Spiritual exceptionalism? An ethnographic survey of transnational pentecostal communities in Boston’s inner core

Research methods

This ethnographic, qualitative study was conducted through three data collection methodologies: (1) collection and analysis of publicly available printed and virtual media related to evangelistic outreach, promotion, and education; (2) observation of public worship gatherings through coded field notes; and (3) individual interviews with adult church leaders and congregants. ⁴ Collection and analysis of publicly available media took place through June to September of 2015 through visiting online websites, enrolling in email newsletters, and collecting materials from onsite visits. Observations of public gatherings were hand-written in a field journal through the course of the study (see Appendix). Besides interaction in public gatherings, more formal 30–45 minute interviews with participants were conducted in-person, and in a few cases over the phone. Participating communities were both Pentecostal and transnational in character. As each community had its own specific structures and identifying language, the primary features used to identify transnational Pentecostal communities were: (1) an exhibition of worship styles that are consistent with general scholarly consensus of Pentecostal/Charismatic practices (speaking in tongues, prayer for healing, experience of ‘baptism of the Spirit,’ lively worship, etc.); and (2) communities consisting of members who were primarily first generation and second generation immigrants. Additionally, only communities that were located in what the Metropolitan Area Planning Council designates as the Inner Core of Metro Boston were included (MAPC, 2014). The choice of a highly urbanized population is the result of the overwhelming amount of data which point to a disproportionate amount of urban-bound immigration into the United States. ⁵

As this study is an attempt to utilize existing frameworks to understand the United States context, the guiding analytical framework is a consolidation of the various tensions which arise in research done farther afield. For interpretive simplicity, these tensions can be described as: (1) Global/Local Identity, (2) Reverse Mission/Asylum Rhetoric, (3) Prosperity/Ascetic Ethics, and (4) Integrative/Marginal Social Location. First, the development of identity in transnational Pentecostal communities is a more complex animal than in similar indigenous communities. Individual and communal identity formation make use of connections to affluent transnational networks (mono- and multi-cultural), family and friends living in home countries and other receiving nations, localized networks of support, as well as the predominate socio-cultural frameworks of both sending and receiving nations (Asamoah-Gyadu, 2010; Kalu, 2010; Wilkinson, 2000). This tension can also be discussed in terms of what Burgess et al. (2010) identified as navigating the transnational, national, and local spheres of public engagement. To be sure, the question of identity in such communities is one that grasps all the complexities of the modern globalized world. Second, the work of Ukah and Adedibu, has also identified what might be called a tension between reverse-mission rhetoric, the effort to re-evangelize what were once ‘sending nations,’ and the reality of social asylum (Adedibu, 2012; Ukah, 2009). ⁶ Research elsewhere has demonstrated that most transnational churches are not ethnically or culturally diverse, and are constituted by people of similar backgrounds. At times, the reality of social asylum can even give way to a complementary rhetoric. Considering many transnational communities are situated within evangelical traditions, this tension necessitates an active conversation about the motivating purpose of communal religious life. Third, similar to broader Pentecostal research, researchers in this specific field often identify the ethical tension between ascetic moral practices (often grouped around the idea of holiness) utilized as communal boundary markers, and more ‘world affirmative’ ethics of prosperity (Adogame, 2013; Martin, 2010). ⁷ This ethical tension is made more complex when considered in light of prevalent social constructs in the United States, such as the attainment of the ‘American Dream.’ How does the terminology of discipline and prosperity aid Pentecostals in navigating this muddy existential water? This leads to the fourth tension, that of the relation to the receiving culture. Though communal and personal identities may be geared towards socially integrative stances, or public action may be geared towards civic engagement, these sorts of communities often inhabit spaces of social marginality. Simply put, they are invisible within the communities they inhabit.

Of course, these four tensions are only useful so long as they actually help understand these communities. Though these four tensions provide the basis of investigation, as typical of ethnographic research new questions and added nuances emerged through the course of the study. Furthermore, as a licensed minister within an international Pentecostal denomination and a critical enquirer of the movement as a whole, this study is intended to avoid the over generalized and over determined approaches all too common in the field. The aim is to understand these communities as they are, which must necessarily account for their own self-understanding.

Definitions

With the methodology laid out, it would be prudent to deal with a few definitions in order to clear up any uncertainty before moving on. Two definitions are important: Pentecostal; and transnational. First, I use the term Pentecostal in a much broader sense than do Johnson and Zurlo in their widely accepted categorization of Renewalist movements (Johnson and Zurlo, n.d.). While the subdivision of Pentecostal, Charismatic, and Neocharismatic are helpful in many ways (especially theological), what one finds in the field is a fluidity of definitions among many believers. Furthermore, this study does not use the term ‘Renewalist’ because the term is almost never used by believers to describe themselves. The most utilized self-description terms by believers were Pentecostal, Charismatic, or Spirit-filled. Due to the fact that almost all forms of Renewalist movements recognize a unity of experience with the Day of Pentecost in Acts 2, and the historical significance of the classical Pentecostal movement on subsequent ones, the term ‘Pentecostal’ will be utilized as a blanket term for study participants.

Similarly, I assign to the term ‘transnational church/community’ a much broader sense than some others. Many studies utilize the term to describe immigrant congregations that are officially affiliated (denominationally or otherwise) with ecclesial bodies in immigrant sending nations. A Nigerian church in Brooklyn that is a member of a Nigerian-based denomination would be the quintessential model. This typical mold ignores the many ways that immigrant communities often adapt, coexist, and/or integrate into receiving country ecclesial structures. Meneses (2009) describes the term ‘transnationalism’ as simply describing “a new circumstance for social and cultural life created by the phenomenon of global migration.” Transnational religious communities, then, are any bodies which find their social, cultural, and religious life affected by the forces of global migration in a first-hand way. The term ‘community’ is utilized in some instances where the term ‘church’ is inappropriate, specifically in relation to Roman Catholic Church structures.

Church of Pentecost U.S.A., Inc.

Of all the communities investigated in this study, the Boston District of the Church of Pentecost U.S.A., Inc. (CPUSA) is the one that most fits what one typically thinks of in terms of a ‘transnational Pentecostal church.’ CPUSA is the United States extension of the Church of Pentecost denomination based out of Accra, Ghana. The squat brick building tucked into the far corner of Oak Grove Square in Brighton is the headquarters for the Boston District. Any church within the CPUSA, including the Boston District, is designated as a ‘mission’ church, the reasoning being that any church located outside of Ghana is technically a ‘mission’ church. ⁸ The Boston District itself is made up of three separate congregations sharing a single pastor. Two congregations meet in the Brighton headquarters and one meets in the nearby town of Brockton. Pastor Foday, a Sierra Leonean who has lived and pastored in the United States for over 20 years, is well versed in the balancing act that pastoring a primarily Ghanaian church can entail. According to Pastor Foday, CPUSA has around 20,000 members across 32 states. Of these, he estimates 90–95% are African immigrants. ⁹ This fact troubles Foday who sees the mission of CPUSA as being “two-pronged.” The church must reach Ghanaians and Africans on one hand, but it must also reach the “indigenous” people of the United States.

A visit to any number of their weekly services (services are advertised for three days of the week, though many special services and meetings fill in on extra days) demonstrates just how difficult this mission could be. The main sanctuary has bright, luxurious fabric looping down the side walls. Services rarely start when advertised and often run long, two cardinal sins towards the New England sense of time. Singers might begin before band members arrive, the drummer might only make the final song, verses and lines might jump back and forth between Twi and English. Of course, messages are always in English, especially now as Pastor Foday does not speak or understand the Ghanaian language of Twi, though prayers are often publicly offered in Twi and left untranslated. Many members come in colorful Ghanaian dress. Services unfold with all the comfort of a Ghanaian homecoming. Yet, this is only half of the picture. While Pastor Foday is concerned that CPUSA might be “building a church for Africans” rather than Americans, ¹⁰ he and his district seem to be making great efforts to change this.

The newest of the three congregations is named the Pentecostal International Worship Center (PIWC) and it was formed with the express commitment of reaching “primarily students, professionals and the non-Ghanaian community in the Greater Boston area” (The Church of Pentecost, n.d.). Services are held only in English and are often led by the American born children of Ghanaian immigrants, as well as a number of younger Ghanaian students. This new congregation, however, exemplifies the current identity crisis facing the CPUSA. An elder ¹¹ in the church, Theodore Bonsu, oversees PIWC. According to him, this sort of congregation is the best way to reach out to the indigenous populations as they are both Ghanaian and American. ¹² Yet, Elder Theo conveys his own concerns over the “identity crisis” facing these young people. Case in point is his story of his three-year-old daughter. Upon Theo calling her a Ghanaian, she promptly responded, “No, I’m a Twi-speaking American!”

Of course, this is not to say that 1st generation immigrants to the community are not actively engaging American culture. Both Pastor Foday and Elder Theo recounted the influence that American preachers such as Derek Prince, Billy Graham, T.D. Jakes, Charles Finney, and others had on their spiritual formation, even prior to coming to the United States. ¹³ The themes of spiritual discipline, commitment and tithing run strong in the 1st generation community, though a high commitment to work and supporting the family often directly competes with church commitments. In many ways, this first generation represents the typical immigration story of working hard to make a better life for their children, some of who have gone on to attend preeminent local universities. Despite the adversities facing immigrants to the United States, many congregants see themselves as prospering by God’s grace.

Still, the missional aims of the church are continually examined as the relationship of the congregations to the surrounding community remains undeveloped. While the Ghanaian headquarters continually encourage CPUSA churches to host community-based events and outreaches, such efforts have been spotty in an inhospitable New England climate. ¹⁴ While initial noise complaints during all night prayer meetings were easily addressed with proper sound proofing, the church has not faced any tension with the surrounding community. However, Elder Theo sees the highly academic environment of the Boston area and unfamiliar bureaucratic systems surrounding things like hospital and prison ministry as having curtailed efforts to engage the broader community. ¹⁵ With members joining the social sector and a few committed congregants entering into collegiate settings as students, he and the church remain hopeful that they can reinvigorate the second prong of their mission.

Tabernáculo da Fé

If CPUSA is as close as possible to the traditional definition of a transnational church, then Tabernáculo da Fé (TDF) is as far away from the definition as possible. TDF is a Brazilian prayer group overseen by the Charismatic Renewal of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Boston. Meeting in the basement level chapel of St. Anthony’s in Somerville, the prayer group is a vibrant weekday gathering for Brazilian immigrants. Celebrating its 100th year, St. Anthony’s has a long history of immigrant engagement, being initially founded to meet the needs of the growing number of Italian immigrants to the city (Shelton, 2015). Over time, the Italian community shifted away from the parish and was replaced by a new wave of Brazilian immigrants in the late 1980s. The Portuguese community continues to represent a strong contingent in the church; four of the eleven weekly masses are offered in Portuguese.

Deacon Alvaro Soares was formally the Director of the Charismatic Renewal Services, a lay-led council that provides oversite and guidance to Charismatic prayer groups and events in the Boston Archdiocese. Now ordained, Alvaro has become the liaison between the movement and the hierarchical church. Alvaro’s own story is representative of many of those involved in TDF. An adult immigrant from Brazil, Alvaro was a practicing Catholic before coming to the United States. He only ventured into a Charismatic prayer group because of the vibrant Brazilian community it offered him. After going through the highly recommended “Life in the Spirit” course (a course all members of the Renewal are required to take to advance into leadership positions), Alvaro continued in his own theological training and taking on leadership roles within the Renewal, eventually being ordained into the permanent deaconate. ¹⁶ In his own experience, Alvaro feels that many have followed in his footsteps, estimating that of those who join foreign language Charismatic prayer groups 95% were not Charismatic before coming into the United States. ¹⁷

And this perception is readily understandable when one attends a TDF service. The cozy chapel with niched saints is made all the more comfortable by the many handshakes, hugs, and Portuguese greetings offered prior the beginning of the meeting. Children are handed over to dedicated teachers who oversee a parallel children’s service, offering parents a chance to worship child free. After a solemn communal rosary, energetic Portuguese worship songs are led by a full band. A practical, affective teaching is offered by a member of the group or a visiting speaker. In the handful of visits I made, speakers and leaders of the prayer group were always fashionably dressed, well-spoken, and entirely female. Following the teaching was a time of prayer or testimony. Afterwards, people mingle for some time, catching up on their weeks. Importantly, for the entirety of the evening, not a single word of English is spoken. For many, this time seemed a home away from home. Of course, the group is ready to translate when needed, offering me an in-ear headset connected to a microphone in the back of the chapel where a group member was dedicatedly translating to the best of their ability.

And this sort of dedication runs high within the group. Ana Clara, the leader of TDF, apologized profusely for arriving late to our interview. When asked the reason, she informed me her and two other friends had just completed a 1,000 Hail Mary prayer session, an event which lasted for the larger part of the day. Arriving in the US at 20 years old, Ana Clara was furious over being divorced from her native Brazil. Throwing herself into the Boston club scene, she would party late into Saturday evenings and then go to mass the next morning. After being invited to TDF several times, she went with a friend and later personally experienced glossolalia, an event she says completely changed her life and led to her high level of involvement. ¹⁸ Leaders and teachers are often developed within the organization of the Renewal movement ¹⁹ ; groups are expected to utilize outside speakers and leaders only on occasion. In fact, visiting speakers from outside the region are often viewed with a degree of wariness by leadership as it cannot always be verified that they are teaching doctrine consistent with the Charismatic Renewal and the Catholic Church. ²⁰ While many individuals only visit from time to time, there is a clear expectation of commitment to both the group and the partaking of the sacraments. Ana Clara expressed concern over “immature” people who only attend prayer groups and want to “throw the Holy Spirit down their throat.” ²¹ For her, a Spirit-filled life might begin in emotionalism, but spiritual maturity should see a rise in regular sacramental devotion, especially in the Eucharist. Ana Clara’s English is halting, despite having immigrated at a younger age and been in the United States for over 15 years. She still strongly identifies as being Brazilian, not American, yet she seems invested in the life of the parish community and desires other members of the group to serve in parish-wide events. ²² This idea is a common thread in leadership. Deacon Alvaro feels many parishes are happy to have Charismatic prayer groups, as Charismatic members are more than willing to take on voluntary leadership roles that few others will accept. ²³ In terms of the life of the parish, then, these groups are often highly integrated. Yet, most people within TDF retained a very strong sense of their own culture. In some parishes, there have been struggles with Brazilian-speaking prayer groups over using Brazilian curriculums as opposed to American ones, and Brazilian authors and speakers remain heavily influential in the spiritual life of the prayer group. ²⁴

Congregación León de Judá

Just on the border of South Boston and Roxbury, the multi-building complex of Congregación León de Judá (CLDJ) sits adjacent to community gardens and housing. The large, newly constructed sanctuary is tucked away off the street, the church’s older edifice blocking its view. CLDJ is a self-described Hispanic Bapticostal church that has become an establishment in the Hispanic community of Boston. The current Republican governor of Massachusetts, Charlie Baker, recently opted to have his pre-inaugural prayer service held in the newly completed sanctuary (though mounting pressure forced the governor to publicly clarify that he did not agree with the CLDJ’s conservative stance on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) issues following the service). Dr. Robert Miranda, the senior pastor of CLDJ, even stood alongside former governor Duval Patrick and President Obama in an interfaith prayer service following the Boston Marathon bombing. CLDJ is made up a diverse blend of immigrants, children of immigrants, as well as many people from the surrounding community. In many ways, it represents the changing face of the American church, which is significant when you also consider that it can and should be considered a transnational religious community.

The transnational nature of the church is readily apparent on a Sunday morning. CLDJ hosts two main services on Sunday morning, the first being a combined English–Spanish service and the second being a Spanish only. Prior to both services Miranda and other pastors travel the room greeting people in Spanish and English. In both services, songs are sung in an exacting order of Spanish–English–Spanish, providing everyone the ability to understand. Song choices reflect a diverse mix of English-composed and Spanish-composed songs. The first service is more reserved, while the second service has a greater display of dancing and tambourines. Televisions are mounted at various points around the sanctuary, cycling through song lyrics during worship and inspirational pictures and bi-lingual quotes during the message. On the walls of the sanctuary are large metallic frames with Hebrew and English words engraved over them. The two frames mounted over the main platform read “Church” and “Government.” There is no American flag on the stage, only a Christian flag.

Congregación León de Judá is a church intensely aware of its global and local identity. Associate Pastor Gregory Bishop commented that many members will often ‘moonlight’ by attending an ethnic-specific congregation, often despite a heavy level of involvement in CLDJ. ²⁵ The practice is an open secret, however, and is sometimes encouraged for those who do not have a large cohort of people who share their nationality in CLDJ. According to Pastor Gregory, to be a member at CLDJ often involves a certain level of sacrifice of one’s cultural identity into the larger transnational community, a sacrifice many are willing to make considering the congregation numbers are into the thousands. At the same time, however, the growing prominence of the congregation in the political sphere demonstrates the fact that this community is undoubtedly American. To be a member at CLDJ is to be involved in the drama of conservative American Christianity.

A recent book by Miranda (2009), En la Tierra de los Peregrinos, makes the case that, “Hispanic immigrants bring moral, spiritual and cultural values that America desperately needs in this time of its history. In many ways, Latinos have deep affinities with the values first established by the founders of this nation.” Congregants of CLDJ are clearly on a mission, and none is more aware than long-time member Regine Alvarez. Regine arrived in the US with her entire family over 20 years ago. Raised Pentecostal in the Dominican Republic, Regine recounts how God showed her the streets of Boston in a dream, and that she knew all the streets in the area when she arrived. ²⁶ God has a purpose for her in Boston. Of course, this is not to say Regine sees herself expressly as a missionary. She arrived, like most 1st generation immigrants at CLDJ, in search of better economic opportunities for herself and her family. Regine currently leads CLDJ’s Monday night prayer service, where many people come to share their problems and gain support and aid through prayer. The prayer meeting I attended was themed around the idea of God being the “paz en la tormenta (peace in the storm).” People prayed for strength and victory, they shared testimonies of how God and CLDJ were there for them in their time of need. While the entirety of the meeting was held in Spanish, most members demonstrated a proficiency in English, and none of the problems prayed for were specific to immigrant contexts. Finally, the meeting ended with prayer on behalf of missionaries, evangelists, and pastors in the community and around the world.

The prayer service exhibited few characteristics that are not typical of American Charismatic practices. Still, many in attendance were 1st generation immigrants who demonstrate what Pastor Gregory calls an “old world ethic.” They will work hard and serve the church even harder, sometimes to a point that can become problematic for them. ²⁷ High levels of commitment and spiritual discipline are normative amongst this generation. Many come from Holiness backgrounds and continue to eschew the typical vices of alcohol, smoking and dancing. Younger generations must face a growing dilemma, however. CLDJ recently created an English-only service to accommodate the growing number of non-Hispanic and 2nd generation congregants who are not as proficient at Spanish and grew up in environments where such stringent forms of Pentecostalism were not the norm. While the English-only congregation is thriving, CLDJ is facing new challenges of how to integrate the growing number of non-native speakers into a community that continues to draw more Hispanic immigrants.

In many ways, this problem has become an issue for CLDJ because of the successes it has had in engaging the community of Boston. Its self-sustaining Higher Education Resource Center is part of a citywide grassroots initiative to help at-risk youth get to college. CLDJ’s relationship with the Boston Public Schools is so good that CLDJ members were invited to teach character development courses to students; these courses are based off of Judeo-Christian principles. ²⁸ CLDJ has an increasingly visible presence in the city of Boston. Of course, they continue to receive general push back from the surrounding community on their conservative stances on LGBTQ issues, but this is a general problem for conservative churches in Boston. On the ground, however, a majority of conflicts revolve around their insistence on feeding and helping the homeless and drug addicted. Nearby homeowners have expressed opposition to the fact that CLDJ continually attracts vagrant populations into the area. ²⁹ All this the community takes in its stride, though some frustrations are evident. As Regine said, “complaints mean God is doing a good thing here.” ³⁰

The Faithful and True Witness Apostolic Church

From the gigantic down to the small, Pentecostal churches in the Boston area come in all varieties. The Faithful and True Witness Apostolic Church (FATWAC) is a small, mostly Caribbean church meeting in the heart of Cambridge. FATWAC is not affiliated directly with any other Pentecostal polity, though Pastor Leroy Smith was, prior to the founding of FATWAC, a minister in one of Boston’s Shiloh Apostolic churches. The Shiloh Apostolic Church is a large Pentecostal denomination based out of Jamaica. The doctrine and spirituality of FATWAC falls under what can be called Oneness, or alternatively “Jesus only,” Pentecostalism. In many ways, FATWAC represents one of the most classical forms of Pentecostalism within this study; they demonstrated the sort of high asceticism, vibrant spirituality, and attention to the finer points of doctrine that were so common in the early movement (see Wacker, 2001 ³¹ ).

The thirty or so people who make up FATWAC meet in an indistinct brick building which shares a small parking lot with a local gym in Cambridge. On any given Sunday, FATWAC advertises that it has around seven hours of service, though in my experience, services often started much later than advertised and did not have a definite end time. A morning Sunday school, led by Pastor Smith, goes through a set curriculum with commentary on each verse given by Smith. Following that, the main service begins whenever enough people have arrived. Worship begins with whatever is available. Smith’s wife leads by singing and playing her tambourine, Smith accompanies on the drums. People trickle into the building and join in, eventually a band member arrives and adds keys to the drums. Everyone is well-dressed, some women don head coverings of small square cloth, a practice I later found out to be of a typical sort worn amongst women Pentecostals in the Caribbean ³² ; some women wear hats, some worship with their heads uncovered. Worship flows into a time of testimony with rounds of ad hoc singing. This is followed by an offering (with sermonette) and a lengthy sermon.

The Faithful and True Witness Apostolic Church, like many of the churches in the study, maintains a strong web presence which often extends the scope of its ministry beyond the small Sunday gatherings. Uploading sermons and teachings, Smith reports he gets an email or letter almost daily from people around the globe thanking him for his ministry. ³³ This international perspective is something common in FATWAC. Smith travels extensively back to Jamaica, his country of birth, to attend and speak at conferences. ³⁴ Many members report mission trips back to their home countries and a desire to continue to do this more. ³⁵ This is quite understandable considering Smith estimates that within his flock 80% is from the Caribbean (Jamaica especially); 15% are from America; and 5% originate elsewhere. ³⁶ While many members are 1st generation immigrants, the congregation has existed long enough that a 2nd generation has grown up within the church. Of these, not many are regular attenders, a fact Smith expressed great concern over. According to Smith, the second generation has not been “indoctrinated” well enough, a fact they are trying to remedy in the next generation.

Evangelistic rhetoric is high within the church, though Smith admits to not having a very strong tie to the surrounding community, in part because the area around their church building is predominantly not African American. Still, FATWAC has taken some Saturdays to hand out tracts in nearby areas, and Smith hopes this sort of activity can increase. The real tool of evangelism, as Smith sees it, is a holy life. Believers should be recognizable as a child of God through the way they live in the world. ³⁷ Sanctification consists in setting oneself apart from worldly ways. A high commitment to prayer, Bible-reading, and tithing is expected. In one visit, a young congregant was singled out for not bringing a tithe regularly. Prohibitions on immodest dress, drinking, jewelry and more are part of the community’s spirituality. One member of the church, Narissa, puts it this way, “a true believer walks right, talks right, lives right.” ³⁸ It is not surprising then to find a general admonition of the ostentation associated with prosperity messages, especially those types seen on Christian television. Still, there is no doubt, God desires believers to be prosperous: Pastor Smith, who is also a full time accountant by day, retold the story of someone prophesying that he would own multiple properties. Today, he reportedly owns two. ³⁹ Wealth is not inherently evil and can in fact produce much good, but it can provide a strong temptation towards worldliness.

This strong dichotomy between the church and the world is something that dominates much of the community’s relationship with the surrounding culture. Importantly, however, this is not seen as due to the immigrant status of many congregants. Narissa is fiercely attached to her home country of Barbados, but unfalteringly identifies as an American. Many others have lived in the US for many years, have naturalized, and even married US born spouses. Rather, the dichotomy between the church and world rests very firmly in the spiritual dimension; it is the difference between light and dark. In reference to the 2nd generation who are not representing the faith well, Smith blames the community’s location amidst a general culture of academia, which makes it difficult to mentor young people, many of whom have inculcated that worldview. In his words, “Living near Harvard, people think they don’t need religion.” ⁴⁰

Grace Church of All Nations

As a transnational church, Grace Church of All Nations (GCOAN; n.d.a) pushes at the boundaries of the definition. Founded in 1963 by Bishop A Foxworth, Sr., GCOAN began as the Pentecostal Household of Faith. The church changed its name following the ministry being handed over to his son, (now) Archbishop A. Livingston Foxworth, Jr. Citing Isaiah 2: 2 as inspiration, ⁴¹ the church began undergoing a radical reorientation towards the immigrant community that it found itself in. Operating out of a former grocery store near the diverse area of Dorchester known as Field’s Corner, GCOAN has undergone a unique transformation. Starting as a primarily black American church, the church is now a purposefully multi-national one, though still predominantly black. Flags adorn the entire left side of the converted sanctuary, many of which belong to African and Caribbean nations. Painted in bold letters across the back of the stage are the words “One Nation Under God.” Services are lively, with an eclectic mix of traditional Pentecostal hymns, Caribbean medleys, and modern American gospel, all performed at an exquisite level, even when impromptu. Sermons are powerfully delivered and creatively constructed, though often interrupted by hymns and the exuberant worship. With the exception of flags and other more subtle features, it might take many people some time before they realizes that over 50% of the congregation are immigrants (Grace Church of All Nations, n.d.b).

During the time of this study, the church was going through their “Summer Sunday Showcase,” where members from different nations took turns as the “host” of the service. Groups were given a short segment of the service following worship to present key features of their home nation and show off traditional dress. The choir wore bandanas and pocket squares made from the flag of the nation for the week. Food from the host nation was served following service. In short, GCOAN is intent on presenting itself as a reflection of the “melting pot” area that Field’s Corner has become. ⁴² The Archbishop has also more recently founded the Pentecostal Episcopal Church, a new movement offering episcopal oversite to other multi-cultural and mono-cultural churches in and around the United States. Its members often have intricate connections to families and ministries outside the US. Mishella Etienne-Cambell has been worship pastor on staff for around twenty years. The daughter of Haitian immigrants, Pastor Mishella was hired by GCOAN following her singing at a Haitian crusade led by her mother. Despite heavy involvement in the church, she and her family make regular return trips to Haiti, speaking in conferences and at academic institutions. ⁴³ Pastor Mishella was raised in a Haitian Baptist church, and had to adjust to the unique Pentecostal practices of the community on joining the staff. In contrast to her is Georgia White, a long-time member of the congregation who runs the prayer group known as “Christians Helping Christians.” Georgia was raised in Connecticut in Pentecostal churches; her mother and aunts are all ministers. Her roots run deeply in Alabama, a heritage she claims proudly. ⁴⁴ While GCOAN is undoubtedly a transnational church in many ways, the foundation is undoubtedly American. ⁴⁵

Both Georgia and Pastor Mishella identify strongly by the label “American” and both are immensely concerned with the problems facing their local community. Both express concern over issues that Pastor Mishella calls “inner city problems.” ⁴⁶ Violence, prison, addiction, and poverty are realities to which the church is determined to respond, even if they must do so on a “shoestring” budget. Though the church has taken part in citywide initiatives to address social problems within Dorchester, funding rarely follows. Georgia, a school nurse, talks about the necessity of depending on God everyday as she regularly faces challenges which lie outside her scope, especially in regards to children who have witnessed violence or whose parents have been incarcerated. GCOAN is intensely aware that its own congregation is under immense stress as an inner-city church. Still, the community also faces challenges that are unique to the immigrant population. The “pink elephant in the room” for Pastor Mishella is the legal status of many congregants, and the question of how they might help congregants who face issues with immigration.

Yet, the church desires to be a community in which people can find real life change, and indeed prosperity, but not in the vein of prominent televangelists. Georgia discussed the term prosperity in reference to a woman who had been struggling to get out of prostitution and drug addiction. For her prosperity and God’s blessing had more to do with approval for Section 8 housing and the ability to see her daughter than it did for luxury goods. ⁴⁷ Pastor Mishella points to “new age” pastors as being responsible for the prosperity Gospel, though maintains that God does want Christians to prosper. “Prospering the soul” is the first priority, however, and a daily time of prayer and Bible study is seen as integral. In Georgia’s words, the empowerment provided by the Holy Spirit was an “extra edge” that helps a person face the conflicts of life. ⁴⁸

The church is oriented strongly towards reaching the surrounding community. GCOAN holds community-wide events and invites the entire ZIP code to take part through direct mailings. ⁴⁹ Likewise, they are and have been involved in various outreaches like prison ministries, hospital ministries, and prayer lines. As stated above, GCOAN has also taken part in city led initiatives to address the needs of the community. On one of my visits, a city counselor was in attendance and was provided a segment to remind people to vote. The church is also a member of the Black Ministerial Alliance, though both Pastor Mishella and Georgia both bemoaned the lack of coordinated ecclesial efforts to address the ills of the community. All in all, GCOAN seems directly connected to the needs of its diverse community.

Forming Global/Local Identity

With the exception of CPUSA, no communities exhibited strong structural ties to international bodies (denominational, organizational, or otherwise). Besides this exception, links with home countries and other transnational communities were maintained on a more ad hoc basis. Home visits, international conferences, and sporadic local events provided strong links to home countries and other congregations from similar backgrounds. Resources from congregants’ home countries provided a more direct link. When communities favored the use of a language other than English (CPUSA, TDF, and CLDJ), there was a marked increase in the number of non-American resources used. In these circumstances, media from congregants’ home countries in the form of books, music, and recordings/videos of popular preachers were much more commonplace. At the same time, even these congregations saw many American sources as influential. Across the board, clergy utilized these American resources more than their congregants. With a few exceptions, congregants who originated outside of the United States tended to identify as American. Those who were first generation immigrants, often felt the need to qualify the statement, saying things like “You make it [the label American] what you want it to be” ⁵⁰ or “I’m both.” ⁵¹ All congregants expressed a feeling of connection to the surrounding community.

For many members of transnational religious communities, then, they inhabit two worlds simultaneously. Internal strife within communities regarding curriculum, music, and language could be seen as reflection of this identity crisis. That said, communities often seemed remarkably adept at living in the tension. Two factors could play into the ease in which these communities navigate the messy waters of global and local identity. First, the cultural narrative surrounding the idea of American citizenship allows for a level of flexibility not found elsewhere. The hyphen has been a great friend to America and its immigrant communities. Secondly, the status of these congregations as Pentecostal might make the formation of identity a more global enterprise than usual, regardless of one’s status as immigrant. Pentecostalism has within its core a universalizing narrative of experience. The language of revival, renewal, mission, Spirit-baptism, spiritual warfare and empowerment have travelled across international borders, making it possible to speak the same language. ⁵² Despite radical differences in worldview and the differences of worship practices, Pentecostal teaching, preaching, and music have long been at work in various international contexts crafting a common ground. For many, the prevalence of American resources in their native context might have provided them an easier transition into the American one; their faith does not need a radical overhaul to make sense in an American context.

Reverse mission and asylum rhetoric

The question of identity calls into question the idea of “reverse mission.” While many communities felt themselves as working to evangelize their communities, only CPUSA and CLDJ identified with the concept. Even then, they only utilized the term as I introduced it. For every congregant and pastor interviewed, the move to the United States was framed in terms of economic and educational advancement. Everything in this study indicated that the use of the term “reverse mission” is not useful in the self-understanding of most transnational immigrant communities. While such distinctions may have proven useful in the past, framing these communities’ goals of evangelization and mission as part of the “reverse mission” phenomenon situates them in a narrative they are not necessarily appropriating. That said, many do feel America is in need of revival and that they are the ones to help bring it about, even by virtue of their unique status as immigrants. I would like to see further research demonstrate that this understanding is dramatically different than that of American Pentecostal communities who feel their own unique perspective as essential to national renewal.

These communities do often operate as asylums for immigrants, however. Many people have gravitated to these communities expressly because they provide connection to a community with which they have a shared culture. Within a community of similarly situated individuals, people can find emotional, and even economic, support in the challenges that face them as immigrants. In communities that demonstrate a greater degree of nationalities, practices such as ‘moonlighting’ at other congregations (CLDJ) and the Summer Sunday Showcase (GCOAN) were utilized as ways to help people foster their own unique cultural identity. The second generation within these communities, however, have begun to undermine the status of even the most mono-cultural congregations as asylums. Younger, more-Americanized congregants have increasingly put pressure on older generations to adapt practices to fit their own contexts. Furthermore, many communities in the study demonstrated a large amount of civic engagement, GCOAN and CLDJ in particular. These “asylums” are often the avenues by which many immigrants become integrated into American society.

Prosperity and ascetic ethics

No congregations within the study demonstrated an affinity for what is popularly known as the “Prosperity Gospel.” In fact, every person I talked with publicly disavowed such teachings. That said, all ministers confessed to the presence of such teachings within their congregations, and some ministers even identified so-called “prosperity preachers” as influential in their own formation. What is and is not part of the “prosperity message” is a live question. Many communities utilized Matthew 6: 33 in reference to the proper attitude towards money, in short: God’s kingdom is first, and then money will follow. At times, this was taken in a supernatural sense, meaning God will miraculously work on their behalf to produce material blessing. At other times, it was seen in an almost Weberian light, people who live according to God’s ways will by virtue of their habits be more successful. Whatever the case, prosperity often did not mean radical wealth: the category provides a sort of flexibility by which people can affirm God’s care for their needs. Finally, it must be remembered that for 1st generation immigrants living in America, the prosperity message takes on a radically different context. Many members of transnational congregations know what poverty looks like from personal experience. Their present fortune of living in the United States, regardless of economic level, cannot but help to complicate this message in ways that go beyond this present study’s ability to account for.

What is not ambiguous is these communities strong sense of ethical, even ascetic practice. For those communities with more direct ties to early Pentecostalism and its Holiness penchant, ethics often retained an insistence on abstinence from popular vices such as dancing, drinking, jewelry, etc. Each community varied in respect to which practices it saw as unbecoming of a believer. Every person interviewed expressed a strong conviction that daily prayer and Bible study were essential to personal piety. Beyond personal practices, however, each congregation expected members to regularly be present and active in public gatherings and to take on responsibilities within the community. Rather than wealth or ecstatic experiences, the marker of maturity in faith was most often an increased commitment to the community’s life and well-being.

Integrative and marginal social locations

A pressing question for these communities is whether or not their presence is felt in the surrounding communities. While much of the rhetoric points toward a strong engagement of the surrounding community via service and mission, only some of the transnational communities in this study actually demonstrated real connections in these areas. Most occupied a marginal social location in the Greater Boston Area, meaning they were not participants in area-wide events, initiatives, or conversations. For many, they exist primarily to their congregants and the neighbors in the immediate vicinity. Many churches told stories in which neighbors complained of noise levels prior to their soundproofing their worship areas. CLDJ and GCOAN represent the obvious exceptions to this category. Both communities are active participants in civic discourse and have taken steps to alleviate social problems in the surrounding areas. Furthermore, both congregations have taken steps to form networks of similarly situated churches, effectively staking a claim on the landscape of American Pentecostalism. All the same, there is a degree to which theses churches cannot help but remain marginally located in regards to the cultural landscape of New England. For instance, while there is a degree of internal debate in every community in the study, by and large, conservative disapproving stances on LGBTQ issues have proven a sticking point in recent months. Distrust of high levels of education were apparent in some congregations. For those communities marginally located, these views do not cause any real problems. For those communities which are more integrated into the landscape of the area, such stances have caused some problems in their relationship with local leaders and in the community’s perception of them.

In some degree, then, every community studied occupies a marginal space. Yet, each community is also on a trajectory to be much more integrated into the surrounding culture due to a singly pervasive dynamic: the second generation. While leadership of communities is often held by 1st generation immigrants, every community demonstrated a strong concern over the fate of the proceeding generation. Within older non-English-speaking communities, this change has given rise to English congregations within the community. These are often made up of the sons and daughters of immigrants, as well as younger immigrants who are more embracing of Americanized form. In English-speaking congregations, the cultural divide is not always as easily recognized. Many congregations report a loss of younger people, though a single cause cannot be adduced. What is clear is that the younger generation of members is different. The scope of this study did not allow for a further investigation of this trajectory, though the ability of non-English-speaking communities to adapt to this change is telling. English-speaking communities communicated many different reasons for the loss of young people, whereas as non-English-speaking communities communicated just one: they are more Americanized.