationalities, or Facebook use patterns. “Pro-Facebook” attitudes included variety of features, enhanced relationships, information and stimulation, and fun and leisure. As an example, one participant (72, Israel) explained how the features of Facebook improved her ability to stay up to date:

When I got on Facebook, I saw people with whom to connect. Now, I know what is going on with them… I know who’s gone, who got married and who gave birth. I press Like. I know things. I like knowing things. It’s my job to know things.

Another participant (69, Spain) discussed the information and stimulation that Facebook offered: “Sometimes I check it [Facebook] from my mobile [phone] because it informs me of recent posts. One journalist, for example, lets everyone know when he has written and posted something new. So I enter Facebook, read it and share it.” Regarding fun and leisure, one grandmother (70, Peru) declared that Facebook is “a wonderful form of entertainment,” while another (72, Spain) explained: “I have no games on my mobile [phone]. I have them in Facebook” and a third (73, Romania) attested: “I look for things that interest me… matters related to tourism and entertainment, games that I enjoy and play for at least an hour.”

Parallel to the pro-Facebook positions, participantsalso voiced a variety of ‘concerns and negative attitudes,’ of which the most outstanding were: Waste of time, unappealing content, operational difficulties, privacy issues and opposition to the sharing culture. For example, a 71-year-old retired teacher from Italy explained:

I find Facebook a waste of time. I’ve tried... but between messages, comments and etc.,... you can spend all day. For me, it turned into a source of stress and nothing else. First, there were students’ parents, then friends, acquaintances... I find it’s gone too far.

Another participant (76, Israel) described her Facebook operating difficulties as an unpleasant experience: “I fear technology, even the very simple kind. To control it, I feel that I need a great deal of time and frequent explanation, but I don’t have the time. It’s silly, because such things are probably simple.”

Attitudes concerning unappealing content were reflected in statements such as: “I despise Facebook… mostly because of things I would be happy not to know” (77, Israel) and “I got tired of all the foolish writing. I’m just not interested” (69, Spain). A woman (68, Spain) commented about the sharing culture and privacy issues:

I’m on Facebook because I signed up when I was working. But then there is no way to get away from it. It invades your privacy. I have friends with whom I meet on occasion. Then someone takes a picture and it shows up as: “this person has met with this other person,” so everybody knows where you have been whether you want them to or not.

Some participants claimed that they were not bothered by privacy issues because they were able to control privacy settings. For example, one participant (80, Israel) explained how she enjoyed the content while keeping her privacy: “I’m taking it as a really easy, convenient and interesting hobby and that’s it. I don’t expose myself and I’m in no way exposed.” Another (74, Romania) even showed how she remained unexposed in the network: “It’s not my own picture; it’s a penguin.”

Ambivalence toward Facebook was often expressed by statements expressing positive and negative positions simultaneously. A 72-year-old participant from Colombia said: “I enjoy Facebook a lot, but you have to have limits because otherwise you can find things that you don’t want to find.” Another (77, Israel) attested that she did not like to spend her time on Facebook, but it helped her keep up communication with her grandchildren: “I feel an atomic waste of time, because I get on Facebook and I get so sucked in… [but] I say to myself: ‘Come on, lady, 10 minutes in the morning and then forget about it.’ That’s my initiative for keeping in touch through Facebook.” Some statements about the fear of wasting too much time while enjoying the content appeared as well: “I’m scared of not getting enough sleep, but I love the games. I love to know how my friends are doing. I really do like that” (78, Peru). Another participant (67, Romania) summed the situation up as follows: “Everyone curses Facebook, but everyone’s on it.”

Although ambivalence toward Facebook appeared to be global, some concerns were country-specific. A 71-year-old Romanian participant said she left Facebook after the revolution because the content had become too political, aggressive, and vitriolic: “I saw what people wrote there, especially with those demonstrations in the square. It was horrible.” Many Colombian participants asserted that they find Facebook dangerous because it puts users at risk of becoming crime victims. A 73-year-old participant mentioned that a friend who was about to visit Colombia uploaded photos to Facebook before her arrival: “She started posting photos with her car. They [her friends and family] said: ‘No. This old woman will be kidnapped. When she comes to Colombia, she will end up kidnapped’.”

One explanation for these anti-Facebook attitudes may be a tendency to compare Facebook with other media—especially WhatsApp and phone calls—with regard to privacy, functions, and distribution. One participant (65, Colombia) said: “Facebook has its risks too. Adding people you do not know [to your Friends list] is dangerous. Oh! WhatsApp doesn’t do that? That seems best to me. You have your friends there, those you selected, your real friends.” Communication format was a factor as well: “I prefer to hear voice. When people send me a message, I always call them back so that I can understand their feelings” (72, Italy). In some cases, Facebook was described as the best platform, as in the following statement:

I don’t feel distance now. In the past, we used to feel distance. We would be up all night making phone calls and all that. But now, Facebook is just like we are there. We are simply talking to them, just as we do ordinarily (75, Canada).

Notwithstanding these remarks, however, few participants described Facebook as the superior medium.

Restrained Use

Data analysis revealed similar Facebook use patterns among the grandmothers in this study. First, the “trigger” for initiation of Facebook use was external or imposed in most cases. Second, the common “motivation” for continuous use was internal and could be described as personal—reflecting a need for entertainment and updates—and/or social, namely engaging and keeping in touch with others. Three “types of use” were identified: passive (consuming content without posting), reactive (no content production but responding to posts by replying, Like-ing, sharing with others, etc.), and active (proactively producing content). While some study participants exhibited passive or active behavior, the majority were reactive.

Most participants did not explain how they began to use the platform, but those who did reported that the idea came from an external factor, usually a family member, or was even imposed on them. For example, one woman (65, Peru) reported that her sister pressed her to use Facebook:

My sister said: “Hey, have you seen the pictures your son uploaded?” and I told her: “No, I don’t have Facebook.” Then she said: “How can that be?” So I started to look at my children’s pictures through hers [her sister’s account] and that’s how I started. I began using Facebook to look at pictures.

Another participant (77, Israel) said she was not the one who opened her Facebook account. She also described her use as passive, just to keep up with the people she cared about:

My oldest grandchild signed me up on Facebook several years ago. I didn’t want to be a part of it, but I found out that it’s possible to just follow someone [without replying]. I never respond, but I follow because my youngest son posts every 15 minutes and a couple of my friends do [too]. I just follow them.

External triggers notwithstanding, the reported motivation for continuous Facebook use appeared to be internal. Participants attested that their use of Facebook originated in personal and social motives alike. One participant (68, Romania), for example, said that she used Facebook to satisfy personal information needs: “On Facebook, I use the search tool. I type in what I am looking for—newspapers or recipes, for example—and it finds what I need. It’s simpler for me like that.” Regarding social motivation, one of the women (75, Canada) described how her desire to stay close to family members inspired her Facebook use:

Children are busy. They’re not always able to talk to you. But via Facebook… [they] just send you the message and you see it, you know. That is also a kind of closeness. You have continuous communication with family members. That’s why I enjoy it so much.

Personal and social motives often intertwine. One participant (73, Spain) said she used Facebook for furthering her own interests (personal) and for sharing with close friends (social): “I use Facebook for information because sometimes there are things that I like a lot, so I share them—things that I think are interesting regarding women, or refugees.” Another woman (Colombia, 68) reported various personal motives:

I like looking at the recipes they [Facebook] show, the fashions, the beautiful shoes as well, flowers, everything to do with gardens, recipes for cooking... And the gossip too, finding out about other people’s lives. I look at that too.

Most of the grandmothers reported reactive use patterns: consuming the content uploaded by their Facebook friends, sometimes liking, responding to or sharing it, and rarely or never creating original content. One participant (72, Spain) explained: “It’s not like I write a lot, but I do if something interests me. I share what interests me.” Another (76, Israel) noted: “I might log in sometimes; I follow my son’s posts; or I follow the pictures my daughter sends; I do not post anything on Facebook, as I have no interest in telling someone which cake I baked or whatever.”

The head of a women’s organization (75, Romania), who described Facebook as a necessary tool that she used actively and frequently, may well represent the typical but less common active user:

I use Facebook the most. My son created a Facebook page for the organization I run that now has over 500 friends, I also have a Facebook page for my community [of origin] in Bucharest… some 200-plus valuable friends, especially intellectuals from that community, members of parliament, etc.

Another participant (66, Italy) declared: “I like it [Facebook]. I use it once a day just to send greetings, communicate with some friends and post photos of places I’ve been to... It is also a way to communicate.”

Completely passive use was rare among these women. One such grandmother (68, Spain) reported:

I don’t use it [Facebook], I’m telling you. I read it, I check it from time to time because it amuses me a lot, but I don’t participate at all. And if someone [whom I don’t know] sends me requests, I don’t accept them either.

Facebook Use as a Meaningful Activity

Even though study participants expressed ambivalent attitudes toward Facebook and exercised restraint in its use, Facebook appeared to play a meaningful role in their lives and promote well-being. Overall, the data suggested that Facebook use allowed for “SPI” by supporting preservation of (ongoing and renewed previous) relationships, roots (nostalgia and tradition), and a sense of relevance.

Preservation of relationships with family and friends was enabled by various Facebook features, such as finding people, birthday reminders, private messages, and ongoing updates, as exemplified by one of the participants (65, Colombia):

I have an aunt whom everyone calls the Black Lady, so I went into Facebook and searched for birthday cards… I chose one and sent it to her. It had a black woman in the background and said: “The black lady is celebrating her birthday today!” I sent it to the family group at six o’clock in the morning, so that everyone would know it was her birthday.

Another participant (68, Spain) described how she renewed contacts with childhood friends via Facebook:

Last year I found the first friend I ever made when I was a child, who responded: “How is this possible? Is it really you? Are you here?” This is one of the things that the internet has given you… I mean, suddenly you find your classmate who sat right next to you.

Many participants mentioned different Facebook groups or pages dedicated to neighborhoods, origins, communities, and ethnic groups that appeared to facilitate roots preservation. One participant (Israel, 75) from a family of Hungarian immigrants noted that some Israelis of Hungarian origin set up a Facebook group to keep their Hungarian identity and tradition alive:

Three years ago, someone opened a Facebook group called Paprika for children of Hungarian origin. My brother added me and my sister-in-law and that’s lovely. You send recipes and if people go to Budapest and see or eat something [interesting], they report it.

Another woman (71, Italy) described how she joined a Facebook group dedicated to her childhood hometown: “I also recover memories of my childhood through Facebook. I am from [town] and I communicate with people from my town and my childhood. I retrieved contacts and memories from when I was little and I can see places in my town once again.” One participant (65, Spain) even described offline meetings that members of her childhood neighborhood Facebook group organized:

I joined a group with people from [neighborhood], including people who no longer live there. We’ve had three meetings at [a senior center] and already have 2,500 people… We are retrieving [memories of] the streets, what we remember of them. I think this is beautiful and it’s all thanks to Facebook.

Regarding sense of relevance, participants indicated that their daily use of Facebook maintained their sense of being “part of the world.” One of them (75, Peru), for example, suggested that Facebook has benefits extending far beyond family relations: “For older people, it’s an amazing companion. It’s direct communication—a direct connection to the world, not only to your family, you know?” Similar statements were voiced by other participants, such as: “It keeps me in the loop of what is going on” (81, Israel) and “For me, it’s a hobby, a companion” (79, Italy). In this capacity, Facebook appeared to be especially significant among socially isolated women. For example, one participant (68, Spain) explained the importance of Facebook in maintaining contact with the outside world: “Facebook entertains me a lot. It amuses me greatly because I have almost no one to talk to, so I retrieve friends and others from the past because I see them on Facebook. Then I notice it’s someone’s birthday, so I congratulate him/her.”

Overall, the findings reflect ambivalence and a certain reluctance regarding Facebook use. Simultaneously, however, such use appears to provide a sense of meaning to the grandmothers’ lives and to promote their well-being.

Discussion

The theoretical framework applied in this study and the extensive and varied data collected and analyzed proved very helpful in exploring how grandmothers around the world perceive and use Facebook. Underscoring the significant role that Facebook plays in grandmothers’ lives despite ambivalent attitudes and restrained use, the study helped intensify our understanding of the experience of ICT use in later life. Moreover, the insights shed light on the principles of innovation theory (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007) and even led to the suggestion of a new theoretical tenet.

One prominent insight arising from this study concerned the grandmothers’ ambivalent attitudes toward Facebook. Even when discussing its advantages, they also delineated numerous negative aspects. To some extent, they appeared to have developed a love–hate relationship with this technological platform, as expressed in statements comprising positive and negative positions alike. This attitude conforms with the literature describing the physical, social, and emotional benefits of SNS use for older adults, as well as with a wide range of perceived risks.

Grandmothers explained how Facebook features helped them maintain and improve relationships with family members and friends. Accordingly, as suggested in previous studies on the social benefits of SNS use (Cornejo et al., 2010; Fausset et al., 2013; Hutto et al., 2015; Sinclair & Grieve, 2017), they perceived Facebook use as a means that may improve social connectedness and maintain relationships. Noting the information and stimulation that Facebook offered and declaring that Facebook use was a wonderful form of entertainment, participants’ reports also echoed previous research on the emotional benefits associated with SNS use in later life (e.g., Ballantyne et al., 2010; Hutto et al., 2015; Laver et al., 2012; Leist, 2013).

By contrast, study participants described operating difficulties, which are understood given that technology adoption can be very challenging for older women (Kim et al., 2017; Siren & Knudsen, 2017). They also stated that they felt uncomfortable with Facebook’s sharing culture and its privacy issues—a finding that echoes previous research regarding older adults’ perception of SNS use as risky because of privacy concerns and possible exposure to harmful information (Charness & Boot, 2009; Leist, 2013; Xie et al., 2012). Participants also commented about unappealing content and expressed their lack of interest in what some people publish on Facebook. This finding also conformed with past research showing that material posted on SNSs is perceived by older individuals as self-centered and embarrassing (Lehtinen et al., 2009; Xie et al., 2012).

The ambivalent attitudes expressed regarding Facebook may explain why the most common triggers for its use were external or imposed. Typically, the idea came from a younger family member who persuaded the grandmother to register and use Facebook in one way or another. Motivation for subsequent use, however, originated among the participants themselves, combining both personal and social factors, among which staying close to family members was dominant, reflecting the significance of the grandparent role in older women’s identities (Breheny et al., 2013; Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). Furthermore, previous studies showed that a desire for connection with grandchildren often explains grandmothers’ adoption of ICT (Breheny et al., 2013; Tarrant, 2010) and their willingness to accept uncomfortable practices (Sawchuk & Crow, 2012; Yuan et al., 2016).

Inconsistency in attitude toward Facebook use may also explain the partial nature of its adoption by study participants. Many used Facebook to keep in touch and preserve their grandmother roles, although such use was typically constrained and characteristically reactive: consuming content uploaded by family and friends, sometimes liking, responding, or sharing and rarely—if ever—creating original content. These findings are similar to those of Ivan and Hebblethwaite (2016), according to which grandmothers’ use of Facebook is relatively passive, focusing on reading and sharing information rather than posting.

Despite general ambivalence and restrained use, the findings of this study indicate that Facebook use plays a significant role in the lives of grandmothers who adopt this platform. Applying the terminology of innovation theory (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007), their Facebook use may be described as SPI, as it enables continuation of earlier roles, interests, capacities, and/or relationships and thus supports preservation of internal continuity. The study participants used various features of Facebook to maintain (or renew) relationships with family and friends, and strengthened connection to their personal roots through different groups or pages dedicated to neighborhoods, origins, communities, and ethnic groups. Moreover, they testified that their daily use of Facebook maintained their feeling of being part of the world and provided a sense of relevance.

As previous research suggested that women are involved in both SPI and SRI (Campbell & Yang, 2011), the study participants’ use of Facebook for self-preservation was rather expected. Surprisingly, however, their reports did not indicate any kind of use that could be described as SRI. Although Facebook could offer them numerous opportunities for self-reinvention by assisting in finding new hobbies, friends, and/or activities, their use of it was directed at self-preservation only. This unequivocal inclination toward SPI in Facebook use may be explained by the fact that the use was ambivalent and restrained. This type of “restrained innovation,” which was never documented in studies on innovation in later life, may be particularly useful in SPI, while SRI may require more decisiveness and enthusiasm.

Overall, the findings of the present study suggest a new theoretical tenet to innovation theory (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007) according to which even “restrained innovation” may be beneficial in later life. The new type of innovation proposed is characterized by (a) external triggers or even imposition, (b) reluctant involvement reflected in adoption that tends to be partial and restrained, (c) ambivalent attitudes and various concerns, and—in spite of all the above—(d) contribution to preservation of significant roles and self-perception, which promotes well-being in later life.

Limitations and Future Research

The large number of study participants, their varied backgrounds, and the relatively few and minor cross-national differences identified in this study allowed some leeway for generalization. Nevertheless, the study had considerable limitations, especially its focus on women and on Facebook. Grandmothers’ use and experience of other technological platforms may be different from that of Facebook. Furthermore, older men appear to have the advantage regarding technology adoption and use (Kim et al., 2017). Their application and experience of ICT may thus be substantially different from that of women.

To explore how older adults perceive and use ICT from an innovation theory (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007) perspective and to test the new theoretical tenet suggested above, future studies should explore a more diverse population, including non-grandmothers and men. Such studies should also integrate qualitative and quantitative methods; examine other types of technology (e.g., WhatsApp and Skype); and test whether, when, and to what extent technology use can be considered SPI and/or SRI. This distinction will help provide a more intensive understanding of the experience of ICT use in later life.

Footnotes

Appendix. Study Participants

	Canada	Colombia	Israel	Italy	Peru	Romania	Spain	Total
# of Participants	30	34	24	28	24	20	24	184
Age
Range (65 to…	87	87	81	81	82	81	88	88
Average	69.2	69.9	74.9	71.5	72.1	69.5	71.5	71.1
Family status
Married/in relationship	20	15	9	16	11	5	11	87
Widowed	7	10	10	11	9	11	7	65
Divorced/separated	3	4	5	1	3	2	3	21
Single	0	5	0	0	1	2	0	8
Work status
Retired	27	24	19	25	16	15	19	145
Not employed	1	8	1	1	0	0	0	11
Working	2	2	4	2	6	5	2	23
Education
Secondary or lower	8	13	2	20	3	12	13	71
Postsecondary	9	13	3	2	5	1	4	37
Academic	13	8	19	6	16	6	4	72
Income
Average or lower	17	19	6	11	12	12	4	81
Above average	11	15	17	17	11	8	10	89
Internet at home
Yes	29	31	24	27	24	20	16	171
No	1	3	0	1	0	0	4	9

Note. Working = full or part time. Some information is missing because participants could choose not to answer all background questions. As a result, the total sum for each item does not always equal the number of participants.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by Aging + Communication + Technologies (ACT), a research project funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and housed at Concordia University in Montreal, Canada.

ORCID iD

Galit Nimrod

Author Biographies

Mor Yachin (MA, Ben Gurion University of the Negev, 2019). This article is based on her Master's thesis. In future research she hopes to focus on older populations and their use of innovative technologies.

Galit Nimrod (PhD, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2003) is professor at the Department of Communication Studies and a research fellow at the Center for Multidisciplinary Research in Aging at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel. She studies psychological and sociological aspects of leisure, media and technology use among older adults.

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