“I Want to Have the American Dream”: Messages of Materialism as a Driving Force in Juvenile Recidivism

Abstract

Youth in the United States are raised with the message that economic achievement and the American Dream are the only means to obtain true success and happiness. Those youth who face barriers to these standards of achievement, however, internalize any shortcomings as their own personal failure, heightening the appeal of criminal means of monetary gain. Scholars have explored the correlation between materialism and youth crime, but have done so without involving youth in research about themselves. In this study, a content analysis was conducted of 1,008 writing samples from incarcerated youth in an effort to prioritize youth voice and perspective. Messages of materialism and its deleterious effects frequently emerged as prominent concerns for these youths. Incarcerated youth are missing interventions to devitalize materialism’s function as a motivating or justifying factor in criminal or delinquent acts, thus contributing to reoffending when they fail to achieve their economic goals through legal means.

Keywords

juvenile justice materialism recidivism strain anomie general strain theory

. . . More money is all I need . . .

I want gold on my neck and Jordan’s on my feet . . .

I want so much money that my money can’t fold

For the money I am a sheep I will sacrifice my soul

I’m hungry for money I’m thirsty for the gold

If there’s money behind a red light I am still gonna go . . .¹

(Spring 2013, “Money”)

As the opening poem illustrates, money and material goods are a significant motivator for adolescents in the United States. Youth are inundated with messages of the societal value of economic success and the American Dream as the representation of true happiness (Kasser & Ryan, 1993; Messner & Rosenfeld, 2012; Nickerson, Schwarz, Diener, & Kahneman, 2003). It is not surprising, then, that so many adolescents link material wealth to the notion of what it means to live a “good” life. Agnew (2001) argued that, “although many types of goal blockage may lead to delinquency, the failure to achieve monetary . . . goals are of special importance” (p. 325). This challenge becomes especially problematic for youth who face multiple barriers to economic goal achievement such that anything short of their inflated aspirations may be internalized as personal failure, thus making the efficiency of criminal means of goal accomplishment particularly appealing. As a result, youth who have had contact with the juvenile justice system and reenter their community with unrealistic or unachievable goals, coupled with a lack of expectation of or skills to handle inevitable barriers to success, have an increased likelihood of reoffending (Agnew, 2001).

Although the correlation between materialism and delinquency has been repeatedly examined (Agnew, 1994; Anderson, 1999; Cloward & Ohlin, 1960; Farnworth & Leiber, 1989; Greenberg, 1977), youth voice and perception are noticeably absent from the literature. Specifically, numerous scholars have sought to verify, or alternately, disprove such connections through the use of longitudinal survey data (Agnew, 1994; Bachman, O’Malley, & Johnston, 1978; Farnworth & Leiber, 1989; Paternoster & Mazerolle, 1994). However, these same scholars have not personally met the participants in these studies whose voices are limited to the survey questions and response options. Although these data are exceptionally valuable for a variety of studies, they are lacking when trying to determine the mind-set and motivation of the youth about whom they are formulating conclusions. No studies have ever simply asked adolescents about the importance of material wealth in their lives and how that has contributed or may contribute to criminal or delinquent behavior. Furthermore, most have yet to listen to what these youth have to say.

This study aims to begin a dialogue that includes youth voice in research about their own motivations and reasoning in committing delinquent or criminal acts. The purpose is to gain a better understanding of how incarcerated youth define “success” with the goal of gauging the importance of material wealth in their willingness to commit offenses. Specifically, this study explores perspectives on materialism and its effects as understood by incarcerated youth.

Theoretical Framework

This evaluation of materialism and crime is necessarily guided by Merton’s (1938) extensively studied and debated strain theory and Agnew’s (1985, 1992) extension of Merton’s work with general strain theory. Merton (1938) initially explained strain as the gap between “culturally defined goals, purposes, and interests” (p. 672) and access to “the acceptable modes of achieving these goals” (p. 673). He sought to discover how specific social systems virtually push some people outside of socially accepted norms of behavior by limiting their access to common means of achievement. This structure led, inevitably, to anomie, in which “antisocial behavior is in a sense ‘called forth’ by certain conventional values of the culture and by the class structure involving differential access to the approved opportunities for legitimate, prestige-bearing pursuit of culture goals” (p. 679). Agnew (1992) furthered this argument with his work on general strain theory to source strain from a combination of being blocked from obtaining desired goals, losing or fear of losing something positively valued, and the presence or fear of something negative occurring. It is these types of strain that are demonstrated in this study through the promotion of materialism despite systematic and societal barriers to economic achievement in conjunction with delinquent or criminal behavior.

Literature Review

Extant literature has attempted to answer whether materialism increases recidivism of delinquent youth, but typically does so only quantitatively and indirectly. Although some studies have found that general strain theory is unsupported (Aseltine, Gore, & Gordon, 2000; Farnworth & Leiber, 1989), this conclusion could be the result of the research methodology rather than the theory itself. The challenges that lead to questioning existing research fall under the categories of inconsistent operational definitions and inconsistent methods of measurement.

Inconsistent Operational Definitions

The very definitions of what is being measured should be the first basic level of consideration, but inconsistencies abound in criminology and juvenile justice research. Beginning with the understanding of what represents materialism, these inconsistencies and lack of agreement then confound what represents materialism-based strain.

Materialism

Claims of materialism are ill defined in some areas of the literature. In consumerism research, Richins and Dawson’s (1992) widely accepted definition and measurement of materialism is the association between the acquisition of material goods and the individual’s end goal of happiness. Specifically, they argued those who placed a high value on materialism “desired a higher level of income, placed greater emphasis on financial security and less on interpersonal relationships, preferred to spend more on themselves and less on others, . . . and were less satisfied with their lives” (p. 303). One example of an explanation of materialism in scholarship is the Chaplin, Hill, and John (2014) study, in which they applied this definition and operationally identified materialism based on a collage of images children made of what they believed would make them happy and the relative importance they gave to each item in their collage.

In criminology research, however, the operational definitions of materialism have been far less precise and measurable. For example, Ruggiero, Greenberger, and Steinberg (1982) defined materialism as “placing a high value on money and material goods and spending money compulsively” (p. 439). Similarly broad, Agnew (1994) defined materialism as the “desire for large sums of money” (p. 411). Applying Agnew’s definition, Wright, Cullen, Agnew, and Brezina (2001) attempted to measure materialism based on an operational definition of the desire for money that demonstrated “the importance of money to the [survey] respondent and whether his or her goals include ‘making a lot of money’” (p. 246). Cloward and Ohlin (1960) found youth need to secure an income in which they can take pride and will do so without any concern toward means of achievement. These vague definitions of materialism set an unstable foundation for measurement.

Strain

Similar to materialism specifically, materialism-based strain is operationally defined in myriad ways. Farnworth and Leiber (1989) identified strain resulting from materialism by comparing surveyed youths’ desire to “want to make lots of money” with their expectation of completing college. The identified gap was defined as the existence of a desire to “make lots of money” without planning to get a college degree, thus making participants more likely to commit delinquent acts (Farnworth & Leiber, 1989). Finding this leap of logic problematic, Agnew (1994) argued that Farnworth and Leiber (1989) focused on long-term aspirations with a sample population focused primarily on short-term gains. Furthermore, there was no operational definition of “lots of money,” which is relative in its meaning. The study measured the connections these youth made between the ability to make “lots of money” and earning a college degree rather than the strain they felt in their achievement/aspiration gap that may or may not have led them to commit delinquent acts.

Although Agnew (1994) pointed out the flaws in Farnworth and Leiber’s (1989) study, he committed similar missteps. Agnew (1994) sought to rectify the ambiguities in the Farnworth and Leiber (1989) study, by analyzing the results of the Youth in Transition survey (Bachman et al., 1978). The survey allowed youth to state their desired level of weekly income (what they believed “would be enough”), thus avoiding the conundrum of relativity with defining “lots of money” (p. 412). Participants were then asked whether they believed their weekly income was sufficient or whether they wanted more, allowing the measure to focus on immediate aspirations. Wanting more weekly income was the determinant of strain and, using a regression model, was then correlated to delinquent behavior. Although one could argue the problem of operational definitions of money were somewhat ameliorated in Agnew’s (1994) study, the definition of strain was not. Without agreed-upon operational definitions of key variables, the methods of measurement are bound to be inadequate, unreliable, and inconsistent.

Inconsistent Methods of Measurement

In addition to inconsistent operational definitions of materialism and its related strain, there is also the challenge of missing voice in the data. Specifically, no one has yet asked participants how materialism affects their chances of reoffending. Rather, scholars have used survey data (often collected elsewhere) to answer their questions on how materialism affects reoffending.

Quantitative Research

Merton’s (1938) first foray into strain was a theoretical discussion with no analysis of the individuals about whom he hypothesized. Later, Farnworth and Leiber (1989) used secondary data from Hindelang, Hirschi, and Weis (1981) who surveyed at-risk youth about their delinquency and attitudes, plans, and ambitions. Farnworth and Leiber (1989) used specific variables in this data set: “goals and means; strain measured as a disjunction between economic goals and educational means; strain as a disjunction between educational aspirations and expectations; last-year prevalence of self-reported delinquency; and last-year frequencies of delinquency” (p. 266). They conducted a chi-square analysis to determine independence between strain and delinquency and one-way ANOVA with frequency of delinquency and strain (Farnworth & Leiber, 1989). These analyses indicated a predictive capacity of delinquent behavior based on misalignment of economic goals and educational means. With this measure as a representative of a specific type of strain that leads to delinquency, Farnworth and Leiber (1989) espoused the powers of predicting delinquent behavior.

In his attempt to improve on the study by Farnworth and Leiber (1989), Agnew (1994) also used secondary data, this time from the national Youth in Transition survey (Bachman et al., 1978). These data were from the baseline surveys of Bachman et al.’s (1978) longitudinal study and included a proposed national representation of 10th-grade boys in the United States from 1966. Not only were these data nearly 30 years old by the time of Agnew’s study, they were not gathered with the intent of measuring what he sought.

Gathering their own data, Wright et al. (2001) used the Tri-Cities Adolescent Employment Survey conducted with high school seniors in a convenience sample. They asked survey questions that determined, on a scale, the importance the participants placed on money, and whether they had the goal of “making a lot of money.” Wright et al. (2001) correlated the results to their definition of a likelihood of future delinquency, as determined by a “delinquent propensity” of low self-control, work-related cynicism, the presence of delinquent peer pressure, time and money spent with friends, parental attachment, effort made in school, and negative job-related associations (Wright et al., 2001). Wright et al. (2001) also correlated materialism to recent-past delinquent behaviors and drug use. They found that “money and its pursuit are associated positively with misbehavior” (Wright et al., 2001, p. 239).

In each of these cases, the youth were not asked their interpretation of materialism, values, or their perspectives on how such concepts affect their own likelihood of offending. With such a heavy focus on quantitative research to measure materialism-based strain, no one has yet directly asked the question of youth or looked for any means of youth voice to answer the following questions: How do you define success? What are you willing to do to get there? How does this (or does this) change over time?

Qualitative Research

Mixed methods or qualitative research has not yet provided the solution either, although the findings provide a more in-depth look at this population than purely quantitative studies. Any qualitative research related to this topic thus far has chosen operational definitions that do not grasp the direct issues of materialism-based strain and its link to delinquency. Rather, these studies tend to be very broad in nature.

Anderson (1999) observed an inner city community with the hope of understanding the reasons behind delinquent and criminal behavior. His methods were predominantly ethnographic including some interviews. Through his experience with the residents in the community, Anderson (1999) not only found materialism to be but one motivating factor for gaining money through illegal means but also recognized illegal means could be linked to a range of economic motivators, from simple greed to mere survival in an area with few jobs and opportunities for upward mobility.

Similarly, Fader (2013) employed ethnographic methods in researching 15 young men of color who had experienced incarceration. Fader (2013) observed them as they attempted to reenter the community and avoid reoffending. She explored the broad scope of challenges faced by these young men, including battles with livable employment wages as opposed to gaining higher incomes through illegal means. Although Fader (2013) did not make direct connections to materialism-based strain, she made clear the impact of poverty and societal pressures on the young men in this setting.

Although not focused solely on materialism, these qualitative studies have shed light on the effects of pressures of society and the juvenile justice system from the youth themselves. As is demonstrated in this review of literature, qualitative or mixed methods studies such as these are few and far between. On a broad scale, these studies have brought youth voice into studies about themselves, must as is the intent of this study as it pertains specifically to materialism.

Method

For the purposes of this study, a content analysis was conducted of 1,008 writing samples from incarcerated youth who participated in a writing program at one all-male, long-term secure facility in the United States. The full sample was narrowed down to those who specifically chose to write about material wealth (n = 87).

The young men in the facility were 70% Latino, 24% African American, 2% White, and 4% Other races (Afflerbaugh-Paige Camp, 2013). In general, the youth who participated in the writing program ranged in age from 10 to 18 years and were committed for crimes against persons, crimes against property, and behavioral offenses for an average length of stay of 3 to 6 months (Afflerbaugh-Paige Camp, 2013). The writing samples do not disclose the offense for which the youth were committed at the time of the writing program, or give any clear indication of later recidivism. As a result, this study is able only to examine youth voice in their writings about materialism to better understand their perspective on the importance of economic wealth in this society.

The writing samples were gathered over a 5-year period, then published twice a year in anthologies that are publicly available (N = 1,008; for example, anthology, see Pitzer College, 2010). Using a grounded theory approach, the anthologies were coded manually in multiple rounds and by multiple coders to ensure interrater reliability. Through these multiple rounds of coding, a minimum of two coders evaluated each writing sample and compared their coding decisions. When there were disagreements, the coders discussed and came to consensus. In only one occasion was an additional coder needed to help debate and reach consensus. Thus, interrater reliability was assured for every single writing sample. Initially, emergent coding was used to identify themes youth chose to write about either because of or despite the assigned writing prompts in the program’s curriculum. Although the writing program did not have a focus of seeking out stories from youth about their experiences with or feelings about materialism, such themes emerged from the writing assignments and it is those themes (not what is directly assigned) that are examined in this article.

Following the first round of coding, writing samples were isolated that included references to greed (e.g., “If I was broke, I’d rather burn in hell”), money (e.g., “money makes the world go round”), clothes (e.g., “put on fresh black Levi’s creased with a Hermes belt”), shoes (e.g., “I wore air force ones cause Nelly told me I should”), cars (e.g., “driving a Ferrari”), houses (e.g., “my dreams for the future is to have a pretty good house with a lot of fancy things inside”), or other material goods (n = 87).

The writing samples were then further coded into three subsections: negative, reform, and success. “Negative” codes (n = 18, 20.69%) included writing samples that expressed hatred toward society’s love of material goods (e.g., “Money is the root to all evil”), whereas the “reform” codes (n = 8, 9.20%) included writing samples in which the author shared a previous love of material goods, but expressed they no longer have those values as a priority (e.g., “100’s and 100’s I had to have it . . . Everything changed when I had my daughter”). “Positive” codes (n = 61, 70.11%) included writing samples in which the author specifically mentioned material goods or money as a representation of “change” or “success,” such that demonstrable wealth was proof they have “made it” (e.g., “I want my family to have the American Dream, being rich, and not worry about stuff so much”). The writing samples coded as “Positive” represent an overwhelming majority of all those related to materialism.

Results

The emergent themes identified in the coding process uncovered a significant presence of messages of materialism and its effects. Whether discussions of harm and hurt, messages of lessons learned, or a continued view of materialism as the signifier of success, these young authors had important points to share.

Negative

In the writing samples coded as “negative,” youth shared their feelings about messages of materialism that are constant in their lives. These messages may come through the media, surrounding communities, peers, family, and music as one youth explained, “ . . . they talk about girls and cars and who has the fanciest chains, . . . how they are rich with wealth . . . ” (Fall 2011, “Hip Hop”). These young authors chose to send their own messages about materialism, specifically, sorrow over the damage they have witnessed as a result of greed, feeling powerless to money, and anger over a system designed to keep them bound.

Messages of Sorrow for What Materialism Has Done to Their Neighborhoods/Communities

Whatever the source of the messages of materialism, youth expressed deep sorrow over what this drive for money has done to their neighborhoods and communities. One author shares, “ . . . I’m a product of a violent, careless society . . . / . . . Money, drugs, graffiti and gangbanging . . . /Money is gained as fast and easy as possible . . . ” (Spring 2012, “Change?”). Similarly, another wrote, “Money: Something everybody wants, something nobody can get enough of. Something some would do anything for . . . ” (Spring 2012, “Life”). Witnessing the negative results of materialism has taught many youth difficult lessons. For example, one young man wrote in a letter to his son, “ . . . The streets might get you money and clothes, but after time, deals go bad and you can lose your life . . . ” (Fall 2013, “Dear Son”).

Messages of Feeling Powerless Because of Materialism

The messages of sorrow for what materialism has done to others they care about naturally come alongside messages of feeling powerless about what they are able to do about it and how they can resist the pull of materialism themselves. One author wrote, “ . . . it’s impossible to change for the better with all this greed . . . ” (Spring 2012, “Changes”). Another writer recognized the power that the love of money had over him. He wrote, “Money is the root to all evil, / it makes me do wild things like Steve-O / I might steal or do a lot of things illegal . . . ” (Spring 2013, “Money”).

Messages of Frustration and Resistance Toward a System Designed to Keep Them Beholden to Materialism

Many authors shared their anger over a system driven by greed, especially as they recognize the barriers placed before them by those sending the very messages of materialism. One writer shared advice to his children whom he hopes will not fall victim to materialism as he did, “ . . . Don’t let the simple things in life get the best of you such as drugs, women, and money . . . ” (Fall 2013, “To Son and Daughter”). Another young man wrote that “ . . . Money creates evil . . . ” (Spring 2015, “Valley Life”).

Tying greed directly to the American Dream, one writer wrote, “ . . . the American dream, is no longer a reality . . . more money into the hands of the people that break their back, risk their health, their time with their families, all to earn nothing” (Fall 2013, “Dystopia/Utopia”). Similarly, another author shared,

. . . Money is meaningless if it isn’t spent / On those you care about / Money makes the world go round / But money keeps our systems unjust / Some holding both money and the power / . . . I love money like bees love honey / Money makes people stressed / And it also makes people obsessed / Money drives us / Don’t make money make money make you . . . (Fall 2014, “Magnificent Corpse 6”)

Reform

Several writers expressed the lessons they learned about materialism through their life experiences, especially incarceration. Sometimes, materialism was a factor in their delinquent behavior that led to their current detainment. For others, it is less clear what led to their current sanction, but the lesson they have learned about materialism is unmistakable in their messages of change.

Materialism as a Factor in Their Current Sanction

Several authors shared their regrets over choices that led to their current situation, especially as it relates to materialism and misplaced priorities. One young man explained the mind-set and drive that led to him becoming incarcerated,

. . . Hustling, making money, tryna be rich kid / Started to rob people, soon became a habit / 100’s and 100’s I had to have it / Walking down town, with a stack in my pocket / Anybody’s disrespect me; they bound to get socked quickly. (Fall 2011, “Growing Up Without a Father”)

In the same way, another author wrote, “ . . . I was all about the homies / and making money . . . ” (Fall 2013, “Untitled”) and another wrote, “ . . . I am living life the wrong way. I focus on money and all the material things that really don’t seem to matter . . . ” (Fall 2011, “Untitled”). Each of these young men showed insight and reflection into messages of materialism they embraced and that helped lead them astray. It took their current situation to help them reflect and learn these lessons the hard way.

Learning Lessons About Materialism

Rather than writing about the connection between materialism and their current sanction, some authors wrote about the lesson they are learning or have learned about materialism. For example, one writer shared,

. . . I realize that material things do not mean as much to me as I thought. / I think if you give me some time I will not miss much. / I will realize that it is more important to appreciate life for its simplicity than the newest HD TV. (Fall 2011, “When I Close My Eyes”)

Another author wrote, “ . . . I wore air force ones cause Nelly told me I should / I shouldn’t have . . . ” (Spring 2012, “Untitled”). In addition, one young man wrote, “ . . . I’m starting to see that life / isn’t about women and cheddar . . . ” (Fall 2012, “315 Bricks”). These lessons lead to a new approach to priorities as demonstrated in another’s writing, “Fed up with the lies, / The fast money the street provides . . . ” (Spring 2015, “Korean Forever”). Failed by misguided priorities of materialism, these young men were beginning to see that what they thought would bring them success and happiness was not all it promised.

Success

In opposition to the lessons learned by the authors with writing samples coded as “negative” or “reform,” the majority of authors who wrote about materialism (70.11%) remain on a path seeking riches. Many of the writers talked about materialism as a representation of “success.” To show that one has turned their life around postincarceration, materialism becomes the means. There also appeared to be popular support for the notion that money automatically equals happiness or an easier, better life. For some, proving they are successful would be demonstrated through what they are able to provide for their family. Money was a motivator for many, which may be connected to hard work, or may be connected simply to greed and personal gain.

Distorted View

One viewpoint of material goods and money as associated with the idea of success and turning one’s life around is providing for one’s family. What exactly one is able to provide, however, is where distortion toward materialism occurs. For example, several authors shared feeling that they were successful only if they were able to provide their families with name brand products and expensive vacations. One young man wrote,

I would like to be in a peaceful place with my son enjoying life. I would take him to six flags . . . I’ll buy him nice clothes and a pair of Jordans . . . travel to Australia . . . (Fall 2011, “Life”)

Similarly, another author wrote, “ . . . My dream is to have good wealth for the sake of the little family I started and created” (Fall 2011, “Dreams”). One writer very clearly connected messages of materialism in the American Dream to what appears to be happiness. He wrote, “I want my family to have the American dream. I want to have the American Dream, being rich, and not worry about stuff so much . . .” (Fall 2013, “Untitled”).

Money as a Motive or a Dream

Although economic goals are a motivator for many, there is a disconnect in some of the writing samples, in that, there is no discussion of how to achieve the goal of getting money. For example, one author wrote, “ . . . Money is the motive or so I’ve chosen . . .” (Fall 2011, “Cold Truth”). Another writer shared his dream of, “ . . . one day me and him are gonna make big honest money . . . ” (Fall 2011, “Dreams”), and another young man wrote, “My dream is . . . to make a lot of money . . .” (Fall 2011, “My Dream”). Another author was more specific with his goal. He wrote, “ . . . My dreams for the future is to have a pretty good house with a lot of fancy things inside . . . have a good car, live in a very nice area . . . ” (Fall 2011, “Dreams”). Like the author who wrote, “ . . . I want to be successful when I get out” (Spring 2012, “When I Get Out”), these dreams were not connected to any plans on how to achieve them, at least as demonstrated through the writing samples. All the authors described is that they want money and all it affords, not how they will get it.

Connected to Hard Work

Some writers did, however, connect their financial goals to the hard work they would need to complete to achieve them. For example, one young man wrote, “ . . . Going to work, getting paid . . . also buying new things, going shopping . . . working toward being successful every day” (Fall 2013, “Good Day”). Another writer had expectations for his hard work. He wrote,

. . . Also I want to have my own place and my own car / It ain’t going to be that easy / But I’m planning / On working hard to have a good future in my life / And get everything I want . . . (Spring 2014, “My Dream”)

One author believed he would be, “ . . . driving a Ferrari . . . cuz dreams can come true if you work for it” (Spring 2013, “Dreams”). The connections the authors make to work are lacking specifics of the type of work or any barriers they may face in finding legal high-paying employment.

General Greed

Most frequently represented were messages of general greed and materialism. For some authors, these included very specific items on a wish list.

. . . Put on fresh black Levi’s creased with a Hermes belt. Then I put on one Nike glove matching my outfit with Nike socks and put on some blue/grey Nike speed turfs or Allen Iverson Reeboks that match. Put on some Burberry cologne or Axe or Calvin Klein . . . (Fall 2013, “It Was a Good Day”)

Also on the spectrum of greed were simple messages of want for wealth. For example, one writer wrote “ . . . I want to be rich” (Fall 2012, “Untitled”), and another writer explained, “ . . . cause moneys’ short and I need it endless” (Fall 2011, “Untitled”). Others shared more grandiose dreams that were centered on money. One author wrote, “ . . . I wish I had a billion dollars . . . The reason I wish I was rich is because I want to buy and get anything I want . . . ” (Spring 2012, “Untitled”). Similarly, another young man wrote, “ . . . Money is people’s thirst but don’t swoop on a purse . . . But just reach for the stars if you want shiny cars” (Spring 2014, “Untitled”), and one author wrote, “ . . . I would be the richest man in the world / I would have all the money in the world . . . ” (Spring 2014, “Untitled”). Again, these ambitious goals do not include any means of achievement or understanding of barriers they will likely face on release.

Discussion

This study sought to explore perspectives on materialism and its effects as understood by incarcerated youth. It is clear from examining these writing samples that these young authors are wrestling with their own understanding of the American Dream and what it means in their own lives. As was discussed of previous literature, it is challenging to identify direct connections between materialism and strain without being able to directly ask youth such questions. Yet, from the youth who participated in this writing program, we as scholars, educators, juvenile corrections professionals, law enforcement, and parents have a lot to learn. The implications of the youth voice in these writing samples are many: They are repeatedly told through various medium that material goods equal success and happiness; they can get these material goods if they want them; and, they do not expect the barriers and obstacles they will face while trying to reach these goals (i.e., strain).

Messages of Materialism

Scholarship is clear on the damaging effects of messages of materialism in the United States, especially among those living in low socioeconomic communities (Chaplin et al., 2014; Kasser, 2005; Schor, 2004; Williams, Cox, Hedberg, & Deci, 2000). Chaplin et al. (2014) found “impoverished youth are more materialistic than their wealthier counterparts” (p. 78), leading to lower self-esteem and heightened vulnerability to messages of materialism. This assertion is further supported by Hill, Martin, and Chaplin (2012) and Ozanne, Hill, and Wright (1998) who found that material goods have a heightened importance to youth in impoverished communities, despite having fewer opportunities, therefore resulting in increased delinquency.

Perhaps more concerning is that there are no signs of these messages subsiding. Although advertising to younger children is regulated, adolescents and teenagers remain easy targets. In fact, Chaplin et al. (2014) called for a focus on ways in which the self-esteem of impoverished youth can be affected, rather than marketing regulations, knowing materialism will continue to be preached to this vulnerable population through various means that cannot be controlled. This is clearly evident in these writing samples with specific references to rap artists, hip hop music, and heavily commercialized brand names.

Barriers and Obstacles in Attaining Goals

In reentry programs in juvenile corrections facilities, youth are taught that they need to get an education and get a job to avoid coming back. Some such programs include MAP (Making a Map: Finding My Way Back) from the University of Minnesota’s Institute on Community Integration (University of Minnesota, 2013), Project STAY OUT (Strategies Teaching Adolescent Young Offenders With Disabilities to Use Transition Skills) by the University of Oregon (Model Demonstration Coordination Center, 2015), and Project RISE (Re-Entry Intervention and Support for Engagement) by Arizona State University (2012). Education and employment are important factors in successful reentry and desistence of offending (VanderPyl, 2015). The missing part of the message, however, is the level of income likely associated with specific educational achievements and types of jobs or careers. Without a realistic view of what they will face on release and a plan for overcoming barriers, the likelihood of youth reoffending is actually increased (Agnew, 2001; Wright et al., 2001). By not acknowledging the attainability of unrealistic goals and planning for inevitable barriers and obstacles youth will face, they are, in fact, being set up for failure. Preparing youth for this likely experience would enhance the above-listed reentry programs.

Limitations

Although youth voice is the cornerstone of this study, the overall methodology is still only a beginning toward including youth and their perspectives in studies about themselves. To include youth voice in seeking answers about materialism, this study uses existing data that were not gathered to answer the specific question posed in this study. As a result, it is merely one step forward from the critiques described herein. In addition, the generalizability is limited to similar populations of youth, whether at risk, currently incarcerated, or reentering the community. They are each inundated with messages of materialism from multiple sources within society.

Conclusion

Although frequently studied, materialism and strain have yet to be adequately measured and correlated to delinquent or criminal behavior. What is quite clear, however, is that youth are inundated with messages of materialism, and are not provided the appropriate supports to discontinue its employment as a motivating or justifying factor in delinquent behavior. This study shows that youth are struggling with their own reconciliation of materialism versus barriers in their own lives. They are unlikely or unable to make the logical leaps between being taught they need to gain education and employment as a means to avoid reoffending and what that looks like in their own lives. As a result, it is important for practitioners to help youth process this understanding and for scholars to discontinue making assumptions based on inaccurate measurements and operational definitions.

This study provided a beginning to the conversation of including youth in studies about themselves and learning from them how materialism affects their decisions. More such research is needed on this topic and with the voice of the youth themselves as the centerpiece. Quantitative studies, by their very nature, are not able to provide the kind of insight needed to understand how youth are processing messages of materialism and the impact these messages have on reoffending. By spending time with and interviewing youth, much as Anderson (1999) and Fader (2013) did, to gain the youth perspectives, scholars and practitioners will be able to learn from them some possibilities for addressing the impact of materialism and strategies for abatement. It would be especially helpful to learn from youth who were incarcerated for economically motivated offenses. It is by including and learning from the youth that practitioners and scholars have the most to gain in improving policies and programming specifically addressing the toxic impact of materialism.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Taryn VanderPyl

Notes

Taryn VanderPyl, PhD, is an assistant professor of criminal justice, law, and society at Pacific University in Forest Grove, Oregon. Her research focuses on improving outcomes of youth in the juvenile justice system through interventions for at-risk youth, educational and rehabilitative programming for incarcerated youth, and reintegration supports.

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