A Biopsychosocial Model for Understanding Media Internalization and Appearance Dissatisfaction Among Preadolescent Boys and Girls

Abstract

Sociocultural models emphasize the role of media internalization in preadolescents’ appearance dissatisfaction. The present three-wave panel study sought to examine how biological, psychological, and sociocultural factors jointly contribute to preadolescents’ (N = 973, M_age = 11.15 years) media internalization and appearance dissatisfaction over time. Structural equation modeling was conducted to test a hypothetical model in which media internalization mediated the effect of (a) pubertal timing, (b) media-related conversations with friends, and (c) perceptions of media as a good source of information regarding appearance and attractiveness, on change in appearance satisfaction. The model also examined the protective role of social self-esteem against the internalization of media ideals. For girls, pubertal timing was associated with increases in media internalization over time, directly and indirectly through media information and media-related conversations. For boys, pubertal timing indirectly predicted increases in media internalization over time, through media-related conversations. Media internalization positively predicted body dissatisfaction over time, and vice versa. Social self-esteem did not serve as a buffer against media internalization.

Keywords

media internalization media information media conversations with friends appearance dissatisfaction pubertal timing social self-esteem

A solid body of research has documented the importance of idealized media models—thin-ideal models for girls and muscular-ideal models for boys—in shaping the perceptions of preadolescents (e.g., Eyal & Te’eni-Harari, 2013; Tatangelo & Ricciardelli, 2015). The most prominent line of research in this area has focused on whether exposure to idealized media models affects how preadolescents see themselves and evaluate their own physical appearance (e.g., Anschutz, Spruijt-Metz, Van Strien, & Engels, 2011; Clark & Tiggemann, 2006). These studies have suggested the presence of a negative relationship between media exposure and appearance satisfaction (e.g., Anschutz et al., 2011; Evans, Tovée, Boothroyd, & Drewett, 2013). Considerable attention has also been given to factors that mediate the relationship between media exposure and appearance satisfaction. Media internalization has been shown to be one of the most fundamental mechanisms (Lawler & Nixon, 2011; McLean, Paxton, & Wertheim, 2013). Media internalization entails the endorsement of media-promoted appearance ideals, as well as the adoption of these ideals as a personal goal and standard, and is reflected by individuals’ pursuit of the ideals depicted and their tendency toward appearance comparisons with idealized media models (Thompson & Stice, 2001; Thompson, van den Berg, Roehrig, Guarda, & Heinberg, 2004). Media internalization is hypothesized to foster appearance dissatisfaction because the personal endorsement of media-promoted ideals highlights the gap between the unattainable media-ideal and one’s own physical appearance, leading to feelings of dissatisfaction (e.g., Evans et al., 2013; Rodgers, McLean, & Paxton, 2015).

Sociocultural models of body image have indicated that individuals’ media internalization is preceded by their awareness of societal appearance norms and that societal appearance norms are transmitted through various channels including parents, peers, and the media (e.g., Keery, van den Berg, & Thompson, 2004). The relationship between sociocultural appearance pressures (e.g., peer appearance conversations, parental weight teasing) and preadolescents’ appearance dissatisfaction has been well established, and empirical support exists for media internalization as an important mediator in this relationship (e.g., Jones, Vigfusdottir, & Lee, 2004; McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2005).

Although the existing body of work on sociocultural pressures has revealed important risk factors that contribute to preadolescents’ media internalization and, in turn, appearance dissatisfaction, focusing exclusively on sociocultural influences discounts the well-documented role of biological and psychological influences on body image (Ricciardelli, McCabe, Holt, & Finemore, 2003). To date, however, only a handful of studies have considered the co-occurring roles of biological, psychological, and sociocultural factors in preadolescents’ media internalization and appearance dissatisfaction (Mitchell, Petrie, Greenleaf, & Martin, 2012; Rodgers, Paxton, & McLean, 2014) and none to our knowledge has examined how biopsychosocial factors jointly influence preadolescents’ appearance satisfaction over time.

Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to extend current sociocultural models of body image and explore the concurrent role of biological, psychological, and sociocultural factors in preadolescents’ media internalization and appearance satisfaction over time. Specifically, we examined whether pubertal timing (biological factor) predicted preadolescents’ (a) perception of media as important sources of information about appearance and (b) conversations about media models with friends (sociocultural factors). Furthermore, we also examined how these biological and sociocultural factors related to appearance satisfaction, directly and indirectly through media internalization (see Figure 1). Finally, acknowledging the protective role of social acceptance in appearance-related distress among children and adolescents (e.g., Compian, Gowen, & Hayward, 2008), we investigated whether the hypothesized model would be moderated by individual differences in social self-esteem (psychosocial factor). In the sections that follow, we explain how each of the factors in the model may interact and predict preadolescents’ media internalization and appearance satisfaction.

Figure 1.

Hypothesized relationships between pubertal timing, media information, media conversations with friends, media internalization, and preadolescents’ appearance satisfaction.

Media as a Substitute Peer for Early Maturers

Preadolescence is marked by the onset of pubertal changes (Bourguignon, Domine, Glowacz, Lebrethon, & Parent, 2015). The first visible signs of puberty tend to appear around the ages of 8 to 13 in girls and 9 to 14 in boys (Biro et al., 2010; Herman-Giddens et al., 2012). By midadolescence (ages 14-18 years), some late developing boys may still be involved in the growth spurt; however, the vast majority of midadolescent boys and girls have reached full physical maturation. Consequently, maturity-associated variation in physical characteristics is relatively low during midadolescence. Thus, differences at the extremes of the maturity continuum are particularly accentuated during preadolescence, and intensify preadolescents’ focus on their physical appearance (Cumming et al., 2011; Lindberg et al., 2007). In turn, an appearance-centered focus on the self can result in cognitive biases such as paying more attention to appearance-related information (see Williamson, Muller, Reas, & Thaw, 1999, for a review) and can prompt preadolescents to wonder how their appearance compares with others (Wood, 1989).

In considering the link between puberty and preadolescents’ body satisfaction, it is useful to distinguish between pubertal status and pubertal timing. Pubertal status refers to one’s absolute level of physical maturation at a given point in time. Pubertal timing, on the other hand, refers to the rate at which one physically matures relative to age-mates of the same sex (i.e., same-sex age cohort). During pre- and early adolescence, great variation exists in pubertal status among same-age peers (Cumming et al., 2011), whereas by midadolescence (ages 15-17), when nearly everyone has reached full physical maturation, variation in pubertal status is low (Marceau, Ram, Houts, Grimm, & Susman, 2011). As such, differences in pubertal timing are particularly salient among pre- and early adolescents and make late childhood and early adolescence critical periods for the onset of body image concerns (Petrie, Greenleaf, & Martin, 2010).

With regard to body image concerns, Festinger (1954) theorized that when individuals are uncertain about their relative standing on a particular aspect (e.g., physical attractiveness) and no objective criteria are available, they evaluate themselves through comparison with similar others. Festinger reasoned that individuals prefer to compare themselves with similar others, or comparison targets who are similar in terms of the attribute of concern because they provide the most accurate information for self-evaluation. Studies assessing social appearance comparison among preadolescents have supported this similarity assumption and indicated that preadolescents prefer to compare with peers (i.e., similar others) in order to make cognitive judgments about their own appearance relative to others (e.g., Jones & Crawford, 2006; Jones et al., 2004; Tatangelo & Ricciardelli, 2015).

However, with respect to pubertal timing, it has been argued that preadolescents who experience puberty relatively early feel different from and more mature than their on-time peers and therefore seek out and socialize with older peers who resemble them physically (Skoog & Stattin, 2014; Stattin & Magnusson, 1990). For instance, Laursen and Hartl (2013) indicated that visible physical changes, such as secondary hair growth, breast development, and weight gain, lead early maturing youth to feel sensitive about body changes as well as alienated from same-age peers. Due to this alienation from same-age peers, it is possible that early maturing preadolescents would prefer older, more mature comparison targets for appearance-related self-evaluations (Festinger, 1954). Given that the mass media are influential communicators of sociocultural appearance norms (Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008) and that media models can serve as comparison targets (Eyal & Te’eni-Harari, 2013), making appearance comparisons with media models might be one way for early maturers to gather information about and evaluate their attractiveness (see Myers & Crowther, 2009, for a review). In support of this assumption, Brown, Halpern, and L’Engle (2005) indicated that adolescents (ages 12-15 years) who are maturing earlier than their age-mates turn to the media as a source of information and role models that are unavailable in the peer group. Hence, we suggested that early maturation at Wave 1 (W1) would prompt preadolescents to consult media for information and norms about appearance and to compare themselves with media models for self-evaluative purposes at Wave 2 (W2). As such, our first hypothesis reads,

Hypothesis 1 (H1): Pubertal timing (W1) predicts increases in the perception of media as an important source of information about appearance and attractiveness (W2).

Although we hypothesized that early maturing preadolescents would rely on media models for self-evaluative purposes, it is also possible that early maturers would rely on and compare themselves with media models for self-improvement purposes (e.g., Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015). Preadolescents might use media models as a source of information for how to improve their physical appearance and may subsequently internalize media-promoted appearance ideals as a standard to live up to (e.g., Eyal & Te’eni-Harari, 2013). Such a process would be consistent with an integration of premises from social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) and self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987). Self-discrepancy theory proposes that perceived discrepancies between actual and ideal selves result in negative affect (Higgins, 1987). For instance, among adolescents aged 12 to 15 years, body image self-discrepancy has been linked to body dissatisfaction (Eyal & Te’eni-Harari, 2013). Negative affect, in turn, induces a motivation to reduce the actual-ideal discrepancy. One way to reduce self-discrepancy is through pushing the actual self in the direction of the ideal and/or ought self (Higgins, 1987) by setting self-improvement goals (e.g., Arendt, Peter, & Beck, 2017). In line with this, Knobloch-Westerwick (2015) indicated that individuals can reinforce their self-concept and minimize actual-ideal discrepancies such as appearance self-discrepancies through selectively attending to particular media content. In relation to appearance perception, actual-ideal appearance discrepancies and the associated appearance dissatisfaction may result in motivations to change the self and a drive for self-improvement. In turn, drive for self-improvement can lead individuals to compare themselves with others who are better off such as idealized media models (e.g., Halliwell & Dittmar, 2005; Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015).

With respect to early maturing girls, we know that bodily transformations such as increases in body fat move them further away from the societal thin-ideal (e.g., Tremblay & Lariviere, 2009). Thus, early maturing girls’ actual body shape may clash with dominant conceptions of the female thin-ideal, presumably resulting in actual-ideal discrepancy and negative affect (e.g., McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2009). In support of this assumption, early maturing girls have reported greater body image concerns and weight-related behaviors (Klump, Perkins, Burt, McGue, & Iacono, 2007). Drawing on the idea that individuals select media content to regulate and improve their self-concept, we suggest that the experience of an actual-ideal discrepancy could motivate girls to engage in self-improvement social comparisons with idealized media models (e.g., Dittmar, Halliwell, & Stirling, 2009). Social comparison with thin-ideal media models may cause early maturing girls to develop aspirations to attain a media-promoted ideal body in the future (Knobloch-Westerwick, Robinson, Willis, & Luong, 2016). Based on this reasoning, we propose that early maturing girls use media models as a source of information about attractiveness and subsequently internalize media-promoted ideals in order to set a standard to live up to.

Hypothesis 2a (H2a): Among girls, pubertal timing (W1) predicts increases in girls’ media internalization (W2) directly and indirectly through higher perceptions of media as an important source of information about appearance and attractiveness (W1).

For boys, however, we would expect a different pattern. Among boys, the main physical manifestations of puberty involve an increase in height and muscle mass, masculinity features that bring boys closer to the muscular male ideal (e.g., Cafri, van den Berg, & Thompson, 2006). Hence, it is likely that late maturing boys experience a discrepancy between their own appearance and the societal male muscular ideal and that this self-ideal discrepancy produces negative affect such as feelings of appearance dissatisfaction (e.g., de Guzman & Nishina, 2014). In turn, we suggest that this self-ideal discrepancy and the associated appearance dissatisfaction may prompt late maturing boys to engage in self-improvement comparisons, as the negative affect becomes channeled into motivation for self-improvement (Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015). This reasoning would suggest that late maturing boys perceive media as a good source of information about attractiveness (e.g., body improvement practices) and use media models as a comparison standard and a guide for appearance-related self-improvement (i.e., media internalization) to a greater extent than early maturing boys.

Hypothesis 2b (H2b): Among boys, pubertal timing (W1) predicts lower media internalization (W2), directly and indirectly through lower perceptions of media as an important source of information about appearance and attractiveness (W1).

Peer Negotiated Media Effects

So far, we have proposed that preadolescents may consult media content for appearance-related information, as media models may function as a peer-substitute, providing preadolescents with information that is not available in the peer group. However, the idea of media as a peer-substitute does not necessarily mean that friends and peers may not play a role in making sense of and negotiating appearance-related media images and messages (e.g., Krayer, Ingledew, & Iphofen, 2008). Given the need of preadolescents to be accepted by the peer group and their perception of acceptance to be dependent on appearance (e.g., Dijkstra, Cillessen, Lindenberg, & Veenstra, 2009), it is likely that peer opinions play a role in preadolescents’ personal acceptance of media-promoted appearance ideals (e.g., Jones & Crawford, 2006).

This might be especially true for early maturing girls and late maturing boys who are particularly sensitive to peer rejection based on physical characteristics (Webb & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2015) because, relative to peers, their pubertal maturation moves them further away from the male/female body ideal. In addition, research has demonstrated that off-time maturation is related to increased experiences of appearance teasing by peers. Early maturing girls are at a higher risk for peer appearance criticism (Llewellyn, Rudolph, & Roisman, 2012), whereas early maturing boys are at a lower risk for appearance criticism by peers (e.g., Ricciardelli, 2012). Hence, to overcome deviation from their peers, early maturing girls and late maturing boys might be highly motivated to “fit in” socially (Natsuaki, Samuels, & Leve, 2015). One way to “fit in” and achieve peer acceptance is through conforming to societal appearance norms (see Webb & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2014, for a review). Accordingly, early maturing girls and late maturing boys may be particularly vulnerable to societal appearance-related expectations in general and peer appearance-related expectations in particular (e.g., Kierans & Swords, 2016).

With regard to societal appearance norms, as described above, media are a valuable source of information about appearance for early maturing preadolescents (e.g., Brown et al., 2005). However, given preadolescents’ need to be accepted by peers, it might be that media ideals are first discussed among friends before being internalized (e.g., Clark & Tiggemann, 2008; Veldhuis, Konijn, & Seidell, 2014). In support of this, appearance conversations among preadolescent girls (aged 9-12 years) have been associated with higher levels of media internalization (e.g., Clark & Tiggemann, 2006), suggesting the influence of peer approval in the endorsement and pursuit of media-promoted appearance ideals among this group. Likewise, a focus group study among adolescent boys and girls (aged 12-14 years) indicated that media-promoted appearance ideals can be intensified when reinforced within the peer group (Kierans & Swords, 2016). Drawing on this evidence, we suggest that peers play an important part in making sense of appearance-related media images and messages (Krayer et al., 2008) and that media-related conversations with friends might function as a means to verify the extent to which peers agree or disagree with media-promoted ideals. In addition, individuals are more motivated to adopt appearance-related beliefs and norms that are supported by peers and to engage in behaviors designed to achieve an appearance that conforms to these norms (e.g., Bergstrom & Neighbors, 2006). Therefore, we suggest that media-related conversations with friends are associated with higher levels of internalization of media-promoted appearance ideals. This would align with previous research indicating that interpersonal communication about media content can reinforce media-transmitted messages, eventually influencing related attitudes and behavior (e.g., van den Putte, Yzer, Southwell, de Bruijn, & Willemsen, 2011). Hence, Hypotheses 3 and 4 read as follows:

Hypothesis 3a (H3a): Among girls, earlier pubertal timing (W1) predicts more engagement in media-related conversations with friends (W2), directly and indirectly through perceptions of media as an important source of information about appearance and attractiveness (W1).

Hypothesis 3b (H3b): Among boys, later pubertal timing (W1) predicts more engagement in media-related conversations with friends (W2), directly and indirectly through perceptions of media as an important source of information about appearance and attractiveness (W1).

Hypothesis 4 (H4): Media-related conversations with friends (W2) will mediate the relationship between perceptions of media as an important source of information about appearance and attractiveness (W1) and greater media internalization (W3).

Media Internalization and Appearance Satisfaction

By comparing themselves with idealized media images and endorsing media-promoted appearance ideals, preadolescents may feel motivated and inspired to improve their physical appearance (e.g., Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015). Thus, in the short term, the internalization of media-promoted appearance ideals may have an inspiring impact (e.g., Knobloch-Westerwick & Crane, 2012), leading to higher levels of appearance satisfaction. However, in the long term, we suggest that repeated comparison with idealized media images may decrease the hope of achieving an appearance consistent with media-promoted appearance ideals. Given that feelings of attainability influence whether upward comparisons have a self-deflating or inspiring impact (Lockwood & Kunda, 1997), we hypothesize that in the long term, media internalization will have a self-deflating impact and eventually lead to lower levels of appearance satisfaction (e.g., Knobloch-Westerwick & Crane, 2012).

Hypothesis 5 (H5): Media internalization (W2) predicts lower appearance satisfaction (W3) among preadolescents.

The Moderating Role of Social Self-Esteem

Not all early (or late) maturing preadolescents may be equally likely to compare their appearance with the appearance of media models and endorse media-promoted appearance ideals as a personal norm. One individual-difference variable that might modulate this is social self-esteem (e.g., Fernandez & Pritchard, 2012). Prior research has suggested that social self-esteem and social acceptance act as buffers against appearance-related distress among adolescents who look physically different (e.g., Feragen, Kvalem, Rumsey, & Borge, 2010; Mitchell et al., 2012). In addition, Bowker, Thomas, Spencer, and Park (2013) have suggested that successful involvement with peers presumably minimizes early adolescents’ concern that they will be rejected based on their physical appearance. Thus, it is possible that high social self-esteem, or one’s perceived popularity and acceptance by peers (Harter, 1985), decreases worries about appearance-based rejection, which in turn, reduces feelings of appearance-related self-uncertainty associated with puberty.

Given that the frequency of social comparison is theoretically predicted to rise when there is greater self-uncertainty or when an attribute is particularly salient to one’s relative standing (Wood, 1989), we suggest that high social self-esteem reduces early maturing preadolescents’ tendency to compare with media models. Likewise, we suggest that early maturers with low social self-esteem are more sensitive to idealized media images as they might turn to societal appearance ideals for guidance and self-improvement (e.g., Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015), which encourages them to focus on their physical appearance and gauge their appearance against media models’ appearance (Tylka & Sabik, 2010). In support of this perspective, Stice and colleagues (2002) argued that social acceptance by peers makes people more resilient to sociocultural appearance pressures, resulting in more positive views about the own body. Accordingly, Hypothesis 6 reads as follows:

Hypothesis 6 (H6): Preadolescents’ social self-esteem will moderate the relationship between pubertal timing (W1) and greater media internalization (W2).

Method

Sample and Participant Selection

This study utilizes data from a three-wave panel survey, conducted at 6-month intervals (Wave 1 = October 2014; Wave 2 = April 2015; Wave 3 = October 2015) among 9- to 14-year-old boys and girls. Ethical approval for the survey was granted by the ethical committee of the host university. Participants were selected using stratified random cluster sampling with grade (primary [fifth and sixth grade] and secondary education [seventh grade]) and geographical background as sampling criteria. Drawing on a list of the Flemish (Belgium) Department of Education, elementary and secondary schools from different geographical backgrounds were randomly selected and invited to participate in the study. In total, 24 elementary schools and 13 secondary schools agreed to participate in the study. Principals, teachers, parents, and pupils were informed about the study and active informed consent was obtained from pupils and legal guardians of all enrolled pupils, which is in accordance with the customary guidelines of Belgium. Next, researchers visited the selected schools and administered the survey by asking all enrolled pupils to complete a self-report paper-and-pencil questionnaire. All pupils completed the survey at school during school hours, either in the classroom or in a designated room in the school (e.g., cafeteria). No compensation was offered for completing the questionnaire. In order to reduce social desirability, participants were guaranteed that all answers would be treated confidentially.

At baseline, 1,971 pupils completed the survey. The mean age of this sample was 11.30 years (SD = 1.06), 52.6% were boys and the majority was born in Belgium (93%). The second wave included 1,612 of the students who had participated in the first wave (M_{age wave2} = 12.11 years, SD = 0.91; 50.5% boys), and 973 respondents (M_{age wave3} = 12.06 years, SD = 1.05; 51.2% boys) were tracked over three waves (49.37% of total). A MANOVA analysis using Pillai’s Trace, V = .02, F(6, 741) = 2.07, p > .05, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .02, showed no significant differences between those who participated in one or two waves and those who participated in all waves in terms of pubertal timing, media information, media internalization, media conversations, appearance satisfaction, and social self-esteem.

Measures

Pubertal timing

For the assessment of pubertal timing, participants completed an adapted version of the Pubertal Development Scale (PDS; Petersen, Crockett, Richards, & Boxer, 1988). Boys and girls were asked to report their perceived development on four indices of pubertal growth: growth spurt, body hair, skin changes (pimples), voice-related changes (boys only), and breast development (girls only). Answers were scored on a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (not yet started) to 4 (seems complete), except for the item assessing skin changes, which was dichotomized into no skin changes, coded 1, versus skin changes, coded 4. Within each age cohort, mean scores were then computed for boys and girls separately, resulting in a scale with an acceptable internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha ranging from .69-.79). Next, the total PDS scores were standardized within each age and gender cohort to create a measure of pubertal timing (e.g., Skoog, Sorbring, & Bohlin, 2015), with higher scores indicating earlier maturation relative to age-mates of the same gender.

Media internalization

To measure participants’ appearance-related comparison with media models and endorsement of media-promoted appearance ideals as a personal goal and standard, we used the Internalization-General subscale of the Sociocultural Attitudes Toward Appearance Scale–3 (Thompson et al., 2004). To avoid response fatigue, we shortened the original nine-item scale to five items, and selected only positively worded items with a factor loading greater than |.40|. In doing so, we followed Sánchez-Carracedo et al.’s (2012) recommendation of not including reverse-coded items as the use of scales with a mixed format adversely affects preadolescents’ responses to negatively worded items (Marsh, 1986). The remaining five items were scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (I totally disagree) to 5 (I totally agree). A sample item reads, “I compare my body to the bodies of TV and movie stars.” An EFA using direct oblimin extracted one factor with an eigenvalue of 3.45 and explained 69.04 % of the variance. By averaging the item scores, an estimate of adolescents’ media internalization was created, with higher scores indicating greater media internalization. Internal consistency was acceptable in each wave ( $α_{w 1}$ = .89, $α_{w 2}$ = .90, $α_{w 3}$ = .92).

Media information

To measure participants’ endorsement of media as a valuable source of information regarding appearance and attractiveness, we used an adapted version of the Information subscale of the Sociocultural Attitudes Toward Appearance Scale–3 (Thompson et al., 2004). As with the Internalization subscale, we shortened the original nine-item scale to six items, and selected only positively worded items with a factor loading greater than |.40| (e.g., Marsh, 1986; Sánchez-Carracedo et al., 2012). Answers were scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (I totally disagree) to 5 (I totally agree). A sample items reads, “Famous people are an important source of information about fashion and being attractive?” An exploratory factor analysis (EFA) using direct oblimin extracted one factor with an eigenvalue of 3.68 and explained variance of 61.73%. A mean score was computed such that higher scores indicated greater acknowledgment that information regarding appearance standards is available from media sources. Internal consistency was acceptable in each wave ( $α_{w 1}$ = .87, $α_{w 2}$ = .89, $α_{w 3}$ = .90).

Media-related conversations with friends

To determine the frequency of peer discussion about media models in general, and the attractiveness of media models in particular, we adapted a scale that was used by Beentjes and Konig (2013) to measure adolescents’ discussions about music videos with friends. Using a 5-point Likert-type scale, which ranged from 1 (I totally disagree) to 5 (I totally agree), participants rated seven statements. A sample statement reads, “When I spend time with my friends, celebrities (men and/or women) are a topic of conversation.” Exploratory factor analysis extracted one factor, with an eigenvalue of 4.69 and explained 67.06% of the variance. The scale showed acceptable reliability in each wave ( $α_{w 1}$ = .92, $α_{w 2}$ = .92, $α_{w 3}$ = .92). A mean score was computed such that higher scores indicate higher frequency of media-related conversations with friends.

Appearance satisfaction

The question—“How satisfied are you with how you look?”—used in the study of Jose and Kilburg (2007) to assess young adolescents’ appearance satisfaction, was used to assess participants’ satisfaction with their general appearance. Participants were given the following statement: “I am satisfied with how I look.” Answers were scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (I totally disagree) to 5 (I totally agree).

Social self-esteem

Social self-esteem was measured with the Dutch version of the Social Acceptance subscale of the Self-Perception Profile for Children (SPCC; Harter, 1985; translated and validated by Veerman, Straathof, Treffers, Van den Bergh, & Ten Brink, 1997). The Social Acceptance subscale measures the degree to which one feels accepted by and is popular among peers. Answers were scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (I totally disagree) to 5 (I totally agree). A sample items reads, “I have as many friends as I want.” A mean score was computed such that higher scores indicated greater perceived peer acceptance and popularity. Internal consistency was acceptable in each wave ( $α_{w 1}$ = .79, $α_{w 2}$ = .80, $α_{w 3}$ = .83).

Control variables

Age, gender, and body mass index (BMI)—possible confounding variables of the hypothesized paths (de Guzman & Nishina, 2014; Jones et al., 2004)—were included as control variables. Self-reported measures of height and weight were used to estimate BMI, which was calculated as weight (kg) per square height (m²).

Data Analysis

The hypothesized model is shown in Figure 1. To test the model, structural equation modeling (AMOS) was performed, using maximum likelihood estimation. The chi-square-to-degrees-of-freedom ratio (χ²/df), the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) and the comparative fit index (CFI) were used to assess model fit (Byrne, 2010). The following thresholds were used as criteria for acceptable model fit: a χ²/df ratio of < 3.0, an RMSEA value of < .06, and a CFI value above .90. All analyses included autoregressive relationships for the endogenous variables. For instance, media information (W1) was entered as an exogenous variable, predicting media information (W2). To strengthen evidence for the direction of effects, we added cross-lagged paths between the variables of interest. In addition, the model was adjusted for baseline values of age, BMI, and gender. We further allowed covariances between variables measured at the same time point, and we correlated the residuals of corresponding manifest variables. To test for significant indirect relationships between the variables of interest, we specified user-defined estimands using a bootstrapping procedure (Cheung & Lau, 2008).¹ Multiple imputation was performed as the bootstrapping method does not tolerate missing values (Honaker & King, 2010). Data were missing completely at random (MCAR), as indicated by a nonsignificant Little’s MCAR test, χ²(8146) = 8,269.96, p = .16. Five data sets were created and imputed values were restricted to the range of observed scores of the available data. For sensitivity analysis, we compared the output of the structural model estimated with the imputed data with the structural model estimated with the unimputed data. Results were compared and no relevant differences in model fit, factor loadings, and structural paths were found. In order to explore whether the hypothesized pathways differed for boys and girls, we conducted a multiple group analysis with gender as the grouping variable. As a preliminary analysis, we first conducted a CFI difference test to confirm metric invariance (i.e., factor loadings of each construct are equal across gender). Results revealed that the ΔCFI did not exceed .01, indicating metric invariance across gender.

Results

Descriptive Statistics and Zero-Order Correlations

Descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations between all relevant variables are presented in Tables 1 and 2.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Boys and Girls.

	Minimum	Maximum	Girls (n = 476)	Boys (n = 497)
	Minimum	Maximum	M (SD)	M (SD)
1. Pubertal development W1	1	4	2.14 (.71)	1.94 (.67)
2. Social self-esteem W1	1	5	3.55 (.82)	3.76 (.71)
3. Media internalization W1	1	5	1.80 (.86)	1.77 (.71)
4. Media internalization W2	1	5	1.84 (.86)	1.76 (.79)
5. Media internalization W3	1	5	1.90 (.90)	1.87 (.84)
6. Media information W1	1	5	2.00 (.83)	1.96 (.73)
7. Media information W2	1	5	1.96 (.84)	1.87 (.74)
8. Media conversations W1	1	5	2.38 (.89)	2.30 (.86)
9. Media conversations W2	1	5	2.42 (.91)	2.28 (.85)
10. Appearance satisfaction W1	1	5	3.83 (.96)	4.00 (.78)
11. Appearance satisfaction W2	1	5	3.75 (.97)	4.05 (.87)
12. Appearance satisfaction W3	1	5	3.73 (.71)	4.07 (.67)

Table 2.

Zero-Order Interorder Correlations for Boys and Girls.

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12
1. Pubertal timing W1	1	.05	.01	.07	.10*	.02	.05	.05	.09*	−.03	−.10*	−.08
2. Social self-esteem W1	−.04	1	−.03	−.07	−.03	−.06	−.06	.13**	.06	.18***	.28***	.22***
3. Media internalization W1	.22***	.01	1	.42***	.32***	.71***	.33***	.40***	.26***	−.12***	−.17***	−.18***
4. Media internalization W2	.30***	−.03	.50***	1	.42***	.34***	.81***	.29***	.45***	−.13**	−.21***	−.22***
5. Media internalization W3	.24***	−.05	.48***	.54***	1	.25***	.35***	.20***	.31***	−.18***	−.15***	−.10*
6. Media information W1	.23***	.03	.77***	.39***	.38***	1	.36***	.45***	.29***	−.08*	−.13**	−.12**
7. Media information W2	.27***	.07	.44***	.76***	.45***	.51***	1	.29***	.46***	−.09*	−.16***	−.18***
8. Media conversations W1	.20***	.08	.57***	.35***	.34***	.59***	.38***	1	.43***	.01	−.03	−.02
9. Media conversations W2	.25***	.15***	.35***	.51***	.34***	.36***	.52***	.48***	1	−.01	−.09*	−.05
10. Appearance satisfaction W1	−.17***	.16***	−.36***	−.31***	−.38***	−.26***	−.23***	−.22***	−.07	1	.40***	.31***
11. Appearance satisfaction W2	−.22***	.26***	−.28***	−.39***	−.34***	−.18***	−.26***	−.19***	−.16***	.53***	1	.50***
12. Appearance satisfaction W3	−.21***	.14**	−.28***	−.32***	−.32***	−.18***	−.21***	−.25***	−.13***	.47***	.55***	1

Note. Values above the diagonal correspond to boys; values below the diagonal correspond to girls.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Testing the Hypothesized Model

Our observed model, presented in Figure 2, showed a good fit to the data, RMSEA = .04, CFI = .95, χ²/df = 2.74, p < .001. Figure 2 presents the standardized regression weights of the estimated paths. For graphical parsimony, error terms, covariances, control variables, and measurements are not shown.

Figure 2.

Observed relationships between pubertal timing, media information, media conversations with friends, media internalization, and preadolescents’ appearance satisfaction.

In line with H1, we found that pubertal timing (W1) predicted increases in media information (W2), β = .10, B = .08, SE = .02, p < .01. The model further indicated that earlier pubertal timing (W1) also predicted increased media internalization (W2), β = .11, B = .12, SE = .03, p < .01. To test H2a and H2b (the relationship between girls’ [H2a] and boys’ [H2b] pubertal timing and media internalization, directly and indirectly via media information), we conducted a multiple group comparison test. The test indicated that, as hypothesized, the pathways differed for boys and girls, Δ χ²(75) = 115.78, p = .002. A path-by-path analysis revealed that earlier pubertal timing (W1) predicted increases in girls’ media internalization (W1: β = .21, B = .22, SE = .05, p < .01; W2: β = .18, B = .20, SE = .05, p < .01), but not boys’ media internalization (W1: β = .03, B = .02, SE = .04, p > .05; W2: β = .06, B = .06, SE = .04, p > .05). Similar results were obtained for media information: earlier pubertal timing (W1) predicted increases in girls’ media information (W1: β = .23, B = .20, SE = .04, p < .01; W2: β = .16, B = .14, SE = .04, p < .01), but not boys’ media information (W1: β = .05, B = .03, SE = .03, p > .05; W2: β = .03, B = .02, SE = .03, p > .05). Contrary to our prediction, media information (W1/W2) did not predict boys’ or girls’ internalization of media-promoted appearance ideals (W2: β = −.10, B = −.14, SE = .09, p > .05; W3: β = .04, B = .07, SE = .11, p > .05). Thus, the hypothesis (H2b) that late maturing boys are more likely to internalize media-promoted appearance ideals directly and indirectly through media information was not confirmed. For girls, only the direct relationship between earlier pubertal timing and greater media internalization was confirmed, but the indirect relationship between earlier pubertal timing and greater media internalization through media information was not.

With respect to H3a and H3b, the results indicated that among boys and girls media information (W1) was related to increases in media-related conversations with friends (W2), β = .15, B = .16, SE = .07, p < .05. Thus, the hypothesis (H3b) that late maturing boys would have more media conversations with friends was not supported. To further examine H3a, the indirect impact of girls’ pubertal timing (W1) on media-related conversations with friends (W2) through media information (W1), we calculated user-defined estimands (Arbuckle, 2013). Given the nonsignificant relationship between boys’ pubertal timing (W1) and media information (W1/W2), we did not estimate this indirect pathway for boys. For girls, the results confirmed H3a, and revealed a significant positive indirect effect of pubertal timing (W1) on increased media-related conversations with friends (W2), through media information (W1), (.253 = .14 × .15; p = .02; confidence interval [CI] = [.066, .478]).

In line with H4, the results indicated that media-related conversations with friends (W2) predicted greater levels of media internalization among boys and girls (W3), β = .12, B = .16, SE = .05 p < .01. To further test the mediating role of media-related conversations with friends (W2) in the relationship between media information (W1) and higher levels of media internalization (W3), we specified a new set of user-defined estimands. Results revealed a significant positive indirect effect of media information (W1) on higher media internalization (W3), through media-related conversations with friends (W2), (.026 = .15 × .12; p = .048; CI = [.004, .054]). Hence, H4 was supported among both boys and girls.

Finally, we observed a significant reciprocal relationship between appearance satisfaction and media internalization among boys and girls. Media internalization (W2) was associated with lower appearance satisfaction (W3), β = −.17, B = −.22, SE = .08, p < .01, and, vice versa, lower levels of appearance satisfaction (W2) were associated with higher levels of media internalization (W3), β = −.09, B = −.08, SE = .03, p < .01. The negative pathway from media internalization (W2) to lower body satisfaction (W3) provides support for H5.

Finally, to test H6, we examined the moderating influence of social self-esteem on the association between pubertal timing (W1) and media internalization (W2) among boys and girls. To perform this moderation analyses, while accounting for gender differences, we combined the aforementioned multiple group approach with the residual centering approach (Little, Bovaird, & Widaman, 2006), which uses residuals to form the indicators for the product variable (Pubertal Timing × Social Self-Esteem). Results indicated that social self-esteem did not moderate the relationship between boys’ and girls’ pubertal timing and levels of media internalization. For boys, the latent interaction variable (Pubertal Timing × Social Self-Esteem) did not significantly predict media internalization (W2), β = .01, B = .02, SE = .05, p = .71. Thus, the observed nonsignificant relationship among boys between pubertal timing and media internalization was consistent across different levels of social self-esteem. Similar results were obtained for girls: the latent interaction variable (Pubertal Timing × Social Self-Esteem) did not significantly predict media internalization (W2), β = −.04, B = −.07, SE = .05, p = .21. Among girls, earlier pubertal timing (W1) was related to higher levels of media internalization (W2), regardless of level of social self-esteem.

Discussion

Given the prevalence of thin and muscular ideals in media content, the impact of the media on body image among youth has received much research attention over the past 15 years. In particular, the relationships between media exposure and appearance dissatisfaction among youth have been investigated and findings from several studies have supported the detrimental effect of media exposure on body image and emphasized the mediating role of media internalization (e.g., Jones et al., 2004; McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2005). Although sociocultural models of body image have been well supported, few studies have concurrently examined the contributions of biological, psychological, and sociocultural factors to preadolescents’ media internalization. The current study sought to address this gap by testing a biopsychosocial model of media internalization and appearance dissatisfaction among a sample of preadolescent boys and girls. More specifically, we proposed a model that posited that pubertal timing would predict increased reliance on media appearance-related information and media-related conversations with friends, which, in turn, would predict increased media internalization and decreased appearance satisfaction over time. In addition, we accounted for the moderating role of gender and social self-esteem. Overall, our findings provide partial support for the model and highlight how biopsychosocial approaches can be useful in understanding the complex interactions of factors leading to the development of appearance concerns in preadolescents.

Bio-Sociocultural Factors and Girls’ Media Internalization

In line with our first hypothesis (H1), our findings showed that among girls earlier pubertal timing was associated with increased reliance on media as a source of appearance-related information. This finding aligns with previous research, suggesting that early maturing girls turn to media for information, particularly in cases where alternative information sources (e.g., real-life peers) are lacking (Brown et al., 2005). Thus, media models might serve as a source of social compensation or support for early maturing girls who feel physically different and disconnected from the peer group, and therefore seek out alternative sources of information (e.g., Pierce, 2009).

Consistent with our second hypothesis (H2a), our findings indicated that, among girls, earlier pubertal timing was associated with increased media internalization over time. Given that early maturing girls experience greater body image discrepancy than on-time peers (McCabe, Ricciardelli, & Finemore, 2002), the direct pathway from pubertal timing to media internalization supports our suggestion that individuals with higher levels of body image concerns may compare their appearances with media models as a means to set personal standards for self-improvement (e.g., Arendt et al., 2017; Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015). This self-improvement hypothesis aligns with previous research, indicating that negative body evaluations are associated with more appearance-related comparisons among women (Blechert, Nickert, Caffier, & Tuschen-Caffier, 2009) and internalization of media-promoted appearance ideals among girls (Rodgers et al., 2015). Thus, we can cautiously conclude that the perception of an actual-ideal body image discrepancy spurs early maturing girls to look for ways of changing their appearance such as those proposed by media (e.g., Eyal & Te’eni-Harari, 2013) and to internalize and pursue media ideals with the aim of self-improvement (e.g., Rodgers et al., 2015). However, future studies are needed to demonstrate the role of body-ideal discrepancy and comparison motives in early maturing girls’ endorsement and pursuit of media-promoted appearance ideals.

Contrary to our prediction, we found no evidence to support the mediated pathway between pubertal timing and media internalization, via media information. Among girls, the reliance on media for information regarding appearance standards did not predict the internalization of media-promoted appearance ideals. This finding contrasts with the idea that reliance on and awareness of media appearance norms increases personal acceptance of those norms (e.g., Cash, 2005). A plausible explanation for this null finding is the fact that among preadolescents media internalization has its roots in a host of sociocultural forces among which peer influences are particularly important (Jones et al., 2004). Thus, there may be other, peer-related, factors that play a role in the connection between media information and media internalization.

Our study seems to confirm this importance of peers in preadolescents’ acceptance of media-promoted appearance ideals, in that the pathway between media information and media internalization was fully mediated by media-related conversations with peers, confirming our fourth hypothesis. Thus, in addition to early maturing girls relying on media content for appearance-related information, it seems that the establishment in the peer group of media-promoted appearance ideals as personal norms and goals might be an important aspect to the process of internalization. This finding aligns with previous research, indicating that media exposure indirectly affects preadolescents’ body image through the reflected appraisals of peers (Kierans & Swords, 2016; McGladrey, 2014).

Bio-Sociocultural Factors and Boys’ Media Internalization

Contrary to our self-improvement hypothesis (H2b), among boys, earlier pubertal timing was indirectly related to greater media internalization, through media-related conversations with friends. We initially proposed that boys’ late pubertal timing would lead to increases in perceived actual-ideal body image discrepancy and that this perceived discrepancy would motivate boys to selectively attend to media models with the aim of self-improvement (e.g., Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015). However, it might be that boys’ negative body image is not so much affected by the perception of deviating from the societal male muscular ideal, but rather a result of standing out from the peer group by looking more physically mature. Given that preadolescents highly value peer acceptance and perceive peer acceptance to be based on physical appearance (Bowker et al., 2013), early maturing boys might be highly motivated to adhere to appearance rules and ideals set by their peers. In this way, prior to the internalization of media ideals, early maturing boys may first engage in media-related conversations with friends as a means to gauge peers’ approval of media appearance standards (e.g., LaFontana & Cillessen, 2010; Tremblay & Lariviere, 2009).

Media Internalization and Appearance Dissatisfaction

Consistent with prior research and with our fifth hypothesis (H5), in our sample, media internalization was associated with decreased body satisfaction among both boys and girls (e.g., Lawler & Nixon, 2011; Rodgers et al., 2014). Although media internalization may develop as a means of regulating negative affect (i.e., body image concerns), it seems that in the long run the unbridgeable gap between the endorsed (unattainable) media-ideal and one’s actual physical appearance leads to feelings of appearance dissatisfaction.

Moreover, the relationship between pubertal timing and media-related conversations with friends and appearance satisfaction was fully mediated by levels of media internalization among both girls and boys. The lack of a direct link between these biological and social appearance pressures (pubertal timing and media conversations) and appearance satisfaction, highlights the crucial, though detrimental, role of media internalization in body image among preadolescents. Future studies should aim to identify factors that can play a protective role and buffer against media internalization.

Most interestingly, among both boys and girls, appearance satisfaction negatively predicted media internalization. This finding again aligns with the idea that preadolescents with lower levels of appearance satisfaction might engage in media comparison and internalize media ideals for self-improvement purposes (e.g., Rodgers et al., 2015). That is, preadolescents might use media content as a source of information on how to improve their physical appearance and may compare with media models in order to set a standard to live up to. Furthermore, it suggests that media internalization and comparison might serve as a maintenance factor of body image concerns.

Social Self-Esteem and Media Internalization

Contrary to our sixth hypothesis (H6), social self-esteem did not moderate the relationship between boys’ and girls’ pubertal timing and their media internalization. Thus, perceived acceptance by and popularity with peers did not serve as a buffer against the adverse effect of early pubertal timing on media internalization. A plausible explanation for this null finding might be the fact that both low and high levels of social acceptance could exacerbate appearance-related concerns (e.g., Bowker et al., 2013) and, in turn, increase appearance-related comparison (Rodgers & DuBois, 2016). In addition, preadolescent girls and boys experiencing the pubertal transition have a heightened sensitivity to their body shape and to social comparisons with peers regarding the romantic appeal of their bodies. Such an appearance-centered focus can result in cognitive biases, such as paying more attention to appearance-related information (see Williamson et al., 1999, for a review) and engaging in more appearance comparisons (Lindner, Tantleff-Dunn, & Jentsch, 2012). Thus, regardless of whether social acceptance by peers is perceived as high or low, early maturing girls might continue to focus on how they appear to others and engage in appearance comparisons. As such, they may be more likely to selectively attend to and encode ideal-appearance information from the media.

Limitations and Implications

Although this study is among the first to examine how biological, psychological, and sociocultural factors jointly contribute to media internalization and body dissatisfaction over time among preadolescents, some limitations should be noted. First, our model included a limited number of factors hypothesized to contribute to body satisfaction among preadolescents, leaving room for future research to examine the role of other factors, such as parental pressures (Thøgersen-Ntoumani et al., 2016) and muscle development (Jones & Crawford, 2005). Second, only self-report assessments were used; thus, some respondents might have overestimated or underestimated their own pubertal timing. Third, we speculated that self-improvement motives and a desire to fit in with peers might underlie the positive association between pubertal timing and media internalization. Unfortunately, we did not gather data on social comparison motives and peer belonging, rendering it impossible to test this hypothesis. Future studies should consider how such motivations relate to media internalization and body image among preadolescents. Similarly, we did not gather data on preadolescents’ perception of their pubertal development timing relative to peers (i.e., perceived pubertal timing). As such, we can only assume that the perception of early maturation relative to peers causes preadolescents to feel different from and more mature than peers and to seek out older substitute peers such as media models (e.g., Stattin, Kerr, & Skoog, 2011). Future research should consider how peer-normative pubertal timing relates to the internalization of media appearance ideals, as compared with stage-normative pubertal timing. In addition, participants were recruited from a European sample composed mainly of White preadolescents. Given the existence of race differences in the relationship between pubertal timing and body image (Hamlat et al., 2015), our results thus cannot be generalized to a more diverse ethnic population. Finally, our measure of media-related conversations assessed the frequency of conversations, but not the valence of these conversations. As such, we cannot verify whether preadolescents’ discussions of media/celebrities were positive or negative, reinforcing or rejecting media-promoted appearance ideals, respectively. Knowing that peers can reinforce the importance of media-promoted appearance ideals as well as criticize appearance-related media messages (e.g., Krayer et al., 2008; Tatangelo & Ricciardelli, 2015), future research should examine how negative versus positive media discussions interact with how media messages are interpreted and incorporated among preadolescents.

The positive relationship between media-related conversations and boys’ and girls’ informational reliance on and internalization of media-promoted appearance ideals supports the value of peer-led cognitive dissonance-based interventions (PL-DBI). Such interventions aim to produce cognitive dissonance with respect to unrealistic media appearance ideals by having peers criticize and act against current media-promoted ideals (e.g., Becker, Hill, Greif, Han, & Stewart, 2013). Given the significant peer socialization processes identified in the current study, we believe that interventions aimed at changing the peer appearance culture can be effective in reducing media internalization. Despite the effectiveness of PL-DBI in reducing body image disturbance among adolescents and adults (e.g., Stice, Rohde, Durant, Shaw, & Wade, 2013), to date, PL-DBI have not been targeted to preadolescents. However, this study suggests that peers can reinforce and presumably also criticize media appearance ideals, and therefore emphasizes the potential of PL-DBI to reduce body image disturbances in preadolescent samples.

Conclusion

In conclusion, our findings provide additional support for the usefulness of examining the development of body image concerns among preadolescents through a biopsychosocial perspective. First, the current findings underscore that chronological age alone is not sufficient for understanding developmental changes in media use and the effects of media exposure among preadolescents, and the importance of incorporating measures of pubertal timing in investigations of media effects, especially among pre- or early adolescents. Second, the findings highlight how both media exposure, and peer framing and validation of media messages are critical elements in media-ideal internalization, pointing to the need to further study the internalization of peer and media influences. Third, our findings suggest that the relationship between media internalization and body image might be bidirectional, highlighting the need to account for motivations related to media exposure. In sum, our findings provide one of the first longitudinal explorations of the biopsychosocial processes leading to the development of appearance satisfaction among preadolescents, and provide further evidence for the role of sociocultural processes in appearance satisfaction among preadolescents, thus reinforcing the need for interventions targeting these factors among this group.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded by a grant from the Research Foundation Flanders (FWO) granted to the first author.

Notes

Author Biographies

Ann Rousseau (MA, KU Leuven) is a doctoral candidate (Research Foundation Flanders [FWO]) in the Leuven School for Mass Communication Research, Faculty of Social Sciences at KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium. Her research focuses on the media use of pre- and early adolescents, sexualizing media content, and the role of media in youth’s body image and sexual socialization.

Rachel F Rodgers (PhD, Northeastern University) is associate professor in the Department of Counseling and Applied Educational Psychology at Northeastern University, Boston, MA. Her research focuses on socio-cultural determinants of adolescents’ and young adults’ health-related behavior.

Steven Eggermont (PhD, KU Leuven) is associate professor in the Leuven School for Mass Communication Research, Faculty of Social Sciences at KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium. His research focuses on the media use of children, adolescents and the elderly, sexual media contents, media use and health behaviors, and the effects of media exposure on attitudes and behaviors.

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