Innovation in Later Life: A Study of Grandmothers and Facebook

Introduction

As the world increasingly depends on Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for knowledge, social involvement, and performance of daily tasks, older adults’ innovation through adoption of new online activities has become rather widespread (Anderson & Perrin, 2017; Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD], 2017). Research indicates that ICT use contributes significantly to older adults’ well-being (Damant et al., 2017). Several studies have also attempted to explain this phenomenon, clarifying that the nature and extent of the contribution depend on the type and purpose of use (Lifshitz et al., 2018; Szabo et al., 2019). Only a few studies, however, have employed a clear theoretical framework for this purpose.

Grandmothers are typically responsible for preserving relationships among family members (Burke et al., 2013). As older women are the most challenged group of ICT users (Kim et al., 2017; Siren & Knudsen, 2017), however, their traditional role in the family is threatened in an era in which interpersonal communication is often of a digital nature. The present study aims at exploring how grandmothers around the world perceive and use Facebook to maintain their traditional responsibility for family relations. Although it focuses on a specific audience and technological platform, it relies on a clear and comprehensive theoretical framework. Accordingly, it may deepen understanding of how technology promotes well-being in later life.

Literature Review

The Innovation Theory of Successful Aging (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007) emphasizes the motives and rewards of adopting new activities in later life. According to the theory, there are two types of innovation: Self-preservation innovation (SPI) that enables some continuation of earlier roles, interests, capacities, and/or relationships and may thus preserve a sense of internal continuity; and Self-reinvention innovation (SRI) that has little in common with the individual’s personal history and may lead to changes in self-perception. Both types, the theory argues, may promote growth, productivity, independence, and a greater sense of meaning in life.

Scholars have suggested that innovation theory complements rather than contradicts existing theories of aging (Liechty et al., 2012; Nimrod & Hutchinson, 2010; Nimrod & Rotem, 2012), such as continuity theory (Atchley, 1999) and the selection and optimization with compensation (SOC) model (Baltes & Carstensen, 1996). Continuity theory assumes that older adults tend to preserve internal continuity by maintaining the external type. In innovation theory, the same outcome results from SPI. The SOC model describes strategies older people apply to ensure maintenance of functionality and minimization of losses, such as selection of functional domains on which to focus one’s resources. Adoption of new activities may be considered a specific type of selection, especially in cases of loss-based selection, which may include the development of new goals (Freund & Baltes, 2002).

Older adults’ motivation toward innovation, their involvement therein, and the benefits they derive from it depend on personal, contextual, and cultural factors (Campbell & Yang, 2011; Cuenca et al., 2014; Liechty & Genoe, 2013; Nimrod, 2016). For example, one study showed that the positive influence of innovation on the wellbeing of retirees was either enhanced or inhibited by family and social dynamics (Cuenca et al., 2014). Similarly, while women in China were involved in both SPI and SRI (Campbell & Yang, 2011), Canadian older men reported a clear inclination toward SPI. They often used activity innovation to preserve a sense of identity (generally related to work), but rarely mentioned its use to reinvent or establish a new sense of identity (Liechty & Genoe, 2013).

From the time innovation theory was first introduced, many studies supported its basic typology and provided several significant insights regarding its nature (Nimrod, 2016). Very few studies, however, described seniors’ ICT use in the perspective of innovation theory. These studies demonstrated that the internet affords older users many opportunities for innovation by allowing them to develop new professional or leisure interests, as well as new relationships (Khvorostianov et al., 2012). Thus, incorporation of new technology use into everyday life may compensate somewhat for losses associated with old age by reducing social disparities, increasing mobility, and boosting social involvement, eventually bringing about more happiness (Levy & Simonovsky, 2015, 2016) and raising one’s sense of self-worth (Wilson, 2014).

Without derogating from the value of these studies, it should be noted that they applied a macro-level approach to ICT use, treating it as though it was a single activity. This may result in a misleading generalization, as ICT use is in fact a cluster of activities performed in different ways, derived from various motives and yielding compound benefits. Seeking to improve our understanding of technological innovation in later life, this study maintains a micro-level approach by focusing on a specific online activity—Facebook use—that is gaining popularity among seniors all over the world (Anderson & Perrin, 2017; Ofcom, 2017).

Research described a variety of perceived risks and rewards reported by older adults concerning the use of social networking services (SNSs) such as Facebook. Many perceive SNSs as highly risky because of data privacy concerns, for example, fear of personal data misuse and possible exposure to harmful information (Charness & Boot, 2009; Leist, 2013; Xie et al., 2012). Seniors are also reluctant to use SNSs because they believe that social norms online differ from those prevalent in offline social contact: While offline behavior is rather formal except among friends, family, and close acquaintances, in the online context most users manifest informal behavior in communicating with others (Xie et al., 2012). Furthermore, modesty is expected in offline behavior, but in SNSs it is highly acceptable to upload one’s own pictures, brag about achievements, and generally present oneself in a favorable manner. Consequently, materials posted in SNSs are perceived as self-centered and embarrassing; older users often attest that they experience a lack of personal relevance in SNSs (Lehtinen et al., 2009; Xie et al., 2012).

Despite the various risks, older adults were found relatively resilient to the potential negative effects of Facebook use, such as low self-esteem, poor body image, and depression (Hayes et al., 2015). Perhaps older adults have less trouble controlling SNS use since “older age is associated with greater self-regulation and less impulsivity” (Hayes et al., 2015, p. 511) and more moderate use of immediate socially interactive features, such as Facebook Chat (Hayes et al., 2015). Moreover, studies demonstrated a variety of physical, social, and emotional benefits resulting from SNSs use in later life. From the older adults’ perspective, SNS may promote physical health, as they can be used to advance health-related knowledge regarding prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of specific conditions and disorders (Leist, 2013; Morris et al., 2014). A study examining a group of healthy older adults even provided preliminary evidence for actual cognitive benefits resulting from SNS use, namely improvement in speed of information processing as well as in the ability to monitor and refresh information in the working memory (Myhre et al., 2017).

The social benefits of SNS use are naturally far more dominant among the target population. Just like their younger counterparts, older adults can gain social connectedness online and obtain social capital in a rapidly aging and increasingly technological world (Sinclair & Grieve, 2017). Older adults confirm that SNSs augment traditional modes of communication (Hutto et al., 2015) and that adopting such media helps them maintain relationships and receive up-to-date information on family members and acquaintances (Cornejo et al., 2010; Fausset et al., 2013). SNSs may also serve as a potential alternative means for constrained older adults to remain socially connected (Morris et al., 2014; Nimrod, 2014) and receive social support when confronted with difficult life situations, regardless of geographical location or time of day (Leist, 2013; Nimrod, 2010).

The emotional benefits associated with SNS use in later life are also rather diverse, reflecting their likely contribution to seniors’ well-being (Nimrod, 2010). If the appropriate social benefits are in place, emotional advantages help older users gain increased social satisfaction and confidence, as well as greater contentment with real-life social roles (Bell et al., 2013; Hutto et al., 2015; Steinfield et al., 2008), leading them to identify technology as a potential means of reducing and overcoming loneliness, relieving stress, and intensifying feelings of control and self-efficacy (Ballantyne et al., 2010; Hutto et al., 2015; Laver et al., 2012; Leist, 2013).

Using SNSs may be a powerful means for grandparents, whose role in maintaining intergenerational bonds has gained a new form and intensity because of the increase in life expectancy and decrease in birth rates (Bengtson, 2001), as well as the numerous challenges facing modern families, such as increased divorce rates, single-parent families, and double career parents (Herlofson & Hagestad, 2012). Grandparents perceive this role as significant for various reasons, including postmortem continuity of family genetics and lineage ties. Furthermore, they thoroughly enjoy the opportunity to provide a new kind of caregiving for children, appreciating the role their grandchildren play in mediating between their parents and grandparents and the familial meaning and value they thus instill (Friedman et al., 2008; Hawkes, 2004).

Gender differences cannot be ignored when examining the role of grandparents in the family. Women spend more time as grandmothers because they live longer than men and are expected to fulfill the “granny” role (Hasmanová Marhánková, 2015; Tarrant, 2010). They make themselves particularly accessible to their grandchildren (Eisenberg, 1988) and actively maintain relationships with them (Breheny et al., 2013). Furthermore, they tend to assume primary responsibility for family conservation, keeping in touch with family members and organizing family gatherings (Burke et al., 2013; Herlofson & Hagestad, 2012; Reitzes & Mutran, 2004; Tarrant, 2010). Being a grandmother thus plays a greater role in the women’s identity than being a grandfather does for the men (Breheny et al., 2013; Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). Furthermore, grandmothers tend to maintain closer relationships with their grandchildren than grandfathers do (Ando, 2005).

Taking the above observations into account, this study focuses on grandmothers, whose central role in grandparenting accords them primary responsibility for communicating with their children and grandchildren (Quadrello et al., 2005). The desire for such connection often suffices to explain grandmothers’ adoption of ICT (Breheny et al., 2013; Tarrant, 2010). It constitutes their key motivation to stay abreast of technology-related practices, even those with which they are not entirely comfortable (Sawchuk & Crow, 2012; Yuan et al., 2016).

Ivan and Hebblethwaite (2016) revealed three characteristics of Facebook use for communication with distant family members among Romanian and Canadian grandmothers. First, there is a tendency to maneuver among technologies, using various software platforms for family communication. Second, Facebook use is relatively passive, focusing on reading and sharing information rather than posting original items. Finally, the women’s social norms affect their perception of social media: Canadian grandmothers find posting ridiculous and are concerned about the instantaneous nature of social media, while their Romanian counterparts consider posting indecent and are embarrassed by what people may think of them.

From an innovation theory perspective, Facebook may contribute to self-preservation by sustaining grandmothers’ relationships with family and friends and the significant roles they play in their families. At the same time, it may provide an opportunity for self-discovery and growth. To increase our understanding of later-life innovation in the form of technology use, this study aims at exploring how grandmothers around the world perceive and use Facebook. Specifically, the study was designed to answer the following questions:

Research Design and Methods

Findings

Discussion

The theoretical framework applied in this study and the extensive and varied data collected and analyzed proved very helpful in exploring how grandmothers around the world perceive and use Facebook. Underscoring the significant role that Facebook plays in grandmothers’ lives despite ambivalent attitudes and restrained use, the study helped intensify our understanding of the experience of ICT use in later life. Moreover, the insights shed light on the principles of innovation theory (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007) and even led to the suggestion of a new theoretical tenet.

One prominent insight arising from this study concerned the grandmothers’ ambivalent attitudes toward Facebook. Even when discussing its advantages, they also delineated numerous negative aspects. To some extent, they appeared to have developed a love–hate relationship with this technological platform, as expressed in statements comprising positive and negative positions alike. This attitude conforms with the literature describing the physical, social, and emotional benefits of SNS use for older adults, as well as with a wide range of perceived risks.

Grandmothers explained how Facebook features helped them maintain and improve relationships with family members and friends. Accordingly, as suggested in previous studies on the social benefits of SNS use (Cornejo et al., 2010; Fausset et al., 2013; Hutto et al., 2015; Sinclair & Grieve, 2017), they perceived Facebook use as a means that may improve social connectedness and maintain relationships. Noting the information and stimulation that Facebook offered and declaring that Facebook use was a wonderful form of entertainment, participants’ reports also echoed previous research on the emotional benefits associated with SNS use in later life (e.g., Ballantyne et al., 2010; Hutto et al., 2015; Laver et al., 2012; Leist, 2013).

By contrast, study participants described operating difficulties, which are understood given that technology adoption can be very challenging for older women (Kim et al., 2017; Siren & Knudsen, 2017). They also stated that they felt uncomfortable with Facebook’s sharing culture and its privacy issues—a finding that echoes previous research regarding older adults’ perception of SNS use as risky because of privacy concerns and possible exposure to harmful information (Charness & Boot, 2009; Leist, 2013; Xie et al., 2012). Participants also commented about unappealing content and expressed their lack of interest in what some people publish on Facebook. This finding also conformed with past research showing that material posted on SNSs is perceived by older individuals as self-centered and embarrassing (Lehtinen et al., 2009; Xie et al., 2012).

The ambivalent attitudes expressed regarding Facebook may explain why the most common triggers for its use were external or imposed. Typically, the idea came from a younger family member who persuaded the grandmother to register and use Facebook in one way or another. Motivation for subsequent use, however, originated among the participants themselves, combining both personal and social factors, among which staying close to family members was dominant, reflecting the significance of the grandparent role in older women’s identities (Breheny et al., 2013; Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). Furthermore, previous studies showed that a desire for connection with grandchildren often explains grandmothers’ adoption of ICT (Breheny et al., 2013; Tarrant, 2010) and their willingness to accept uncomfortable practices (Sawchuk & Crow, 2012; Yuan et al., 2016).

Inconsistency in attitude toward Facebook use may also explain the partial nature of its adoption by study participants. Many used Facebook to keep in touch and preserve their grandmother roles, although such use was typically constrained and characteristically reactive: consuming content uploaded by family and friends, sometimes liking, responding, or sharing and rarely—if ever—creating original content. These findings are similar to those of Ivan and Hebblethwaite (2016), according to which grandmothers’ use of Facebook is relatively passive, focusing on reading and sharing information rather than posting.

Despite general ambivalence and restrained use, the findings of this study indicate that Facebook use plays a significant role in the lives of grandmothers who adopt this platform. Applying the terminology of innovation theory (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007), their Facebook use may be described as SPI, as it enables continuation of earlier roles, interests, capacities, and/or relationships and thus supports preservation of internal continuity. The study participants used various features of Facebook to maintain (or renew) relationships with family and friends, and strengthened connection to their personal roots through different groups or pages dedicated to neighborhoods, origins, communities, and ethnic groups. Moreover, they testified that their daily use of Facebook maintained their feeling of being part of the world and provided a sense of relevance.

As previous research suggested that women are involved in both SPI and SRI (Campbell & Yang, 2011), the study participants’ use of Facebook for self-preservation was rather expected. Surprisingly, however, their reports did not indicate any kind of use that could be described as SRI. Although Facebook could offer them numerous opportunities for self-reinvention by assisting in finding new hobbies, friends, and/or activities, their use of it was directed at self-preservation only. This unequivocal inclination toward SPI in Facebook use may be explained by the fact that the use was ambivalent and restrained. This type of “restrained innovation,” which was never documented in studies on innovation in later life, may be particularly useful in SPI, while SRI may require more decisiveness and enthusiasm.

Overall, the findings of the present study suggest a new theoretical tenet to innovation theory (Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007) according to which even “restrained innovation” may be beneficial in later life. The new type of innovation proposed is characterized by (a) external triggers or even imposition, (b) reluctant involvement reflected in adoption that tends to be partial and restrained, (c) ambivalent attitudes and various concerns, and—in spite of all the above—(d) contribution to preservation of significant roles and self-perception, which promotes well-being in later life.