Abstract
The aim of the study was to identify the contextual factors and socialization experiences most salient to the identity development of African American girls. Seventeen African American young women participated in dyadic focus groups. Themes that emerged included exposure to stereotypes, negative classroom environments, and parental and peer socialization that fostered self-determination and positive identity development. Implications for interventions and future research are included.
Social identity is an aspect of an individual’s self-concept that derives from knowledge of membership in a group along with the emotional significance connected to it (Tajfel, 1974). The development of social identity includes understanding social categorization, assessing the potential for group membership to make some positive contribution to positive social identity, and then integrating, altering, or discarding components of the social category into self-concept. According to social identity theory, then, adolescents must integrate messages received from multiple contexts and sources embedded in these contexts with their own lived experiences. Indeed, racial identity theorists have postulated that both private regard, internal feelings of racial group membership along with public regard, perceptions of others’ reactions to racial group membership are important components of identity development (Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998). It is important to critically examine the interplay of contextual influences on African American female adolescents’ lives as they develop a sense of gendered racial identity, the intersection of racial and gender identity. The context in which African American young girls and women develop includes the backdrop of oppression and discrimination, a “double jeopardy” status of being in two devalued groups.
Contextual Influences of Development
According to the Bronfenbrenner (1979) model, individuals develop within both proximal and distal contexts, from the immediate family, including parenting and socialization messages, peers, schools, and neighborhoods, to larger contextual systems, including the media, societal norms, sociopolitical ideology, and so on. African American parents and extended family members are instrumental in helping children to develop positive self-concept and racial identity through racial socialization, the preparation of children to accept adult roles and responsibilities (Hughes et al., 2006). Gendered racial socialization messages ready African American girls for their “double jeopardy” status. Girls receive messages on racial pride, education, premarital sex and relationships with men, psychological and financial independence, and physical beauty (Thomas & King, 2007), are socialized to be strong, and are provided with “armoring,” the ability to withstand their “double jeopardy” status (Edmonson Bell & Nkomo, 1998; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003).
Despite the fact that many ecosystemic models highlight the importance of peer socialization on identity development, there is a paucity of literature on the peer influence on identity development of African Americans (American Psychological Association, 2008) and particularly of African American girls. It has been argued that peers’ perceptions of children behaving in ways that are stereotypically “Black” may influence identity and lead youth to develop concerns about their “Blackness” (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). Less attention has been given to the effect that teachers and classroom experiences have on the development of identity.
Exosystem Influences
The legacy of slavery has influenced perceptions of African Americans according to gender. Mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire—these societal images, largely historical, point to the limited roles that African American women are to play. Mammy, the slave who worked in the owner’s house serving as nanny and housekeeper, is portrayed as obese and dark-skinned with broad features, and perceived as nurturing, caretaking, selfless, and a good problem solver. Sapphire, associated with the Amos and Andy radio and television show, is perceived as nagging, controlling of men, harsh, loud, and argumentative. Jezebel is seen as sexy, seductive, and always desirous of sex (Thomas, Speight, & Witherspoon, 2005). Modern variants of these images are seen in hip hop videos that have expanded and blended the stereotype of Jezebel and Sapphire together (Stephens & Phillips, 2003), forming a modern Jezebel (Townsend, Thomas, Neilands, & Jackson, 2010). The other modern image of African American women is that of Superwoman or Strong Black woman, who is portrayed as strong and independent (Mitchell & Herring, 1998). Research is beginning to explore how these roles for African American girls are influencing identity development, but more is needed on girls’ perceptions of these images as a contextual layer of identity development.
This study seeks to explore the nature and relationship of contextual influences on the identity development of African American girls. While studies have been conducted in parental socialization, we were also interested in messages from peers and other adults. We used a qualitative approach to understand African American adolescents’ experiences of identity development and the influence of different socialization sources on their identity formation.
Method
Participants
Seventeen African American girls elected to participate; five self-identified as Black, seven as African American, one as a Black Latino, and four as other (two were Haitian and two were Caribbean). Ages ranged from 15 to 22 years, with a mean age of 17.61. Most participants were in high school: one freshman, two sophomores, three juniors, and five seniors. There was one college freshman, three college sophomores, and one college senior. Data were not collected on social class, although participants were intentionally recruited from diverse schools (see Procedures).
Focus Group Script
Participants were asked a series of questions regarding contextual influences on gendered racial identity. The first set of questions examined contextual influences, specifically stereotypes and media images. Questions included “What do you think about African American girls/women as a group or as people?,” “What do you think others think about African American girls or women?” Follow-up prompts included the following: “Think about some things you’ve heard others say and/or messages you’ve received from media outlets like television. What kind of stereotypes do people have about African American girls or women?” The second set of questions was on socialization messages: “Have you ever or do you ever talk to other people about what it means to be an African American young woman? If so, what do you talk about? What do people, such as your family or friends, tell you about what it means to be an African American girl or woman?”
Procedures
Dyadic focus groups (Piper-Mandy, DeLoach, & Rowe, 2003) were conducted at each of the sites. Dyadic focus groups include fewer participants who have already developed a social connection. In the dyadic focus groups, pairs of individuals are formed for the group, and groups are small (two to four participants) to enhance dialogue among members, foster an increased sense of communalism, an Afrocentric principle, and assist in developing increased comfort with both the researchers and the subject matter. Young women were invited to participate in focus groups and were invited to bring a friend. The benefit of this approach is that the young women responded to questions in a conversational style, possibly providing deeper and more meaningful answers.
One group (four participants) was conducted with participants from a private university laboratory high school whose population is predominantly White and whose parental income level is upper class, to capture identity concerns for young women in a majority White population whose level of racial salience may be heightened (Tatum, 1987). A second group of five students (one participant brought two friends) was conducted with students in a public high school whose student population is 90% African American and Latino, and whose students primarily receive free and reduced lunch. This group was selected to assess identity salience for young women whose neighborhood, school, and community backdrop may be more reflective of their cultural reference group. In each school, potential participants were recruited via school counselors from students on their caseloads. Students were given a flyer introducing the purpose of the study as an opportunity to speak with others regarding their “background, race, gender, and life experiences,” an assent form, and a parental consent form. Once young women agreed to participate and returned the consent forms to the school counselor, they were asked to invite a friend to the group; each additional person was then given the fliers and consent forms. Recruitment lasted 2 weeks until the groups were formed at each school.
A third focus group with five participants (one participant brought two friends) from a predominantly African American Baptist church was included to increase the number of students whose neighborhood, school, and community predominantly reflected their cultural group (70%-80% ethnic minority, predominantly middle and upper-middle class. Participants were recruited via an announcement in a church bulletin. Finally, a focus group from a predominantly White university was added to assess for developmental differences of participants. Students for this group were recruited through the diversity office on campus via e-mails, including fliers and consent forms. Recruitment ended when a group of five friends agreed to participate. Participants in the university group reported having attended both predominantly White and mixed ethnic group high schools in the past. Young women with completed parental consent forms were asked to complete their own assent forms and then participated in a 90-minute focus group. All participants were provided with a pizza party at the end of the focus groups, which acted as an incentive for participation and provided an opportunity for debriefing.
Focus groups were conducted by the authors, and members of a research team, comprising masters and doctoral students in counseling and counseling psychology. All facilitators participated in several meetings during the planning phase of this project and the majority of them had already taken an advanced qualitative research class required by their program. Facilitators were trained on data collection techniques and use of the focus group script prior to facilitating groups. Training included basic procedures for completing qualitative data collection, using the scripted prompts to advance discussion and restricting use of researcher-driven prompting that may lead to biased participant responses. The primary author (an African American woman) and one additional facilitator led each focus group. Group discussions began with a dialogue regarding any racial or gender differences if group facilitators were not African American women. No participants in any group expressed concern with being interviewed by non-African Americans.
Data Analysis
All the focus groups were audiotaped and transcribed for later data analysis by a team of masters and doctoral students who were new to the project. Once all the focus groups were finished, each recording and transcript was analyzed. The analysis was performed in two distinct waves because of the conversational style of the procedure and responses. First, individual team members independently coded each statement on content themes following the first two steps of grounded theory approach (Strauss & Corbin, 1998; Walker & Myrick, 2006). While theory building was not the goal of the analysis, we wanted to be able to verify the various effects of contexts on participants and to determine if certain presuppositions existed. Members of the team coded each statement according to content themes. Responses from participants were examined to find emergent themes and categories. Axial coding was used to determine relationships between categories and subcategories (Walker & Myrick, 2006) in the second wave of analysis.
Individual statements were coded only when 80% agreement occurred from team members regarding the content theme of the statements. Content themes were then further classified and collapsed into overarching content themes. Again, items were only placed within content themes if majority agreement was made. Individual statements were then given to a set of graduate assistants unfamiliar with the study but familiar with the content themes to rank agreement. Interrater agreement was found in 86% of the cases.
Results
We were interested in addressing the contextual influences on identity development, both proximal and distal factors. What emerged from the groups was the role that familial and peer socialization played in countering distal influences of stereotypical roles and media images. While the youth were not asked directly how the contextual factors influenced identity development, results suggest that the importance of self-determination and overcoming stereotypical roles based on socialization messages seemed to provide an outlet for positive identity development for girls. Results did not differ by age or social status of participants.
Contextual Influences
Distal Influences
Questions on distal contextual influences generated 85 responses, the majority (60%) of which included stereotypes, and seemed to serve as risk factors to positive identity development. Respondents indicated the pervasiveness of stereotypes, media images, and negative classroom experiences as barriers. The participants in this study clearly understood the historical images of African American women, naming specific stereotypes.
Like there are, like there’s a lot of stereotypes about like black women in general and it’s been that way since slavery. Like if you’re light skinned you’re supposed to be a Jezebel, if you’re bigger boned and darker skinned you’re a Mammy.
Stereotypes about African American women include being un- or undereducated, sexually promiscuous, “ghetto” or poor. Positive comments were made regarding the Superwoman image.
So, we should be, just strong, we’re supposed to be, that we should be strong . . . They say since black women had to go through slavery and have to, so you’re supposed to be strong and you’re supposed to be able to handle a lot of different pressures. (Jasmine, 15)
When asked about what others think about African American girls or women, participants frequently mentioned the media (30% of responses). The pervasiveness of media images in television, movies, music videos, and even commercials that perpetuate negative stereotypes made the girls feel angry and frustrated. Gabriella (22) stated, I know like, in the high school going to dances and everything, like I had a few white friends in high school, they immediately assume that you know how to shake your butt and like you know like you can do all these dances you see on the video. You’re like hold on a second, that’s not me. Do not attach me to that.
The most common media images of African American women that the participants described serve to reinforce their “double jeopardy” status by exploiting their sexuality. Diamond (19) commented, Like . . . that one commercial where it’s like guy he’s, he’s on a bus . . . And he starts looking at all the different people and he’s like “you guys fight. You guys do this, you guys do that.” As soon as he looks at the one and only black girl he’s like “you shake your butt, shake your booty.” And when I saw this, I was like wow, that’s exactly what they really think.
Finally, participants often found themselves in negative classroom environments where acts of oppression or insensitivity went unnoticed or unaddressed by teachers (15% of responses). They were often disappointed with negative expectations expressed by teachers as well. Participants were often suspicious of teachers and found themselves needing to monitor their own perceptions to determine whether a teacher’s behavior was driven by racism. Shawntrice (15) responded, You know if the teacher goes up to some student and says “Oh you’re doing great, if you keep it up you can get an A in my class.” And I’m just really catching hell from this teacher it’s just like “That was racist. I’m black and she didn’t’ say that to me.”
Proximal Influences
Questions that focused on more proximal influences on identity focused on conversations and socialization experiences with family, peers, other adults, and in schools. There were 60 responses generated from the questions. The girls in this study discussed the importance of gendered racial socialization in their identity development. Messages from parents, grandparents, and other adults helped them to process negative stereotypes and media images. Familial and peer influences seemed to serve as protective factors to positive identity development.
Peer Socialization
Participants discussed peer socialization experiences (10% of responses), citing how helpful it is to receive peer support around racial issues. Conversations with peers occurred in discussing African conditions or experiences of oppression. Allanah (15) stated, I think that when me and my friends talk about race you know we, we often talk about what it means to be a black man a lot . . . And then it kinda veers towards you know well, we can’t forget about the struggle of the black woman, too. And we talk about, I don’t know. It’s usually like not so much how negative we feel about being black but how we feel . . .
Conversations differed with White peers and peers of color. Some participants felt that they needed to explain more about their culture with white peers, whereas they could receive support with other African Americans. The connection with shared experiences of others around oppression allowed the girls to “transcend” race and to be feel positively. Sheila (15) stated, I agree with what everyone’s saying . . . it just helps you vent and know that there’s other people . . . And you can just be like ‘yeah! I know! I understand . . . at least I know I’m not the only one who thinks this is unfair or that this happens to me all the time. It’s nice. You can go around proving people wrong all day but if you can just talk to someone like you about what you have to do instead of kinda like trying to be a, step out of your blackness or whatever and . . . (laughs)
Parental Socialization
Most of the girls reported on how instrumental their parents were in helping them to navigate oppression and bolster their self-esteem and positive gendered racial identity (25% of responses). Parents helped by exposing girls to cultural events and activities, providing positive messages that countered negative messages, promoting education and achievement (25% of responses), and stressing self-pride (45%). Most parents served as role models for overcoming adversity and oppression, which also served to inspire the girls.
Subtheme 1: Self-determination
One of the most important messages that parents, and mostly mothers, conveyed to their daughters was the importance of self-determination. Mothers seemed to want the participants to understand the importance of rising above stereotypes and being self-reliant and independent. Aaliyah (16) stated, So I go to an Afrocentric church and uh, my mother is often, she’s been really serious about you know really giving it into my hands. “You are a woman and you are black. So you, that’s just a double whammy made against you. So you really have to go against the grain.” And whether or not that’s a stereotype or a double standard it’s very true. You know not only are you a woman you have to already be you know go the extra mile so that you can be as equal to men. But you’re a black woman, too and you need to be comfortable within your skin and you need to you know, she’s always been very um, very serious about you know accepting your wide nose and your skin color and your body type.
The sense of self-determination extended to interpersonal relationships and issues of intimacy. African American women today, for example, are less likely to marry than women of any other ethnic group (Thomas, Barrie, & Tynes, 2008), and the parents of the girls wanted to prepare them for both psychological and financial independence.
Subtheme 2: Education
Parents, whether the girls attended public or private schools, stressed the importance of achievement. When Shania (16) commented on conversations regarding gendered racial identity, she had trouble pinpointing issues outside of education.
I do (talk to my parents) . . . But even going to this school (Academy), in my family makes me like the epitome I guess of what a black woman should be. I mean not should be but what we can be.
Discussion
This study sought to understand the role of contextual influences on the gendered racial identity development of African American female adolescents, and two major findings emerged: (a) the role of distal contextual factors, including stereotypes and media images and (b) the importance of proximal socialization messages from family and peers. The ecosystems in these participants’ lives clearly influence their sense of themselves. The influence of parents and extended family seemed to help shape the girls in a positive fashion, highlighting the need for gendered racial identity socialization as a coping mechanism for oppression.
Societal images and stereotypes have the potential to shape the girls’ perceptions of themselves and served as potential risk factors to positive identity development. They can recognize and in many instances name the historical images that have been used to shape perceptions of their cultural group as perpetrated by the mass media. Others, both Whites and other ethnic minorities, use the historic images and their modern counterparts to define their expectations of the African American women (Thomas et al., 2005). Prior research with African American young women suggests that they can endorse stereotypical roles of African American women and that stereotypes influence behaviors (Townsend et al., 2010). The participants in the study often felt assaulted by teachers and school personnel. Facing nonsupportive teachers and unsafe classroom environments may make it a challenge for girls to develop a positive self-concept. One implication from the results is that the girls engaged in active coping to buffer negative images or stereotypes presented either from media, peers, or other adults. These participants may have sources of resilience that other girls may not. Participants discussed negative experiences from school peers, teachers, and within the classroom, but did not discuss how these related to their identity, more to levels of comfort in the classroom or the effect on performance. More research is needed in this area.
The participants in this study expect to exceed the expectations from others, beliefs bolstered by the socialization messages they receive from their parents and extended family members. African American parents have the task of raising children to have positive self-concepts in a racist and sometimes hostile environment via the process of racial socialization (Hughes et al., 2006). The participants’ families in this study stress education, independence, and perseverance, themes found in other studies on gendered racial socialization (Thomas & King, 2007). They provide techniques for overcoming individual acts of oppression and negative images. This socialization is the first component of promoting positive identity development for girls, the first steps to developing a positive self-concept as an African American woman.
Clinical Implications
Individual and group interventions can help African American young women learn to psychologically disengage their self-esteem from negative feedback and stereotypes (Major, Spencer, Schmader, Wolfe, & Crocker, 1998) and to build critical consciousness. They can offer opportunities for African American female adolescents to recognize that certain parts of a stereotypic image, such as the characteristics of strength, confidence, and independence related to Superwoman, can be integrated in a way that will bolster their sense of self and self-esteem. Group therapy can be a powerful treatment modality as it allows adolescents to share their experiences and perspectives about what it means to grow up as an African American woman in today’s society. Support groups can help participants share experiences of discrimination and marginalization, receive emotional support and validation from participants, and discuss coping strategies that buffer the negative influences of media, stereotypes, and discrimination (Pack-Brown, Whittington-Clark, & Parker, 1998). Psychoeducational groups in particular could help African American adolescents gain awareness and insight about the unique challenges that they face while also facilitating the development of skills and strategies that promote self-esteem, future education, career orientations, and psychological well-being. Psychologists can also help families to strengthen gendered racial socialization strategies. Greene (1992) suggests that counselors help families with racial socialization by helping them to research through literature and family stories and develop specific coping strategies.
Limitations and Future Research
While this study helps to shed light on contextual issues of gendered racial identity for African American young women, there are some limitations for the study. For example, the small sample size raises concerns with generalizability of the findings. There is a fair amount of diversity within the sample and saturation was reached during coding, but the sample may not represent the heterogeneity within African American young women. The study may not fully address other contextual factors, including religious institutions, community or sociopolitical organizations, or mentors. Additionally, the participants chose to participate in a study regarding race and gender, and they may have had higher levels of race consciousness and resilience regarding stereotypes, particularly participants selected through the university diversity office.
Future research should be conducted to assess contextual influences of development for African American girls. For example, young women and girls could complete daily diaries in which they reflect on aspects of identity and significant events or experiences that influence their self-perceptions. Future research also needs to examine the influence of negative images on gendered racial identity development and the relationship to psychological functioning and protective factors that influence resilience related to positive gendered racial identity. Studies also need to include analysis of the influence of the intersection of race, gender, and class. Longitudinal studies would also provide information about psychological and academic correlates and outcomes of positive gendered racial identity development.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.